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Wednesday, May 14, 2014

[chottala.com] Film director Faruki status



Film director Faruki status
মোস্তফা সরয়ার ফারুকীর দু'টি স্ট্যাটাস নিয়ে তোলপাড় চালছে। স্ট্যাটাস দু'টির একটিতে ফারুকী একতরফা ভারতীয় চলচ্চিত্র বাংলাদেশের সিনেমা হলগুলোতে প্রদর্শনের যৌক্তিকতা নিয়ে প্রশ্ন তোলেন।. . . ৪৩ বছর কেটে গেল। বাজার গেছে, আকাশ গেছে, পত্রিকার পাতাগুলো গেছে, চিন্তা গেছে, সিনেমা হলটা বাকি ছিল, এবার সেটাও যাচ্ছে।
 
অপর স্ট্যাটাস ট্রানজিট ও তিস্তার পানির হিস্যা বিষয়ে ভারতীয় কর্তৃপক্ষের কড়া সমালোচনা করেন মোস্তফা সরয়ার ফারুকী।
 
(Please click to read Amar Desh report 15 May 2014)
http://www.amardeshonline.com/pages/details/2014/05/15/244026#.U3PMhIFdXfI 
The report is as follows: 
 
ফেসবুকে ফারুকীর স্ট্যাটাসে তোলপাড় : 'যে দেশের মন্ত্রীর একমাত্র এজেন্ডা ভারতের ছবি আমদানি, সে দেশের ভবিষ্যত্ চরম উজ্জ্বল'
ডেস্ক রিপোর্ট
সামাজিক যোগাযোগ মাধ্যম ফেসবুকে চলচ্চিত্রকার মোস্তফা সরয়ার ফারুকীর দু'টি স্ট্যাটাস নিয়ে তোলপাড় চালছে। স্ট্যাটাস দু'টির একটিতে ফারুকী একতরফা ভারতীয় চলচ্চিত্র বাংলাদেশের সিনেমা হলগুলোতে প্রদর্শনের যৌক্তিকতা নিয়ে প্রশ্ন তোলেন। 
এতে তিনি লেখেন, 'কলকাতার পত্রিকার পাতায় আমরা এখনও মহকুমার চেয়েও ছোট। কিন্তু আমাদের পাতায় ওরা সুপার পাওয়ার। আমাদের টিভি ওখানে কৌশলে বন্ধ, আমাদের এখানে ওদের টিভি সানি লিওনের মতো খোলা। আরও একশ'টা ইন্ডিকেটর দেখানো যাবে যেটা আসলে বন্ধুত্বের কথা বলে না। বললে ভালো হতো। বোঝা গেছে জিনিসটা?'
এতে তিনি ভারত কি আদৌ আমাদের ছবি চালাতে আন্তরিক কিনা, তাদের দিক থেকে কোনো রকম আইওয়াশ বা শুভঙ্করের অংক আছে কিনা—এসব বিষয়ে খোলা মন নিয়ে কাজ করা দরকার বলেও মন্তব্য করেন। 
অপর স্ট্যাটাস ট্রানজিট ও তিস্তার পানির হিস্যা বিষয়ে ভারতীয় কর্তৃপক্ষের কড়া সমালোচনা করেন মোস্তফা সরয়ার ফারুকী। এতে তিনি ভারতীয় ছবির আমদানির বিষয়ে সংশ্লিষ্ট মন্ত্রীর কড়া সমালোচনা করেন। 
স্ট্যাটাসটি হুবহু তুলে ধরা হলো
'দাদাবাড়ির মাঝি নাদের আলী বলেছিলো ট্রানজিট দে, দেখিস একদিন তিস্তা দিয়ে দিবো। জঙ্গি হটা, বাণিজ্য ঘাটতি কমিয়ে দিবো।' দাদা সব নিয়ে নিয়েছে। দেয়নি কিছু, আমাদেরও দেখা হয়নি কিছুই, ৪৩ বছর কেটে গেল। বাজার গেছে, আকাশ গেছে, পত্রিকার পাতাগুলো গেছে, চিন্তা গেছে, সিনেমা হলটা বাকি ছিল, এবার সেটাও যাচ্ছে। যে দেশের মন্ত্রীর একমাত্র এজেন্ডা মনে হয় ভারতের ছবি আমদানি (তাও আবার ভারতের সবচেয়ে অখাদ্য ছবিগুলো), যে দেশের মন্ত্রী মনে করে বাংলাদেশের সিনেমার উন্নতির একমাত্র উপায় ভারতের ছবি আনা এবং আমাদের ডিস্ট্রিবিউশন নেটওয়ার্ক ভারতীয় কোনো সংস্থাকে দেয়া, সে দেশের ভবিষ্যত্ চরম উজ্জ্বল। এইরকম চিন্তাশীল মানুষ যদি দেশ চালায়, সে দেশের ভবিষ্যত্ উজ্জ্বল না হয়ে পারে না। আশা করি অন্যান্য দেশও (যাদের সিনেমার অবস্থা খারাপ) আমাদের দৃষ্টান্ত অনুসরণ করে চলচ্চিত্র বিপ্লব সাধন করবে।
বিঃদ্রঃ পাশে বসা ছোটো ভাই বললো, 'দুই দেশের ছবি না বিনিময় হওয়ার কথা'। আমি তাকে পুনরায় 'নাদের আলী'র কবিতা পড়তে বললাম
খুশি হয়ে ছোট্ট ভাই আমাকে 'জলবায়ু পরিবর্তন মোকাবেলায় জঙ্গি দমনের গুরুত্ব' বিষয়ে একটা বক্তৃতার রিপোর্ট ধরিয়ে দিয়ে বললো, 'দেশ চালাতে এইরকম প্রতিভাই আসলে দরকার!'
আমি বললাম 'এইরকম একটা মন্ত্রী তুই ফুসলিয়ে নরেন্দ্র মোদিকে দিয়ে দে। আমরা বেঁচে যাই!'
 
 
 
 
 


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[chottala.com] নূর হোসেনের মাসোহারা পেতেন বিএনপি নেতারাও!



Wed, 14 May, 2014 10:06 PM
বিশ্বজিত দাস, জেলা প্রতিনিধি, বাংলামেইল২৪ডটকম

নারায়ণগঞ্জ: সাত খুনের মামলার প্রধান আসামি নূর হোসেন এক সময় ছিলেন ট্রাকচালক। ২০০৮ সালের ৩০ ডিসেম্বর মহাজোট ক্ষমতায় আসার পরই সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জে অপরাধের সাম্রাজ্য গড়ে তুলেন তিনি। নূর হোসেনের যেমন ম্যানেজে ছিল আওয়ামী লীগ নেতা থেকে শুরু করে প্রশাসনের বিভিন্ন স্তরের কর্মকর্তা তেমনি জেলা ও সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির নেতারাও। তার সাম্রাজ্যের অর্জিত টাকার ভাগ যেতো আওয়ামী লীগের নেতা, প্রশাসনের বিভিন্ন স্তরের কর্মকর্তা এবং স্থানীয় বিএনপির শীর্ষ নেতাদের পকেটে। নূর হোসেনের আস্তানায় বিএনপির বিভিন্ন স্তরের নেতাদের দেখা গেছে অনেকবার। মাঝারি সারির নেতাদেরকে দিয়ে নিয়মিত মাসোহারা পকেটে ভরতেন শীর্ষ নেতারা। এমনকি হেফাজতের লংমার্চসহ অন্যান্য কর্মসূচিতেও নূর হোসেন মোটা অংকের টাকা প্রদান করেছিলেন। নারায়ণগঞ্জের সেভেন মার্ডারের ঘটনা তদন্ত করতে গিয়ে গোয়েন্দা সংস্থা এসব তথ্য উদঘাটন করেছে।

