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Friday, May 4, 2012

Re: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!




Here is something a Lawyer told me...EVEN IF YOU LIED YOU ARE NOT NECESSARY GUILTY. Their are many instances I can think of where some one would CONFESS to GUILT..specially in MOB WARFARES, Many time small guys plead guilty to protect the higher up. They entice liitel guys support thier families and etc when guilt admited one serves time...SEE THE POINT...
 
 
From: siraj uddowllah <siraj_58@hotmail.com>
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Friday, May 4, 2012 8:44 AM
Subject: FW: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!
 
Mr. Manik (Mohd Ali),
Can you please tell us by seeing the following links which style this was when the actual one confessed  his guilt by himself. In which stages of violation of human rights you can categorize this. Was this crimes committed by BNP-JAMAT alliance. I am not a blind supporter of any party in Bangladesh now a days. But cannot support your comments in to-to. Is it justified to put a single track one sided opinion for any party as you did in your comments.
Regards. 

To: From: manik195709@yahoo.comDate: Thu, 3 May 2012 12:26:55 -0700Subject: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!! 
In the name of "Operation Clean Heart", BNP-JAMAT alliance created havoc and atrocities in Bangladesh. They tortured , abducted and killed Hundreds of opposition specially AL activists. Human rights were violated so vigorously that the International Human Rights Commission has to interfere . We did not forget those BLACK DAYS of Oppression and Injustice .




Special Weekly Edition for the Duration of the 59th Session of the Commission on Human Rights
(Geneva, 17 March 2003 - 25 April 2003) 
ISSN: 1541-2482
About HRF
Previous Issues
HRF-58th CHR
Feedback


 
Volume 6, Issue 1
17-23 March 2003
 
BANGLADESH
 
Operation Clean Heart: Dhaka’s dirty war
The drive to ‘cleanse’ the country of crime has resulted in 44 deaths, either in custody, or immediately afterwards
 
THE adoption of the Joint Drive Indemnity Bill, 2003 by the Bangladesh Parliament on 23 February 2003 is another black spot in the human rights record of Bangladesh. The Joint Drive Indemnity Act provides impunity to the security forces from prosecution for their involvement in "any casualty, damage to life and property, violation of rights, physical or mental damage" between 16 October 2002 and 9 January 2003.
 
In the early hours of 17 October 2002, the Bangladesh army fanned out across the country, rounding up alleged criminals and confining them in various army cantonments. Some 500 persons were picked up on the first day, among them, leaders and activists of political parties.
 
The Bangladesh Government took this unprecedented decision following pressure from the business community and international donors to crack down on crime. The army was joined by personnel of the Bangladesh navy, the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles and the police. More than 11,000 persons were arrested in the course of the crackdown, of which only about 2,400 were listed as alleged criminals.
 
The drive, named Operation Clean Heart, was marked by a near-total disregard for human rights and the due process of law. The government refused to reveal information about the list of suspects reportedly provided to the security forces - about the government agency that had supposedly prepared the list, the criteria used to select the names on the list, and whether the suspects were classified on the basis of the gravity of offences.
 
It also offered no explanation for the reasons for ordering the army out of its barracks and into the streets to deal with what is essentially a task for a civilian security force. No gazette notification was made available to the media, and questions were not entertained during press briefings.
 
The first announcement in relation to Operation Clean Heart came some 16 hours after the beginning of the operation. Law and Justice Minister Moudud Ahmed said the army had been called in under section 129 and 130 of the Bangladesh Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) to "help" the civil authorities combat rising crime. The army, he said, "has not been given the power of magistracy, and they are not arresting anyone." It was simply "helping" the police arrest criminals, he added. Media reports however indicate that army personnel acted in an arbitrary manner, and often took upon themselves the task of handing out punishments without trial.
 
Army personnel reportedly beat up an 85-year-old woman, Shahatunnesa, and her daughter-in-law, after they demanded to know the reasons for the army's raid on their house. Ms. Shahatunnesa was allegedly kicked and punched when she tried to intervene in a scuffle between the troops and her daughter-in-law. Both were later blindfolded and taken to an army camp where they were beaten again. They were released three hours later. The 85-year-old was admitted to hospital in a critical condition. Army personnel denied the report.
 