নূর হোসেন আওয়ামী লীগের রাজনীতির সঙ্গে জড়িত থাকলেও তার ছোটভাই মোহাম্মদ নূর উদ্দিন সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক। মূলত তার মাধ্যমেই নূর হোসেনের সঙ্গে বিএনপির বর্তমান নেতাদের সখ্যতা গড়ে উঠে। সম্পৃক্ত নেতাদের মধ্যে রয়েছেন ফতুল্লা থানা বিএনপির সভাপতি মোহাম্মদ শাহ আলম, সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির আহ্বায়ক আলী হোসেন প্রধান, সদস্য সচিব অধ্যাপক মামুন মাহমুদ।

মোহাম্মদ নূর উদ্দিন মিয়া বিএনপির রাজনীতির সঙ্গে জড়িত থাকলেও মহাজোট সরকারের আমলে তিনি পেয়েছেন শর্টগানের লাইসেন্স। ভাই নূর হোসেনই তাকে শর্টগানের লাইসেন্স পাইয়ে দেন। যদিও গত ৫ মে প্রশাসন সেই অস্ত্রের লাইসেন্স বাতিল করেছে। সেভেন মার্ডারের পর থেকে নূর হোসেনের ছোটভাই নূর উদ্দিন পলাতক রয়েছেন।

এও অভিযোগ আছে, অন্যতম প্রতিপক্ষ বিএনপি দলীয় সাবেক এমপি গিয়াসউদ্দিনকে কোণঠাসা করতে সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপি নেতাদের টাকা দিয়ে চাঙা রাখতেন নূর হোসেন। গিয়াসউদ্দিন যাতে বিএনপির আলোচনায় আসতে না পারেন সেজন্য জেলা বিএনপির একজন শীর্ষ নেতার সঙ্গে তরুণ দলের এক নেতার মাধ্যমে পরোক্ষ সখ্যতা গড়ে তুলেন তিনি। আর সে সূত্র ধরেই এক সময়ের যুবদল নেতা মিয়া নূর উদ্দিনকে সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করা হয়। এর পেছনে ছিলেন জেলা বিএনপির সভাপতি অ্যাডভোকেট তৈমুর আলম খন্দকার, সাধারণ সম্পাদক কাজী মনিরুজ্জামান, সহ-সভাপতি মোহাম্মদ শাহ আলম।

খোঁজ নিয়ে জানা গেছে, নারায়ণগঞ্জ জেলা বিএনপির সহ-সভাপতি শাহ আলমের সঙ্গে নূর উদ্দিনের ছিল ভালো সম্পর্ক। নূর উদ্দিন সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জের রাজনীতি করলেও মূলত ফতুল্লাতেই ছিল তার দাপট। কুতুবপুরের বিএনপি নেতা নজরুল ইসলাম পান্না মোল্লার বন্ধু নূর উদ্দিনের নিয়মিত যাতায়াত ছিল শাহ আলমের ফতুল্লার বাসাতে। এর রেশ ধরেই নূর হোসেনের সঙ্গে সম্পর্ক গড়ে উঠে শাহ আলমের। গত বছরের শেষের দিকে সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জের শিমরাইল মোড়ের টেকপাড়াতে নতুন একটি বিলাসবহুল ভবন উদ্বোধন করেন নূর হোসেন। এ উপলেক্ষে একটি মেজবান পার্টির আয়োজন করেন তিনি। সেখানে শাহ আলম দীর্ঘ সময় উপস্থিত ছিলেন।
এ ব্যাপারে কথা বলার জন্য বুধবার বিকেলে শাহ আলমের মোবাইলে একাধিকবার ফোন করলেও তিনি রিসিভ করেননি।

নারায়ণগঞ্জ সিটি করপোরেশনের প্যানেল মেয়র নজরুল ইসলাম ও অ্যাডভোকেট চন্দন সরকারসহ ৭ জনের লাশ উদ্ধারের পর পুলিশের অভিযানে নূর হোসেনের ওই বিলাসবহুল বাড়ি থেকে রক্তমাখা হাইএস গাড়ি উদ্ধারসহ ১৬ জনকে আটক করা হয়েছিল।

সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির ভারপ্রাপ্ত আহ্বায়ক আলী হোসেন প্রধান, সদস্য সচিব অধ্যাপক মামুন মাহমুদ, যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক মনিরুল ইসলাম রবি, মুক্তিযোদ্ধা কামাল হোসেনসহ আরো বেশ কয়েকজন নেতার সঙ্গেও নূর হোসেনের লেনদেন ছিল বলে অভিযোগ। মূলত এসব নেতারাই মিয়া মোহাম্মদ নূর উদ্দিনকে সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করতে লবিং ও সুপারিশ করছিলেন। আর এর পেছনের মূল কারিগর ছিলেন জেলা বিএনপির সহ-সভাপতি ও ফতুল্লা থানা বিএনপির সভাপতি শাহ আলম।

এদিকে নারায়ণগঞ্জ জেলা বিএনপির একজন প্রভাবশালী ও শীর্ষ নেতার সঙ্গেও ছিল নূর হোসেনের সম্পর্ক। খোঁজ নিয়ে জানা গেছে, ওই নেতা মূলত জেলা তরুণ দলের সভাপতি টিএইচ তোফার মাধ্যমে নূর হোসেনের সঙ্গে লিয়াজো করাতেন। তোফা প্রতি মাসে নূর হোসেনের কাছ থেকে ২ লাখ টাকা এনে ওই শীর্ষ নেতাকে দিতেন।

তরুণ দলের সভাপতি টিএইচ তোফা আর্থিক লেনদনের বিষয়টি অস্বীকার করলেও বিভিন্ন বিচার শালিসের ব্যাপারে নূর হোসেনের অফিসে তার যাতায়াত ছিল বলে স্বীকার করেন। সেই সঙ্গে একটি গভীর নলকূপ, এলাকার একটি মসজিদ ও মাদরাসার উন্নয়নের জন্য নূর হোসেনের কাছ থেকে দেড় লাখ টাকা নেয়ার কথা স্বীকার করেছেন বাংলামেইলের কাছে।

এছাড়াও তিনি দাবি করেন, নূর উদ্দিনকে থানা বিএনপির যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক বানানোর পেছনে অধ্যাপক মামুন মাহমুদের জোর লবিং ও সুপারিশ ছিল। মামুন মাহমুদের পাশাপাশি আরো যারা সুপারিশ করেছিলেন তাদের মধ্যে সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির ভারপ্রাপ্ত আহবায়ক আলী হোসেন প্রধান, যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক মনিরুল ইসলাম রবি, মুক্তিযোদ্ধা কামালউদ্দিনসহ বেশ কয়েকজন নেতা ছিলেন।

তিনি আরো জানান, নূর উদ্দিনের পরিবর্তে তাকেই যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করার কথা ছিল। জেলা বিএনপির সভাপতি অ্যাডভোকেট তৈমুর আলম খন্দকার যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক হিসেবে তার নাম প্রস্তাবও করেছিলেন। কিন্তু ওই নেতাদের কারণে তার নাম বাদ দিয়ে নূর উদ্দিনকে যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করে কমিটির অনুমোদন দেন তৈমুর আলম খন্দকার ও কাজী মনিরুজ্জামান। এর মূল পরিকল্পনাকারী ছিলেন কাজী মনিরুজ্জামান ও শাহ আলম।

সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির ভারপ্রাপ্ত আহ্বায়ক আলী হোসেন প্রধান নূর হোসনের সঙ্গে আর্থিক লেনদেনের বিষয়টি অস্বীকার করে বাংলামেইলকে বলেন, 'একটি মহল আমাদের রাজনৈতিকভাবে হেয় করানোর জন্য নূর হোসেনের সঙ্গে আর্থিক লেনদেনের বিষয়টি সাংবাদিকদের কাছে মিথ্যা তথ্য দিয়ে বেড়াচ্ছে।'

নূর উদ্দিনকে টাকার বিনিময়ে থানা বিএনপির যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করা হয়েছে কি না সেটা তিনি জানেন না দাবি করে বলেন, '১৯৯১ সালে যখন জেলা বিএনপির সাধারণ সম্পাদক ছিলেন কমান্ডার সিরাজুল ইসলাম তখন জেলা যুবদলের সদস্য এবং সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা যুবদলের সাংগঠনিক সম্পাদক ছিলেন নূর উদ্দিন। এরপর তাকে সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক বানিয়েছেন জেলা বিএনপির নেতারা। ওই কমিটি তারা অনুমোদন দিয়েছেন।'
 
নূর উদ্দিনের বিরুদ্ধে এখনো কেনো ব্যবস্থা নেয়া হয়নি এমন প্রশ্নের উত্তরে তিনি বলেন, 'আমি নূর উদ্দিনের ব্যাপারে ব্যবস্থা নিতে জেলা বিএনপির নেতাদের জানিয়েছি। কিন্তু এখন পর্যন্ত তারা কোনো সিদ্ধান্ত আমাকে জানায়নি।'
 
সিদ্ধিরগঞ্জ থানা বিএনপির সদস্য সচিব অধ্যাপক মামুন মাহমুদ বাংলামেইলকে বলেন, 'আমি একজন অধ্যাপক মানুষ। সমাজে আমার একটা অবস্থান রয়েছে। নিচে নামলে কতোটা নিচে নামা যায় যে, আমি নূর হোসেনের কাছ থেকে টাকা নেব। আমার নিজেরই হাজারো কর্মী আছে। আর আমি যদি নূর হোসেনের কাছ থেকে টাকা নিতাম তাহলে আমার বিরুদ্ধে ৮টি মামলা হতো না। এর মধ্যে হেফাজতকর্মীদের সঙ্গে আইনশৃঙ্খলা রক্ষাকারী বাহিনীর সংঘর্ষে ৫টি মামলা আর ৩টি মামলা বিভিন্ন হরতাল ও আন্দোলন সংগ্রামের।'

নূর উদ্দিনকে যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করতে তার সুপারিশের বিষয়টি তিনি অস্বীকার করে বলেন, 'একজন সদস্য সচিব কীভাবে সুপারিশ করে? কমিটি হওয়ার আগে আমার নিজের জন্যই তো আমি সুপারিশ করতে পারি না। নূর উদ্দিনকে যুগ্ম-আহ্বায়ক করেছেন জেলা বিএনপি আর কেন্দ্রীয় কমিটির নেতারা।'

অভিযোগের বিষয়ে জেলা বিএনপির সভাপতি অ্যাডভোকেট তৈমুর আলম খন্দকার বাংলামেইলকে বলেন, 'এগুলো সব মিথ্যা কথা। এমন অভিযোগের কোনো সত্যতা নেই।'

এদিকে পুলিশের বিশেষ শাখার এক জেলা কর্মকর্তা নাম প্রকাশ না করা শর্তে বাংলামেইলকে বলেন, 'নূর হোসেন ৫ মে শাপলা চত্বরের কর্মসূচিতে আসার জন্য স্থানীয় হেফাজত নেতাদের টাকা দেন। এছাড়াও ২০১৩ সালের ১ মে কাঁচপুর বালুর মাঠে বিএনপি চেয়ারপারসন বেগম খালেদা জিয়ার শ্রমিক সমাবেশে ৫ লাখ টাকা দেন বলেও তথ্য পাওয়া গেছে।'

বাংলামেইল২৪ডটকম/ এস


  1. নূর হোসেনের 'সাম্রাজ্য' দখলে নিচ্ছেন বিএনপির গিয়াস! দায়ও ...

    নারায়ণগঞ্জে সাত খুনের মামলার প্রধান আসামি নূর হোসেনের অফিস, মার্কেট, বালুমহালসহ অবৈধ নানা প্রতিষ্ঠান বেদখল হয়ে যাচ্ছে। গত বৃহস্পতিবার সরেজমিন গিয়ে বিভিন্নজনের সঙ্গে কথা বলে জানা যায়, পলাতক নূর হোসেনের 'সাম্রাজ্য' দখল করে নিচ্ছেন বিএনপির সাবেক এমপি গিয়াস উদ্দিন ও তাঁর...


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[chottala.com] বুদ্ধ পূর্ণিমা উপলক্ষে বি.সি,সি,ডি,আই বাংলা স্কুল এর পক্ষ থেকে মৈত্রীময় শুভেচ্ছা।



মহামতি গৌতম বুদ্ধের জন্ম, বোধি লাভ ও নির্বাণ লাভের স্মৃতিবিজড়িতশুভ বুদ্ধ পূর্ণিমা উপলক্ষে বি.সি,সি,ডি,আই বাংলা স্কুল এর পক্ষ থেকে দেশবাসীকে মৈত্রীময় শুভেচ্ছা।


For Video Message Link: BCCDI Bangla School | Facebook



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[chottala.com] বুদ্ধ পূর্ণিমা উপলক্ষে বি.সি,সি,ডি,আই বাংলা স্কুল এর পক্ষ থেকে মৈত্রীময় শুভেচ্ছা।



মহামতি গৌতম বুদ্ধের জন্ম, বোধি লাভ ও নির্বাণ লাভের স্মৃতিবিজড়িতশুভ বুদ্ধ পূর্ণিমা উপলক্ষে বি.সি,সি,ডি,আই বাংলা স্কুল এর পক্ষ থেকে দেশবাসীকে মৈত্রীময় শুভেচ্ছা।

For Video Message Link: Click Here
 


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[chottala.com] Re: Fwd: {North America Bangladeshi Community} WAKE UP BANGLADESH: MUSLIMS UPROOTED FROM ASSAM AND BURMA AS BEING BANGLADESHIS!b!




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বাংলাদেশের সীমানার দিকে চোখ তুলে তাকালে মাওলানা ভাসানীর অবিভাক্ত ভু খণ্ডের স্বপ্ন কে আমরা সত্যে পরিণত করবো! এবং আমারা প্রস্তুত আছি ।

পৃথিবীর সব বাংলা ভাষাভাষী জনগণ এক বাংলাদেশ এক ভূমির অধীনে নিয়ে আসবো । ইন্ডিয়া কে আমরা নিয়ে আসবো অথবা ইন্ডিয়া পার হয়ে চলে যাব।

আমরা পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সহ ভারতের বাংলাভাষী অ অন্য ভাষাভাষী জনগণ কে এই সত্য উপলব্ধি করার আহব্বান জানাই !