Of greater concern however is the fact that approximately 44 people reportedly died during the drive, either in custody or immediately afterwards. The government has confirmed only 12 deaths and says all the victims died in hospital of heart attacks after being handed over to the police.
 
However, relatives of the victims claimed that the deaths were caused by torture in custody. The families of many victims reported inordinate delays in the handing over of the bodies by the authorities. The bodies also reportedly bore marks of torture.
 
Twenty-eight-year old Afzal Hossain of Savar died in army custody on 21 October 2002. The autopsy was conducted the next day after which policemen escorted the body to his village home. The body was buried in police presence and an 'Unnatural Death' case, stating that he died of a heart attack, was filed with the Savar Police Station. His body reportedly bore injury marks. A court had earlier set Afzal free on bail in a murder case.
 
Saifuzzaman, 35, of Gaibandha's Sadallapur Upazila was arrested on the night of 21 October. He died the following night in army custody. His autopsy was held in Gaibandha Adhunik Hospital on 23 October. Civil Surgeon Abdul Kuddus said he died of heart attack. His body was buried in the presence of army and police officials. The police alleged that Saifuzzaman was involved in a counterfeit currency racket. However, no case had been registered against him.
 
The Bangladesh Government's claim of there being a legal basis for Operation Clean Heart, which ended on 9 January 2003, is shaky. Prime Minister Khaleda Zia said the army had been deployed "within the framework of the Constitution and the laws of the land." However, a closer look at the sections cited by the government reveals otherwise.
 
Sections 129 and 130 of the CrPC do not allow the government to deploy the army to pick up suspects from their homes, regardless of whether they are identified criminals or not. Both sections relate to dispersal of unlawful assemblies, and moreover require army personnel to "use as little force, and do as little injury to person and property, as may be consistent with dispersing the assembly and arresting and detaining such persons."
 
If an unlawful assembly cannot be dispersed by the use of a civil force, under section 129, "the Magistrate of the highest rank who is present or the Police Commissioner in a Metropolitan area may cause it to be dispersed by military force."
 
Section 130 reads: "When a Magistrate, or the Police Commissioner, determines to disperse any such assembly by military force, he may require any commissioned or non-commissioned officer in command of any soldiers in the Bangladesh Army to disperse such assembly by military force, and to arrest and confine such persons forming part of it as the Magistrate or the Police Commissioner may direct, or as it may be necessary to arrest and confine in order to disperse the assembly or to have them punished according to law."
 
Section 131 however states that an army officer can act alone only "when no Magistrate can be communicated with." If it becomes "practicable" for an army officer "to communicate with a Magistrate, he shall do so, and shall thenceforward obey the instructions of the Magistrate as to whether he shall or shall not continue such action." The government thus had no legal authority to order the army to pick up persons from their homes and confine them.
 
According to press reports, however, the army worked alone for the first two days. On the third day, police constables were seen accompanying army personnel, possibly "to justify the renaming of the military operation as a joint drive of the army, paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles and the police."
 
On 20 October 2002, the Prime Minister admitted that "some innocent people might have been held during the joint drive. But they will eventually be freed." However, according to Article 33(1) of the Bangladesh Constitution, no person may be arrested without being informed of the grounds for the arrest. Furthermore such a person shall have the right to consult and be defended by a legal practitioner. Article 33(2) requires every detainee to be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours of his or her arrest. Operation Clean Heart however saw hundreds of people being denied these rights.
 
Finally, Article 31 of the Bangladesh Constitution guarantees every citizen the "inalienable right" to 'the protection of law' and allows "no action" by any authority that may be"detrimental to the life, liberty, body, reputation or property of any person."
 
The Joint Drive Indemnity Act is clearly intended to avoid any investigation of reports of deaths and torture in custody. The Bangladesh Government's recourse to extrajudicial measures to tackle crime runs counter to its claims of being a democracy; such measures are characteristic of repressive regimes or police States.
 
Moreover, in the absence of planned institutional reform, such an operation is unlikely to have a lasting effect on the law and order situation. Rising crime itself is partly the result of the failure of institutions such as the police and the judiciary. This hasty, short-sighted mop-up operation may also have swept up the last remaining traces of the rule of law in Bangladesh.
 
 
 
‘Speedy’ Justice
 
 
In December 2002, the Bangladesh Parliament passed the Speedy Trial Tribunal Act 2002, providing for "speedy trials" for five offences - murder, rape, possession of illegal arms or explosives and cases relating to narcotics and drugs.
 
Under the law, a special court must dispose of a case within 90 working days of the transfer, with an additional 30-day extension granted in case of "unavoidable" delays. Decisions can be appealed in the High Court within 30 days of the judgement.
 
The Act came in for criticism by the Opposition, and not without reason. Firstly, it is the government that decides which cases are transferred to the special courts. This leaves the door open for politically-motivated cases and assured convictions, especially in view of the fact that the special prosecutors are also appointed by the government.
 
Secondly, the Act provides for the admission of video films as well as still pictures of any alleged criminal offence as evidence during trial. Tape records or disks containing conversations would also be accepted as evidence. This is incompatible with the evidentiary requirements in serious cases such as murder and rape, offences which in Bangladesh are eligible for the death penalty.
 
Opposition political parties have termed the law "black, controversial, discriminatory and unconstitutional". The law, justice and parliamentary affairs minister assured Parliament that the new law was "not for political harassment". Nevertheless, given Bangladesh's record on administration of justice, whether the minister's words ring true remains to be seen.

 
 
 
Human Rights Features is produced by Human Rights Documentation Centre (HRDC)
Human Rights Features is registered in India under ISSN 1541-2482
Comments and suggestions are welcome. Please send all communication for this publication to
South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre (SAHRDC)
B - 6/6, Safdarjung Enclave Extension, New Delhi - 110029, India
Tel/Fax: (+) 91-11-2619-2717, 2706, 1120


All contents copyright © SAHRDC
 


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[* Moderator�s Note - CHOTTALA is a non-profit, non-religious, non-political and non-discriminatory organization.

* Disclaimer: Any posting to the CHOTTALA are the opinion of the author. Authors of the messages to the CHOTTALA are responsible for the accuracy of their information and the conformance of their material with applicable copyright and other laws. Many people will read your post, and it will be archived for a very long time. The act of posting to the CHOTTALA indicates the subscriber's agreement to accept the adjudications of the moderator]




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Re: [chottala.com] Mukti Bahani



Even before MUKTI BAHANI was formed, their was what was known as SHECHHA SHEBAK BAHINI. As Bengali Military Personel were still under west control and did not switch loyalty directly until after 25 the March, SHECHHA SHEBAK BAHINI composed of...mostly voluteers many Awami League supporters and so forth on...

From: Debasish Barua <gorba196138@yahoo.com>
To: "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, May 2, 2012 7:22 PM
Subject: [chottala.com] Fazlul Haque Moni

 
Sheikh Monis Comment of..MONAIM er AMLA and etc..etc...
I think Military Personals as they are Govt could be classified as AMLA...Sheikh Moni may have insight on some Military Personels activity, to make that comment in the Newspaper...On the contrary...to ...lets look at Now famous Parliament Bhavan..its construction was initiated during MONAIM's Pakistan Admisnistration..I would not be surprised..if some of the AMLAS after all may have hinted, as excuse due to lack of Foreign Currency this Parliament Bhavan construction was halted during Sheikh Mujib administration..By the way most of the Ministers in those days I mean Mujib administration were Elected MP's...For instance even Chittagongs M.R Siddique who did hold a power full ministry  in First  Mujibs administration was INDUSTRY MINISTER to be assigned as Ambassador to USA  they served us a meal in BELONIA one afternoon during the war. It was strange set of circumstances that we got to meet his family..being ambassador he had to relinquish his MP status..

I think it is Zia administration was first that, assigned non elected TECHONCRATS  as powerful ministers..I think these are the TECHNOCRATS that eventually started construction of Parliament Bhavan as foreign currency just started pouring in.. 