তাদের ভূমি , তাদের সম্পদ সব কিছু বাংলাদেশে নামক ভূমির অন্তর্ভুক্ত হওয়া উচিত ।ভারতের নয়। এবং আমরা তা করে ছাড়বো। ইনশা"আল্লাহ। TANVIR CHOWDHURY


On Mon, May 12, 2014 at 5:02 AM, Abu Taha <abutaharahman@yahoo.com> wrote:
Thanks for your news
 
Shaik Abdul Rahman
Vijayawada
India
On Sunday, May 11, 2014 7:12 PM, Abid Bahar <abid.bahar@gmail.com> wrote:




On Sun, May 11, 2014 at 12:41 AM, Abid Bahar <abid.bahar@gmail.com> wrote:
WAKE UP BANGLADESH:
MUSLIMS UPROOTED
FROM ASSAM AND BURMA
AS BEING BANGLADESHIS!

Abid Bahar

Video: Riots and killings: Oppression of Muslims in Assam, India | 28 July 


Who let Assam Burn - 2 of 2 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YMLDrpQVUM8




Hindu-Muslim marriage: No place for politics?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dWFKa-AUpY4
May 6 (3 days ago)


Guest post by NILIM DUTTA The recent spate of violence that began in the Kokrajhar district of Assam in the month of July 2012 and then spread to...
 

এক সাগর রক্তে কেনা এটাই কি স্বাধীন বাংলাদেশ ?
আমার মায়ের বুকের উপর দিয়ে ওদের ভারী যান বহন আসা যাওয়া করছে, আর পনীর পিপাসায়ে আমার মায়ের বুকফেটে যাচ্ছে।
সেই মায়ের সন্তান হয়ে,
আমি কি একটা প্রতিবাদ ও করবো না?


INDIAN BLESSINGS TO BANGLADESH!
In one West Bengal district, Bangladeshi Hindu refugees attempt to oust Indian Muslims
Narendra Modi's threat to deport Bangladeshi Muslims has emboldened Hindu refugees in Uttar Dinajpur.




Over the decades, West Bengal hasn't paid much attention to controversies about illegal Bangladeshi migrants. But this election season, the Bharatiya Janata Party has sought to change that. In recent speeches, their prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has declared that only those who worship Durga can live in Bengal. The rest will be deported when he comes to power, Modi warned.

In Uttar Dinajpur, a district in West Bengal bordering Bangladesh, those remarks are being fervently debated at roadside stalls. However, Modi's suggestion that Durga-worshipping Hindu migrants from Bangladesh would be given refuge while Bangladeshi Muslims would be expelled doesn't reflect the complexity on the ground.

In this district, the children of Hindu refugees who fled Bangladesh in the 1970s have cast themselves as rivals to Bengali-speaking Muslim Badiyas or Bhatiyas who moved to Uttar Dinajpur from other parts of West Bengal about two decades ago.

"They say they come from Malda and Murshidabad to this side but that is plain lie," declared Tapas Sarkar, a youth from Ramkrishnapur village, whose parents came to India in 1969 from Rangpur in Bangladesh. "How could there be so many people there? They hide it that they come from Bangladesh."

Sarkar and other young refugees claim that the increase in the number of Muslim Bhatiyas has changed the demography of the region and are worried that these regional migrants have begun to exert a greater influence on local affairs.

These second-generation Bangladeshi migrants have found support in the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has even organised campaigns in the neighbouring Kishanganj district to evict Bhatiyas from the area, claiming that they are illegal Bangladeshis.

With Modi's recent anti-migrant comments, many young second-generation refugees find their claims bolstered by the broader national discourse around illegal Bangladeshi migrants. Not surprisingly, many of these young people voted for the BJP this time.

For their part, the Bhatiyas point out that targeting them would only hurt the local agricultural economy, for which they provide the bulk of the labour. "Is it a crime even to move from one district to another in India?" asked Abdul Matin, a homeopathy doctor in Chakulia. "The BJP knows  that talking about Bangladeshi outsiders is just like raising anti-reservation pitch time to time"  –  it will reap political benefits just by raising the issue, he said.

Ironically, the local population of Surjapuri Hindus and Muslims, who are known as "deshi" or "native" people, is not quite as exercised about migration. "All people have come to our region because it's one of the most fertile lands in Bengal," said Manabendro Das, a school teacher in Chakulia. "Why treat them differently according to their religion?"

Though the outsiders don't alarm Kamruzzaman, a Surjapuri Muslim from the same village, Modi's comments do. "He just wants to find an excuse to target Muslims," he said. "Today the BJP wants to evict Bhatiyas and tomorrow they will target us."

It isn't just tensions between Hindu refugees and Bhatiya Muslims that are playing out in Uttar Dinajpur. There are also old resentments between "deshi" Surjapuri Muslims and Bangladeshi Hindu migrants. The deshi Muslims claim that when Bangladeshi refugees were settled in Chakulia and nearby Kanki in the 1970s, they were allocated land that had been usurped from local Muslims. There were even riots at the time to protest this.

Narayan Chandra Sarkar, retired headmaster of Chakulia High School, is among the Bangladeshi refugees who has benefited from the hospitality of the deshis. He said he was grateful to the deshis for helping him build a new life. "I came from Bangladesh in 1967 with a graduate degree from Rajshahi University," he said. "I was unemployed and had family problems. So with the help of a local relative, I came over to this side and joined my school."

Unlike his younger relatives, Sarkar voted for the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and he too was wary of Modi's comments on Bangladeshi migrants. "Garib manusher abar desh ki?" he asked. Do the poor have any nation?
---------------------------------------------------------

Is India a budding hegemon or a regional leader?

Habib Siddiqui
Thirty years ago, Indian political scientist, writer and foreign affairs commentator (late) Dr. Bhabani Sen Gupta wrote in the India Today, "The Indian elephant cannot transform itself into a mouse. If South Asia is to get itself out of the crippling binds of conflicts and cleavages, the six will have to accept the bigness of the seventh. And the seventh, that is India, will have to prove to the six that big can indeed be beautiful." ["The Big Brother Syndrome", India Today, April 30, 1984]

Has the Indian elephant proven its case that it is beautiful, and not an ugly beast? Before we try to explore the issue, it may be proper to get used to the term 'hegemony'; after all, India is viewed as a hegemonic power by all her neighbors – from Bangladesh in the east to Pakistan in the west, from Nepal and Bhutan in the north to Sri Lanka in the south.

Hegemony is the privileged exercise of power in complete disregard to the interests of other states. Joshua Goldstein defines the term hegemony as "being able to dictate, or at least dominate, the rules and arrangements by which international relations, political and economic, are conducted."

The power that a state possesses in a community of nations is measured either by a quantification of the elements of national power, which includes both the tangible elements like national population, GDP, military expenditure, technological capabilities and intangible elements like national morale and quality of leadership, or a perception that other states have in regard to that state. Perception is psychosomatically rooted in what and how of the others' behavior in international interaction. It is conditioned to circumstances, duration of time and historical experience, and may not really be true.

Leadershipregional or global, on the other hand, does not reflect only one country's national interest; it reflects the common interest of a group of states in the regional or global order.

Hegemony and leadership emerge from the same sources of power elements, but essentially differ in the mode of power projection and reception creating different models of inter-state relations.