More as I go

From: Mohiuddin Anwar <mohiuddin@netzero.net>
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Cc: politiconomy@list.emich.edu
Sent: Tuesday, May 1, 2012 2:51 PM
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] [Politiconomy] Should Bangladesh Bank Governor resi gn?

 
No one can resist Sheikh Hasina's instruction, Her decision is final in Sheikh Dynasty. No one even dare to crticize her action within the party.


---------- Original Message ----------
From: Abdulla Dewan <adewan@emich.edu>
To: Politiconomy <politiconomy@list.emich.edu>
Subject: [chottala.com] [Politiconomy] Should Bangladesh Bank Governor resign? [1 Attachment]
Date: Mon, 30 Apr 2012 01:02:40 -0400 (EDT)

 
Should Bangladesh Bank Governor resign from his job on the ground that he is an accessory to issuing Private Commercial Bank licenses on political considerations. Although, he was made the Governor for his Awami League leaning political pedigree -- he should have stood on his ground to repulse all political pressure and maintained some neutral and independent stance on such issues; instead, he went with Awami League's decision to issue Banking licenses on political considerations..Please read the article for details and  make your own judgment. The article is also downloaded and attached. Please click the link below.

http://www.daily-sun.com/details_Politicisation-of-the-banking-sector_130_2_5_1_0.html


Thank you for your attention and interest,

Abdullah A. Dewan
Ph.D.(monetary/macroeconomics)
M.Sc.(Phys), M.S.(nuclr. engr)
Professor of Economics
Eastern Michigan University, USA
Phone#(734)487-0003

 


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[* Moderator�s Note - CHOTTALA is a non-profit, non-religious, non-political and non-discriminatory organization.

* Disclaimer: Any posting to the CHOTTALA are the opinion of the author. Authors of the messages to the CHOTTALA are responsible for the accuracy of their information and the conformance of their material with applicable copyright and other laws. Many people will read your post, and it will be archived for a very long time. The act of posting to the CHOTTALA indicates the subscriber's agreement to accept the adjudications of the moderator]




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Re: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!



Politicians in Bangladesh are not honest to doing lawful politics under lawful system of democracy for establishing lawful administration.The supporters of political party and so called political advisers are not honest wise persons to understand the different  between right and wrong.
All are worthless and creating  hopeless in Bangladesh .


From: siraj uddowllah <siraj_58@hotmail.com>
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Saturday, 5 May 2012 1:44 AM
Subject: FW: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!

 
Mr. Manik (Mohd Ali),
Can you please tell us by seeing the following links which style this was when the actual one confessed  his guilt by himself. In which stages of violation of human rights you can categorize this. Was this crimes committed by BNP-JAMAT alliance. I am not a blind supporter of any party in Bangladesh now a days. But cannot support your comments in to-to. Is it justified to put a single track one sided opinion for any party as you did in your comments.
Regards. 



To:
From: manik195709@yahoo.com
Date: Thu, 3 May 2012 12:26:55 -0700
Subject: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!

 

In the name of "Operation Clean Heart", BNP-JAMAT alliance created havoc and atrocities in Bangladesh. They tortured , abducted and killed Hundreds of opposition specially AL activists. Human rights were violated so vigorously that the International Human Rights Commission has to interfere . We did not forget those BLACK DAYS of Oppression and Injustice .




Special Weekly Edition for the Duration of the 59th Session of the Commission on Human Rights
(Geneva, 17 March 2003 - 25 April 2003) 
ISSN: 1541-2482
About HRF
Previous Issues
HRF-58th CHR
Feedback


 
Volume 6, Issue 1
17-23 March 2003
 
BANGLADESH
 
Operation Clean Heart: Dhaka’s dirty war
The drive to ‘cleanse’ the country of crime has resulted in 44 deaths, either in custody, or immediately afterwards
 
THE adoption of the Joint Drive Indemnity Bill, 2003 by the Bangladesh Parliament on 23 February 2003 is another black spot in the human rights record of Bangladesh. The Joint Drive Indemnity Act provides impunity to the security forces from prosecution for their involvement in "any casualty, damage to life and property, violation of rights, physical or mental damage" between 16 October 2002 and 9 January 2003.
 
In the early hours of 17 October 2002, the Bangladesh army fanned out across the country, rounding up alleged criminals and confining them in various army cantonments. Some 500 persons were picked up on the first day, among them, leaders and activists of political parties.
 
The Bangladesh Government took this unprecedented decision following pressure from the business community and international donors to crack down on crime. The army was joined by personnel of the Bangladesh navy, the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles and the police. More than 11,000 persons were arrested in the course of the crackdown, of which only about 2,400 were listed as alleged criminals.
 
The drive, named Operation Clean Heart, was marked by a near-total disregard for human rights and the due process of law. The government refused to reveal information about the list of suspects reportedly provided to the security forces - about the government agency that had supposedly prepared the list, the criteria used to select the names on the list, and whether the suspects were classified on the basis of the gravity of offences.
 
It also offered no explanation for the reasons for ordering the army out of its barracks and into the streets to deal with what is essentially a task for a civilian security force. No gazette notification was made available to the media, and questions were not entertained during press briefings.
 
The first announcement in relation to Operation Clean Heart came some 16 hours after the beginning of the operation. Law and Justice Minister Moudud Ahmed said the army had been called in under section 129 and 130 of the Bangladesh Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) to "help" the civil authorities combat rising crime. The army, he said, "has not been given the power of magistracy, and they are not arresting anyone." It was simply "helping" the police arrest criminals, he added. Media reports however indicate that army personnel acted in an arbitrary manner, and often took upon themselves the task of handing out punishments without trial.
 
Army personnel reportedly beat up an 85-year-old woman, Shahatunnesa, and her daughter-in-law, after they demanded to know the reasons for the army's raid on their house. Ms. Shahatunnesa was allegedly kicked and punched when she tried to intervene in a scuffle between the troops and her daughter-in-law. Both were later blindfolded and taken to an army camp where they were beaten again. They were released three hours later. The 85-year-old was admitted to hospital in a critical condition. Army personnel denied the report.
 
Of greater concern however is the fact that approximately 44 people reportedly died during the drive, either in custody or immediately afterwards. The government has confirmed only 12 deaths and says all the victims died in hospital of heart attacks after being handed over to the police.
 
However, relatives of the victims claimed that the deaths were caused by torture in custody. The families of many victims reported inordinate delays in the handing over of the bodies by the authorities. The bodies also reportedly bore marks of torture.
 
Twenty-eight-year old Afzal Hossain of Savar died in army custody on 21 October 2002. The autopsy was conducted the next day after which policemen escorted the body to his village home. The body was buried in police presence and an 'Unnatural Death' case, stating that he died of a heart attack, was filed with the Savar Police Station. His body reportedly bore injury marks. A court had earlier set Afzal free on bail in a murder case.
 
Saifuzzaman, 35, of Gaibandha's Sadallapur Upazila was arrested on the night of 21 October. He died the following night in army custody. His autopsy was held in Gaibandha Adhunik Hospital on 23 October. Civil Surgeon Abdul Kuddus said he died of heart attack. His body was buried in the presence of army and police officials. The police alleged that Saifuzzaman was involved in a counterfeit currency racket. However, no case had been registered against him.
 
The Bangladesh Government's claim of there being a legal basis for Operation Clean Heart, which ended on 9 January 2003, is shaky. Prime Minister Khaleda Zia said the army had been deployed "within the framework of the Constitution and the laws of the land." However, a closer look at the sections cited by the government reveals otherwise.
 
Sections 129 and 130 of the CrPC do not allow the government to deploy the army to pick up suspects from their homes, regardless of whether they are identified criminals or not. Both sections relate to dispersal of unlawful assemblies, and moreover require army personnel to "use as little force, and do as little injury to person and property, as may be consistent with dispersing the assembly and arresting and detaining such persons."
 
If an unlawful assembly cannot be dispersed by the use of a civil force, under section 129, "the Magistrate of the highest rank who is present or the Police Commissioner in a Metropolitan area may cause it to be dispersed by military force."
 
Section 130 reads: "When a Magistrate, or the Police Commissioner, determines to disperse any such assembly by military force, he may require any commissioned or non-commissioned officer in command of any soldiers in the Bangladesh Army to disperse such assembly by military force, and to arrest and confine such persons forming part of it as the Magistrate or the Police Commissioner may direct, or as it may be necessary to arrest and confine in order to disperse the assembly or to have them punished according to law."
 