Power is perceived as leadership when its exercise is characterized by the following: i) encourage maximum involvement and participation, ii) diffusion of responsibility, iii) reinforcing inter-state contacts, iv) initiation of new ideas, and v) defending and advancing common group interest.

When power is distributed unevenly, political leaders and theorists use terms such as empire and hegemony.

The exercise of power is perceived as hegemonic behavior when it is characterized by the following: i) changing the rules rather than adapting to policies to the existing rules, ii) enjoying special rights for advancing hegemonic interests, iii) voluntary responsibility for group development is assumed, with focus on individual development, iv) group goals and strategies are defined by the hegemon which may or may not promote group interests, and v) code of conduct is framed for directing and regulating behavior of individual states.

Is India a hegemonic power? As to her tangible, quantifiable power, here are some undeniable facts to consider. India occupies a unique position in the South Asian region by dint of occupying nearly 72 percent of the land surface in South Asia, being a home of 77 percent of the region's population, and accounting for nearly 75 percent of the regional economic output.

As noted above, by the virtue of its size, location and economic potential, India claims a regional leadership position for herself, while her South Asian neighbors accuse her of exercising hegemony. And her neighbors have reasons for their allegations. India has repeatedly resorted to military force in the region, most famously by splitting Pakistan into two in 1971. India ousted the Ranas in Nepal and put King Tribhuvan on the throne (1950). India got him to sign a treaty of peace and friendship that is viewed by many Nepalese politicians as imperialist. India trained the Tamil Tigers to start a rebellion in Sri Lanka in the early 1980s worsening the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka. India restored Prime Minister Gayoom's rule during the attempted military coup in Maldives (1988).

In terms of annexation, land grab and occupation, India has occupied Muslim-majority Jammu & Kashmir (1947), Muslim-ruled Hyderabad (1948), Portuguese-administered Dadra & Nagar Haveli (1954), and Goa, Diu & Daman (1961), and Buddhist-ruled Sikkim (1975) through a plethora of violent and deceitful means, often disregarding people's wishes. For instance, an opinion poll by CSDS in 2007 showed that 87% of people in the Kashmir Valley wanted independence, i.e., they didn't want to live under India. And yet, India, the so-called largest democracy in our world, has no desire to holding such a referendum in the occupied territories. She likes to hold onto the territory by hook or crook, much like what China has been doing with Xinjiang and Tibet.

In the early 1960s, the world's initial outrage at 'pacifist' India's resort to military violence for conquest of Portuguese territories (and enclaves) subsided into resigned disdain. The Christian Goans were humiliated and less than happy about their "liberation" by luxury-hungry Indian soldiers who stripped bare their shops. In a December 19, 1961 article, titled, "India, The Aggressor", The New York Times stated, "With his invasion of Goa, Prime Minister Nehru has done irreparable damage to India's good name and to the principles of international morality." Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, a respected Indian leader of the Swatantra Party, declared, "India has totally lost the moral power to raise her voice against the use of military power." In a letter to the U.S. President on January 2, 1962, Pakistan's President General Ayub Khan stated: "My Dear President, The forcible taking of Goa by India has demonstrated what we in Pakistan have never had any illusions about—that India would not hesitate to attack if it were in her interest to do so and if she felt that the other side was too weak to resist."

India's relationship with her neighbors is quite contentious. India favors a bilateral dialogue for addressing these concerns, while her neighbors demand a multilateral regional approach. India fears that the neighbors would gang-up against her and demand unrealistic concessions in a multi-lateral milieu, while the neighbors suspect that India seeks to take undue advantage of the weak bargaining capacity of each state in a bilateral dialogue. Neighbors view Indian bilateralism as an instrument of coercive diplomacy, while India considers the demand of multilateralism as an unnecessary burden of the nascent and fragile process of SAARC.

The neighbors see India as a powerful bully that is using their territories to dump poor quality Indian goods while putting unnecessary restrictions to exporting their goods into India. Consider, for instance, the trade with Bangladesh. With regard to exports, Bangladesh's contribution to India's global exports is significant. According to World Bank, Bangladesh officially imported $2.3 billion (USD) worth of goods from India in 2007 while exporting only $0.5 billion (USD) to India. (Note that illegal trade between the two countries is estimated to be at least three-quarters of the official figures.) This trade deficit has since been widening at an annual rate of approx. 10%.

If the unfavorable trade deficit continues, the neighbors fear that they will be dependent only on a few products for their exports, and imports from India will displace domestic production to such an extent as to de-industrialize those countries. As a result, high levels of unemployment will follow creating chaos and regional instability.

As noted by experts, the real constraints to intra-regional trade in South Asia are to be found in tariff and para-tariff barriers. The tariff rates have always been higher in India than in Bangladesh and other neighbors. India also requires mandatory testing on India's imports in food items, textiles and leather from her neighbors like Bangladesh. The samples of Bangladeshi textile and leather products are sent to Lucknow and Chennai for testing which takes significant time.

Obtaining licenses for meeting the Indian mandatory standards on a number of export interest items such as cement, electrical appliances, drinking water appliances, etc., also involve considerable amount of time. India has neither taken the initiative to liberalize the license issuing procedure nor attempted to set up testing laboratories closer to the border area.

India's attitude with her smaller neighbors has been quite roguish. She has granted Bangladesh the opportunity to export six million pieces of RMG products to India, provided the entire fabric for the purpose is imported from India. Here again, India has forgotten that dynamism is the most basic quality of leadership, which it has failed to demonstrate with her neighbors.

India has been accused of wanting to use Bangladesh as a corridor to transport its goods to north-east corner without providing similar facilities to Bangladeshi goods to penetrate the region.

India has shown reluctance for updating the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950 and the Indo-Bangladesh Treaty of 1972 despite repeated demands by these two states. There has been no real progress on issues around the enclaves since the signing of Indira-Mujib treaty between India and Bangladesh. In September 2011, the Prime Ministers of the two countries Manmohan Singh of India and Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh signed an accord on border demarcation and exchange of adversely held enclaves, giving residents a choice of nationality; Bangladesh has already ratified the agreement, however, the Indian parliament has yet to ratify it.

With India persistent with her 'unilateral withdrawal' of water upstream, it is hardly surprising that the trans-boundary river Teesta has almost dried up. Irrigation in the northern Bangladesh is being affected by the low flow in the Teesta. According to officials of the Joint River Commission (JRC), as quoted in a report published in New Age recently, Bangladesh received the lowest-ever 500-550 cusecs of water in February-March, out of a 'historical record' of 6,500 cusecs in the lean season. New Delhi has repeatedly postponed JRC meetings on such pretexts as the 'Indian water resources minister's inability to attend the bilateral talks in Dhaka.' It is uncertain if New Delhi will ever sign the Teesta water-sharing agreement given the fact that the agreement was supposed to be signed during the September 2011 visit of the Indian prime minister but did not go through with it in the face of objection by the West Bengal chief minister.  [The chances of signing the agreement are even slimmer if BJP wins the national election.]

Bangladesh has already felt the adverse effects of India's Farakka Barrage, which has been correctly termed as the 'Death Trap' for Bangladesh, built on the international river – Ganges/Padma. It has raised salinity levels, contaminated fisheries, hindered navigation, and posed a threat to water quality and public health, let alone leading to desertification of vast territories inside Bangladesh.  In spite of widespread public criticism, India is planning construction of yet another dam – the Tipaimukh Dam – on another international river – the Barak River, in an ecologically sensitive and topographically fragile region that has registered earthquake of magnitude of 6.6 on the Richter scale.