Section 131 however states that an army officer can act alone only "when no Magistrate can be communicated with." If it becomes "practicable" for an army officer "to communicate with a Magistrate, he shall do so, and shall thenceforward obey the instructions of the Magistrate as to whether he shall or shall not continue such action." The government thus had no legal authority to order the army to pick up persons from their homes and confine them.
 
According to press reports, however, the army worked alone for the first two days. On the third day, police constables were seen accompanying army personnel, possibly "to justify the renaming of the military operation as a joint drive of the army, paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles and the police."
 
On 20 October 2002, the Prime Minister admitted that "some innocent people might have been held during the joint drive. But they will eventually be freed." However, according to Article 33(1) of the Bangladesh Constitution, no person may be arrested without being informed of the grounds for the arrest. Furthermore such a person shall have the right to consult and be defended by a legal practitioner. Article 33(2) requires every detainee to be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours of his or her arrest. Operation Clean Heart however saw hundreds of people being denied these rights.
 
Finally, Article 31 of the Bangladesh Constitution guarantees every citizen the "inalienable right" to 'the protection of law' and allows "no action" by any authority that may be"detrimental to the life, liberty, body, reputation or property of any person."
 
The Joint Drive Indemnity Act is clearly intended to avoid any investigation of reports of deaths and torture in custody. The Bangladesh Government's recourse to extrajudicial measures to tackle crime runs counter to its claims of being a democracy; such measures are characteristic of repressive regimes or police States.
 
Moreover, in the absence of planned institutional reform, such an operation is unlikely to have a lasting effect on the law and order situation. Rising crime itself is partly the result of the failure of institutions such as the police and the judiciary. This hasty, short-sighted mop-up operation may also have swept up the last remaining traces of the rule of law in Bangladesh.
 
 
 
‘Speedy’ Justice
 
 
In December 2002, the Bangladesh Parliament passed the Speedy Trial Tribunal Act 2002, providing for "speedy trials" for five offences - murder, rape, possession of illegal arms or explosives and cases relating to narcotics and drugs.
 
Under the law, a special court must dispose of a case within 90 working days of the transfer, with an additional 30-day extension granted in case of "unavoidable" delays. Decisions can be appealed in the High Court within 30 days of the judgement.
 
The Act came in for criticism by the Opposition, and not without reason. Firstly, it is the government that decides which cases are transferred to the special courts. This leaves the door open for politically-motivated cases and assured convictions, especially in view of the fact that the special prosecutors are also appointed by the government.
 
Secondly, the Act provides for the admission of video films as well as still pictures of any alleged criminal offence as evidence during trial. Tape records or disks containing conversations would also be accepted as evidence. This is incompatible with the evidentiary requirements in serious cases such as murder and rape, offences which in Bangladesh are eligible for the death penalty.
 
Opposition political parties have termed the law "black, controversial, discriminatory and unconstitutional". The law, justice and parliamentary affairs minister assured Parliament that the new law was "not for political harassment". Nevertheless, given Bangladesh's record on administration of justice, whether the minister's words ring true remains to be seen.

 
 
 
Human Rights Features is produced by Human Rights Documentation Centre (HRDC)
Human Rights Features is registered in India under ISSN 1541-2482
Comments and suggestions are welcome. Please send all communication for this publication to
South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre (SAHRDC)
B - 6/6, Safdarjung Enclave Extension, New Delhi - 110029, India
Tel/Fax: (+) 91-11-2619-2717, 2706, 1120


All contents copyright © SAHRDC
 





__._,_.___


[* Moderator�s Note - CHOTTALA is a non-profit, non-religious, non-political and non-discriminatory organization.