The Indian Border Security Force (BSF) is also guilty of gruesome murder and killing of Bangladeshis along the no-man's land (inside Bangladesh) showing its trigger-happy murderous instinct. While most of the land borders between India and her neighbors to the east and the west are barb-wired, India has deliberately left certain areas unwired. This policy is seen by many as a ploy to exploit the so-called infiltration issue from her neighbors to her advantage. The policy of erecting barbed wires to deal with so-called labor migration negates the leadership potential of India in the region.

Bottom line: the notions of hegemony and leadership are shaped by policies and sustained by perceptions. And India is failing in both counts to making a case for her potential leadership role. Her policies remain short-sighted, if not selfish and often murderous. She has also failed to eradicate the widespread negative perceptions held by all her regional neighbors. So far from Bhabani Sen Gupta's utopian view India has become a regional untamed bull, if not an elephant or even worse. And no one likes such a beast!

Just as the United States of America and Russia are hated today in many countries globally for their hegemony, so is India in South Asia.

Truly, the stamp of a regional hegemon is written all over India's face. As a matter of fact with the resurgence of the Hindutvadi fascist forces in the national politics of India, she has the potential to become a regional pariah. And that is an ominous sign for the entire region!
  
[This article is based on author's speech at a seminar in St. John's University, New York, on April 19, 2014.]
http://drhabibsiddiqui.blogspot.ca/2014/05/is-india-budding-hegemon-or-regional.html



INDIAN PROPAGANDA!
(STEREOTYPING INDIAN BENGALI MUSLIMS AS BENGLADESHI)
10:25 AM (3 hours ago)












Rediff.com » News » It's not a Hindu vs Muslim conflict in Assam, but Indians vs foreigners

It's not a Hindu vs Muslim conflict in Assam, but Indians vs foreigners

July 27, 2012 15:49 IST
Assam's plight has originated in the fact that the Congress party, for its shortsighted political considerations, has refused to acknowledge that infiltrators are foreigners, says Sudheendra Kulkarni
It's a deadly and unending tale of two floods that Assam has been battling. And it's losing the battle on both fronts.
The month of July began by thrusting Assam into national and international news headlines by informing us that floods in the mighty Brahmaputra river and its tributaries had killed nearly 80 people and affected nearly two million people in the state. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, who conducted the ritual of an aerial survey of the flood-hit areas, told reporters in Guwahati, 'People of Assam are facing one of the worst floods in recent times.'
July ended with Assam once again in the news. The prime minister is to visit Assam again July 28 in response to yet another disaster, this one caused by a flood of a different kind -- the flood of Bangladeshi infiltrators into the state.
At press time, nearly 50 people had been killed and over 200,000 people have been rendered homeless in prolonged communal-ethnic violence in and around Kokrajhar district. Violent clashes have broken out between native Bodos and illegal Muslim migrants from Bangladesh. The root cause of this violence is the joint failure of the federal and Assam state governments to stop wave after wave of Bangladeshis from swarming into different parts of Assam and drastically changing the state's demographic profile, especially of the districts close to the border. In Bodo-populated areas, this 'flood' has caused large-scale usurpation of tribal lands and made Bodos feel fearful that they are being marginalised in their own land.
There is a well-known word for it -- ethnic cleansing.
What is happening in Assam, and it has been happening for decades now, is ethnic and religious cleansing caused by this massive human flood.
This is the stark truth. And Dr Singh knows it very well. After all, he is India's prime minister. He gets regular reports on what is happening in the state from the governor, the Intelligence Bureau and other official sources. And these sources, as we shall see, don't lie. Dr Singh has also been a member of Parliament from Assam -- as a representative in the Rajya Sabha, the upper House -- for the past 22 years. At press time he was yet to go, but one can be certain that Dr Singh, in Assam, will not utter a word recognising the disturbing truth about this second kind of flood.
It's easy to blame Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi for inaction. No doubt, he and his government have a lot to answer for, especially since there was ample evidence about tension building up in the Bodo-populated areas for the past several months. But a far greater part of the blame lies at the doorsteps of the prime minister and the Congress party president. Both the Congress party and the United Progressive Alliance government it leads have been indulging in a game of denial and falsification when it comes to infiltration of Bangladeshis into Assam and other states of India.
Here are a few facts: July 15, 2004, Sriprakash Jaiswal, minister of state for home affairs in the UPA government, said in the Rajya Sabha: '1,20,53,950 illegal Bangladeshi migrants were residing in 17 states and Union territories as on December 31, 2001.' He also said that five million Bangladeshis were living in Assam. Dr Singh happened to visit Guwahati the following day. He was confronted by the state's Congress party leaders who were concerned that Jaiswal's reply in Parliament could affect the party's prospects in the 2006 state elections in Assam. They asked the prime minister that the official statement be retracted. Dr Singh succumbed to pressure and publicly stated that he doubted the authenticity of the information provided by his own junior minister. A week later, Jaiswal told Parliament that the information that he had provided about Bangladeshi infiltrators 'is unreliable and based on hearsay'!
Jaiswal was not the first to do this shameful about-turn under the pressure of vote-bank politics. April 10, 1992, Assam's then chief minister, Hiteswar Saikia, stated in the legislative assembly that there were 'between two and three million' Bangladeshi infiltrators in Assam. He was only stating the obvious. This met with intense anger from the Muslim Forum in Assam. The Forum's head, Abdul Muhib Mazumdar, a Congress party man, reminded the chief minister that the Congress party's survival in power depended on 'Muslim votes' and warned that it would take 'just five minutes for the Muslims of Assam to throw your government out'. Saikia soon declared there was not a single illegal migrant in the state.
One can give numerous instances of warnings sounded by people in authority. In 1996, TV Rajeshwar, a former director of the IB who was later made the governor of Uttar Pradesh by the UPA government, had warned, through a series of newspaper articles, that unchecked illegal immigration from Bangladesh into Assam and other border states in India's northeast 'could someday lead to a third division of India'. When he was governor of Assam, retired General SK Sinha had also cautioned about grave consequences for India's unity and security if the problem of Bangladeshi infiltration is not tackled firmly.
The warning has also come from the judiciary. The Guwahati high court in 2008 heard a case relating to a Pakistani national who came to Bangladesh, then infiltrated into Assam, got his name registered on the voters' list and even managed to contest the 1996 assembly elections. Observing in despair that "this can happen only in Assam", the court noted that "illegal Bangladeshi immigrants are slowly becoming the 'king makers' in Assam and will reduce indigenous Assamese to a minority...."
The warning sounded by India's Supreme Court has been even direr. The prolonged agitation of the Assamese people against infiltration from Bangladesh -- and earlier from East Pakistan -- culminated in the Assam Accord of 1985. The Rajiv Gandhi government enacted the Illegal Migrants (Determination through Tribunal) Act. The Assam Accord was hailed as one of the great achievement of Rajiv Gandhi's premiership. The IMDT Act turned out to be a cure worse than the disease. Far from checking the infiltration of Bangladeshis, it gave it a boost.
This happened because the Rajiv Gandhi government had deliberately introduced certain flaws into the act that enabled infiltration to continue. Neither the Congress party nor any of the self-styled secular parties were subsequently willing to remove these flaws. After a prolonged legal battle by anti-foreigner forces in Assam, the Supreme Court, in its July 2005 verdict, struck down the IMDT Act as 'unconstitutional' and urged the federal government to take effective steps to stop the influx of Bangladeshis. The Supreme Court warned that large-scale infiltration from Bangladesh constituted 'external aggression' against Assam.
In the past seven years since the Supreme Court's ruling, the UPA government has done nothing to 'take effective steps' to check the influx of Bangladeshis. Considerations of vote-bank politics have triumphed over the Congress party's weakening concern for India's unity and integrity.
The problem that Assam is confronted with is not a Hindu versus Muslim conflict; it is an Indian nationals versus foreigners conflict. Native Muslims in Assam have, and should have, the same rights as native Hindus. However, foreigners who infiltrate into Assam -- or other parts of India -- cannot claim to have the same rights as Indians. Assam's plight has originated in the fact that the Congress party, for its shortsighted political considerations, has refused to acknowledge that infiltrators are foreigners.
Bhupen Hazarika, Assam's greatest cultural icon who passed away last year, had expressed his people's anguish in a lyric he composed way back in 1968: 'Today's Assamese must save themselves or else they will become refugees in their own land'.
Today, in 2012, Assam is finding itself in a far more helpless situation. The violence in the Bodo areas is an expression of this helplessness.
Violence of any kind, and targeted against anybody, is condemnable. Every human life is precious, and snuffing out any human life is a crime. But why is the Congress party silent on the ongoing demographic invasion of India, threatening our nation's unity and integrity, in the form of the never-ending influx of foreigners into our country?
Sudheendra Kulkarni is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party's National Executive. He can be reached at sudheenkulkarni@gmail.com