* Disclaimer: Any posting to the CHOTTALA are the opinion of the author. Authors of the messages to the CHOTTALA are responsible for the accuracy of their information and the conformance of their material with applicable copyright and other laws. Many people will read your post, and it will be archived for a very long time. The act of posting to the CHOTTALA indicates the subscriber's agreement to accept the adjudications of the moderator]




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Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
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Re: [chottala.com] Fazlul Haque Moni



Our Shongshod Bhoboin is one of the miracle of Architecure by World famous Architect Luis Kahn. During Ayub period this building was planned and construction
started  and it took long years of effort to complete.There is a western movie on this great Architecure, most westerners saw it. We must be prowd of this
Bhobon. We should praise all who's effort was necessary for this geeat building.
Unfortunately , Our Shongshod Bhobon is not performing as was expected. This Bhobon became one person/one party show for the past twenty or so yearsand a place of mudlledding (Galagali) by honorable
Shonshod members from both government and opposition)
Next general leaders(without Hasina/Khaleda/Ershad) can change that tradition for a real democratic parliament. 


---------- Original Message ----------
From: Debasish Barua <gorba196138@yahoo.com>
To: "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: [chottala.com] Fazlul Haque Moni
Date: Wed, 2 May 2012 17:22:28 -0700 (PDT)

 

Sheikh Monis Comment of..MONAIM er AMLA and etc..etc...
I think Military Personals as they are Govt could be classified as AMLA...Sheikh Moni may have insight on some Military Personels activity, to make that comment in the Newspaper...On the contrary...to ...lets look at Now famous Parliament Bhavan..its construction was initiated during MONAIM's Pakistan Admisnistration..I would not be surprised..if some of the AMLAS after all may have hinted, as excuse due to lack of Foreign Currency this Parliament Bhavan construction was halted during Sheikh Mujib administration..By the way most of the Ministers in those days I mean Mujib administration were Elected MP's...For instance even Chittagongs M.R Siddique who did hold a power full ministry  in First  Mujibs administration was INDUSTRY MINISTER to be assigned as Ambassador to USA  they served us a meal in BELONIA one afternoon during the war. It was strange set of circumstances that we got to meet his family..being ambassador he had to relinquish his MP status..

I think it is Zia administration was first that, assigned non elected TECHONCRATS  as powerful ministers..I think these are the TECHNOCRATS that eventually started construction of Parliament Bhavan as foreign currency just started pouring in.. 

More as I go
 

From: Mohiuddin Anwar <mohiuddin@netzero.net>
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Cc: politiconomy@list.emich.edu
Sent: Tuesday, May 1, 2012 2:51 PM
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] [Politiconomy] Should Bangladesh Bank Governor resi gn?

 
 
No one can resist Sheikh Hasina's instruction, Her decision is final in Sheikh Dynasty. No one even dare to crticize her action within the party.


---------- Original Message ----------
From: Abdulla Dewan <adewan@emich.edu>
To: Politiconomy <politiconomy@list.emich.edu>
Subject: [chottala.com] [Politiconomy] Should Bangladesh Bank Governor resign? [1 Attachment]
Date: Mon, 30 Apr 2012 01:02:40 -0400 (EDT)

 
Should Bangladesh Bank Governor resign from his job on the ground that he is an accessory to issuing Private Commercial Bank licenses on political considerations. Although, he was made the Governor for his Awami League leaning political pedigree -- he should have stood on his ground to repulse all political pressure and maintained some neutral and independent stance on such issues; instead, he went with Awami League's decision to issue Banking licenses on political considerations..Please read the article for details and  make your own judgment. The article is also downloaded and attached. Please click the link below.

http://www.daily-sun.com/details_Politicisation-of-the-banking-sector_130_2_5_1_0.html


Thank you for your attention and interest,

Abdullah A. Dewan
Ph.D.(monetary/macroeconomics)
M.Sc.(Phys), M.S.(nuclr. engr)
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RE: [chottala.com] দরবারের টাক ;া লুট: র্যাব&# 2503;র সাবেক কর্ মকর&



He was not smart like Abul,Maal, kuronjit,Shahara and  Shahjahan to pay the share of Hasina to her 



 farid Hossain

 