MORE INDIAN PROPAGANDA!


http://news.oneindia.in/india/bangladeshi-infiltration-issue-digging-the-reality-out-of-the-myths-1444221.html#infinite-scroll-1



Bangladeshi Infiltration Issue- Digging the Reality Out of the Myths

Written by: Pathikrit
Updated: Friday, May 9, 2014, 8:35 [IST]
This article by Pathikrit is flawed on several grounds, and interested readers may like to read my articles on the Assam violence, which have targeted Muslims for a number of decades. http://www.drhabibsiddiqui.blogspot.com/
The anti-Bengali local governments of Assam have played evil roles in such massacres, at least dating back to the time of Nelli massacre that witnessed massacre of thousands of Muslims. Even in the recent ones in which Bodo terrorists (mix of Christians, animists, Hindus and Buddhists) have attacked Muslims and other Adivashis (indigenous) people of Assam, the local government of Tarun Gogoi had a hand in letting such targeted violence happen against minority Bengali-speaking Muslims.
There is no supporting evidence that Bangladeshi Muslims have infiltrated into Assam after 1971. During the War of Liberation some East Pakistanis did take refuge there, but almost all, per Indian government account, had returned and settled back to Bangladesh after the country's independence. It is said that some Hindus with close family relatives already living in Assam might have chosen to stay back, but their number is not large.
In recent years with the resurgence of Hindutvadi fascism, what was once anti-Bengali movement in Assam for decades has transformed into an anti-Muslim campaign. Modi and BJP therefore like to divide the Bengali speaking people that had historically settled there for centuries.
Nilim Dutta has been also fighting xenophobic claims against Bengali-speaking Muslims, and his blog can be read for much information. https://twitter.com/NilimDutta
Habib Siddiqui



TROUBLE IN MYANMAR
Op-Ed Contributor

Ethnic Cleansing in Myanmar

By MOSHAHIDA SULTANA RITU
Published: July 12, 2012

For Op-Ed, follow @nytopinion and to hear from the editorial page editor, Andrew Rosenthal, follow @andyrNYT.
LAST spring, a flowering of democracy in Myanmar mesmerized the world. But now, three months after the democracy activist Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won a parliamentary seat, and a month after she traveled to Oslo to belatedly receive the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize, an alarm bell is ringing in Myanmar. In the villages of Arakan State, near the Bangladeshi border, a pogrom against a population of Muslims called the Rohingyas began in June. It is the ugly side of Myanmar's democratic transition — a rotting of the flower, even as it seems to bloom.
Cruelty toward the Rohingyas is not new. They have faced torture, neglect and repression in the Buddhist-majority land since it achieved independence in 1948. Its constitution closes all options for Rohingyas to be citizens, on grounds that their ancestors didn't live there when the land, once called Burma, came under British rule in the 19th century (a contention the Rohingyas dispute). Even now, as military rulers have begun to loosen their grip, there is no sign of change for the Rohingyas. Instead, the Burmese are trying to cast them out.
The current violence can be traced to the rape and killing in late May of a Buddhist woman, for which the police reportedly detained three Muslims. That was followed by mob attacks on Rohingyas and other Muslims that killed dozens of people. According to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, state security forces have now conducted mass arrests of Muslims; they destroyed thousands of homes, with the impact falling most heavily on the Rohingyas. Displaced Rohingyas have tried to flee across the Naf River to neighboring Bangladesh; some have died in the effort.
The Burmese media have cited early rioting by Rohingyas and have cast them as terrorists and traitors. In mid-June, in the name of stopping such violence, the government declared a state of emergency. But it has used its border security force to burn houses, kill men and evict Rohingyas from their villages. And on Thursday, President Thein Sein suggested that Myanmar could end the crisis by expelling all of its Rohingyas or by having the United Nations resettle them — a proposal that a United Nations official quickly rejected.
This is not sectarian violence; it is state-supported ethnic cleansing, and the nations of the world aren't pressing Myanmar's leaders to stop it. Even Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has not spoken out.
In mid-June, after some Rohingyas fled by boat to villages in Bangladesh, they told horrifying stories to a team of journalists whom I accompanied to this city near the border. They said they had come under fire from a helicopter and that three of six boats were lost. Some children drowned during the four-day trip; others died of hunger. Once in Bangladesh, they said, the families faced deportation back to Myanmar. But some children who had become separated from their parents made their way to the houses of villagers for shelter; other children may even now be starving in hide-outs or have become prey for criminal networks. Border guards found an abandoned newborn on a boat; after receiving medical treatment, the infant was left in the temporary care of a local fisherman.
Why isn't this pogrom arousing more international indignation? Certainly, Myanmar has become a destination for capital investment now that the United States, the European Union and Canada have accepted the government's narrative of democratic transition and have largely lifted the economic sanctions they began applying after 1988 (measures that did not prevent China, India, South Korea, Thailand, Singapore and multinational oil companies from doing business with the Burmese). Still, when Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton visited Myanmar late last year and welcomed its first steps toward democratization, she also set down conditions for strengthening ties, including an end to ethnic violence.
The plight of the Rohingyas begins with their statelessness — the denial of citizenship itself, for which Myanmar is directly responsible. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, though not as powerful as the military officers who control Myanmar's transition, should not duck questions about the Rohingyas, as she has done while being feted in the West. Instead, she should be using her voice and her reputation to point out that citizenship is a basic right of all humans. On July 5, the secretary general of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, appealed to her to speak up to help end the violence.
To be sure, Bangladesh can do more. Its river border with Myanmar is unprotected; thousands of Rohingyas have been rowing or swimming it at night. But even though Bangladesh has sheltered such refugees in the past — hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas live here now, legally or illegally — it has been reluctant so far this year to welcome them, out of fear of encouraging an overwhelming new influx. Already, such fears have aroused anti-Rohingya sentiment among some Bangladeshis, and initially Bangladesh's government tried to force the refugees back without assisting them. After some villagers risked arrest by sheltering refugees in their homes, the government began to offer humanitarian aid, before sending them back on their boats. Bangladesh should shelter the refugees as it has in years past, as the international community is urging.
But the world should be putting its spotlight on Myanmar. It should not so eagerly welcome democracy in a country that leaves thousands of stateless men and women floating in a river, their corpses washing up on its shores, after they have been reviled in, and driven from, a land in which their families have lived for centuries.
Moshahida Sultana Ritu, an economist, teaches at the University of Dhaka, in Bangladesh.
A version of this op-ed appeared in print on July 13, 2012, on page A23 of the New York edition with the headline: Ethnic Cleansing in Myanmar.


FASCISM IN INDIA

Fascism and Social Responsibility

http://bdinn.com/articles/fascism-and-social-responsibility/

May 4, 2014

ASIF HUSSAIN 

Robert Paxton argues that fascism is "a form of political behaviour, marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."
Fascist movements shared certain common features, including the veneration of the state, a devotion to a strong leader, and an emphasis on ultra- nationalism and militarism. Fascism views political violence, war, and imperialism as a means to achieve national rejuvenation and asserts that stronger nations have the right to expand their territory by displacing weaker nations.
Gaetano Mosca in his work The Ruling Class (1896) developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organised minority" will dominate and rule over the "disorganised majority". Mosca claims that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organised minority) and "the governed" (the disorganised majority). He claims that the organised nature of the organised minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganised majority.
Fascist governments emerged in the world during the first part of the 20th century, after the World War I. Obviously, the damage caused by the war had created helplessness among the citizens of the country, many of whom had lost their land, loved ones and  their pride as the war had destroyed their lives and country. Disappointment and anger was common.
In Italy it was Benito Mussolini and in Germany Adolf Hitler admired him. Both emerged as strong leaders who promised to rebuild their countries and regain the lost pride. Their private armies in uniform and their followers were aggressive and started fights with other citizens and regular soldiers. The rise to power was sudden, and once in power they were swift in nullifying any opposition.
Fascism is a system of governance in which the state has all the power. A dictator (now a strong leader) or a powerful individual is the head of such a state with unrestricted power and authority.
He uses his strong army and police force to keep law and order especially to subjugate all opposition. As is in the beginning of their careers such leaders are admired for their authoritarian and strong personal aura by his followers.
A fascist state controls the way people live. No criticism is tolerated and any dissent is punished. Prison and execution are commonly used to do away with rebellion. Schools become centres of indoctrination and children are groomed to be soldiers of fascism. Military might and powers are adored and lead to war mongering. No other political views are allowed nor are other political parties tolerated. The flow of information is strongly controlled. Newspaper, TV and radio, all operate under the watchful eyes of the state. Freedom of speech remains a distant dream.
Germany was the biggest loser in the World War I. Its pride was dented and its territory lost. Its finances turned upside down and the treaty of Versailles put extreme pressure on its economy. The ground was set for Adolf Hitler and his party. Hitler was appointed Chancellor by President Paul von Hindenburg on 30 January 1933 and The Enabling Act virtually assured that Hitler could thereafter constitutionally exercise dictatorial power without legal objection.
Upon seizing power, Hitler's Nazi party took repressive measures against their political opposition and rapidly began the comprehensive marginalisation of socially undesirable persons. Under the guise of combating the Communist threat, the National Socialists secured immense power. Above all, their campaign against Jews living in Germany gained momentum.
A major element of fascism is its goal to promote the right of claimed superior people to dominate while purging the society of claimed inferior elements. Adolf Hitler, who had been deeply influenced by his own history teacher, was fully aware that schools posed a potential threat to the dominant fascist ideology. Teachers who were critical of Hitler's Germany were sacked and the rest were sent away to be trained to become good fascists. With a strong police force and the largest army in Europe, Hitler went about with his expansionist agenda.
He was married to the thought that the Germans were better, stronger and more intelligent than any other people. According to him, the others, whom he considered weak and a hurdle for the development of the state, had to be eliminated. As was Benito Mussolini in Italy so were General Franco in Spain, Juan Peron in Argentina and Augusto Pinochet in Chile. All were detrimental to the interests of their nations.
The question is: Didn't the majority of the Germans see the imminent conversion of Germany into a fascist State? We have seen it before and see it before us where the whole people, like individuals, can become irrational on occasions, or at times for a brief moment, sometimes for years and sometimes for decades. Hatred, ambition and fear can get better of them and the gross lies told by the leaders can deceive their otherwise rational minds. This is what happened in Germany when the whole nation was deceived by Hitler. The meanness and arrogance and menace, throwing opponents in jail, beating them and even killing  them  was no match for the traditional democratic culture in Germany. The opponents had no tools to repel the onslaught of the Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels and the hard ball politics of the Nazi Party.
As Bismarck once remarked in a famous speech, moral courage is, in any case, a rare virtue in Germany, but it deserts a German completely the moment he puts on his uniform and given the inbuilt weakness and willingness to swallow the most outrageous big lies emanating from the propaganda ministry and the media. Most Germans were fruit waiting to be plucked by Nazi harvesters. As was the case with the burning down of the parliament, which pointed an accusatory finger at a Communist arsonist, Hitler used the opportunity to create a police state and shut up all opposition. The Germans accepted it submissively and lost the little personal freedom they were guaranteed in the constitution.
In Germany the opponents to the Nazi Party were overrun with simple line of thought that is "all the predictions by the opponents of the Nazi have not come true; they had said the Nazis could not win. Now they have won; therefore the opponents were wrong and the Nazis must be right. The intellectuals of Germany believed they could change the face of the Nazi Party by becoming its member."
At the moment of truth, when other nations rise spontaneously to the occasion, the Germans collectively and limply collapsed. They yielded and capitulated, and suffered a nervous breakdown. The result of this million-fold nervous breakdown is the unified nation, ready for anything, (police state, restricted freedom of speech, controlled lives) that is today the nightmare of the rest of the world. (Dr. Bernard Weiner)
This brief background to fascism in Germany and its consequences on Germany, a country that had the potential to be the Super Power, should be food for thought in India to see through the deception played on the people of India. In India too we have individuals and groups of people aligned to such thoughts and harbour the vision as presented by Adolf Hitler. We should not detest them but must detest their line of thought and attitude. This is the symptom of the same irrationality that individuals tend to succumb in a state of heightened euphoria, pride and prejudice. It is the duty of the sane voices from among the intellectuals in the Indian society to identify this irrationality of their thinking and enlighten such individuals and groups with values of equality, justice, liberty, peace and human brotherhood that are proven pillars on which a society can achieve success.


HASINA BETRAYED!



বর্তমান আওয়ামী লীগ সরকারের বিরুদ্ধে সশস্ত্র বিপ্লবের ডাক দিয়েছেন যুবদল সভাপতি মোয়াজ্জেম হোসেন আলাল।
শুক্রবার সকালে জাতীয় প্রেসক্লাবে 'নিরাপত্তা সংকটে নাগরিক জীবন: উত্তরণের উপায়' শীর্ষক সেমিনারে তিনি এ ডাক দেন।
এই সেমিনারের আয়োজন করে স্বাধীনতা ফোরাম কেন্দ্রীয় সংসদ। এতে সভাপতিত্ব করেন করেন সংগঠনের আহবায়ক রেজাউল কবির শিকদার।
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