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From: mohiuddin@netzero.net
Date: Thu, 3 May 2012 16:52:32 +0000
Subject: [chottala.com] &#2470;&#2480;&#2476;&#2494;&#2480;&#2503;&#2480; &#2463;&#2494;&#2453 ;&#2494; &#2482;&#2497;&#2463;: &#2480;&#2509;&#2479;&#2494;&#2476;&# 2503;&#2480; &#2488;&#2494;&#2476;&#2503;&#2453; &#2453;&#2480;&#2509; &#2478;&#2453;&#2480;&#2509;&#2468;&#2494; &#2455;&#2509;&#2480;&#2503 ;&#2475;&#2468;&#2494;&#2480;(Looter/ Rab Commander arrested)

 
দরবারের টাকা লুট: র‌্যাবের সাবেক কর্মকর্তা গ্রেফতার
ঢাকা, ৩ মে: চট্টগ্রামের তালসরা দরবার থেকে দুই কোটি টাকা লুটের ঘটনায় অভিযুক্ত র‌্যাব-৭-এর তত্কালীন অধিনায়ক লে. কর্নেল জুলফিকার আলী মজুমদারকে গ্রেফতার করেছে পুলিশ।
রমনা থানা ও চট্টগ্রামের আনোয়ারা থানা পুলিশ যৌথ অভিযান চালিয়ে বৃহস্পতিবার ভোরে রাজধানীর মগবাজারের ডাক্তারের গলি থেকে তাকে গ্রেফতার করে। জুলফিকারকে এখন চট্টগ্রামে নিয়ে যাওয়া হচ্ছে।
আনোয়ারার তালসরা দরবার থেকে গত বছরের ৪ নভেম্বর দুই কোটি সাত হাজার টাকা লুট করে র‌্যাবের একটি দল। এ ঘটনায় গত ১৩ মার্চ তালসরা দরবারের গাড়িচালক ইদ্রিস আলী বাদী হয়ে ডাকাতির মামলা করেন। আসামিদের মধ্যে ১০ জন র‌্যাব সদস্য ও দুজন র‌্যাবের সোর্স।
আসামিরা হলেন: লে. কর্নেল জুলফিকার আলী মজুমদার, ফ্লাইট লে. শেখ মাহমুদুল হাসান, সুবেদার আবুল বাশার, এসআই তরুণ কুমার বসু, এএসআই হাসানুজ্জামান, নায়েক জাহাঙ্গীর হোসেন, ল্যান্স নায়েক লিটন মিয়া, নায়েক সুমন চন্দ্র দে, সৈনিক আশরাফ উদ্দিন, ল্যান্স করপোরাল জসিম উদ্দিন, সোর্স দিদার উল ইসলাম ও আনোয়ার মিয়া।
আসামিদের মধ্যে তরুণ কুমার বসু, আবুল বাশার ও দিদারুল আলম গ্রেফতার হয়েছেন। তারা আদালতে ১৬৪ ধারায় স্বীকারোক্তিমূলক জবানবন্দি দেন। এ ছাড়া পরিচালকের গাড়িচালক হাসানুজ্জামান ও দেহরক্ষী ইব্রাহিম সাক্ষী হিসেবে আদালতে জবানবন্দি দেন। তাদের জবানবন্দিতে জুলফিকার ও মাহমুদুল হাসানের জড়িত থাকার ব্যাপারে নিশ্চিত তথ্য পাওয়ার পর গ্রেফতারের তত্পরতা শুরু করে পুলিশ।
পুলিশ সূত্র জানায়, জুলফিকার ৩০ এপ্রিল সেনাবাহিনী থেকে চাকরিচ্যুত হন। ওই দিন রাতে তার কর্মস্থল আর্মি রিসার্চ ট্রেনিং অ্যান্ড ডকট্রিন কমান্ড (আর্টডক) থেকে বের হয়ে তিনি আত্মগোপন করেন।
জানা যায়, জুলফিকারকে গ্রেফতারের জন্য ময়মনসিংহ কোতোয়ালি থানার ভারপ্রাপ্ত কর্মকর্তা (ওসি) গোলাম সরোয়ার ৩০ এপ্রিল রাত ১১টা পর্যন্ত সেনানিবাসের ফটকে অবস্থান করে ফিরে আসেন। এরপর তাকে খুঁজতে বিভিন্ন জায়গায় অভিযান চালানো হয়।


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FW: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!



Mr. Manik (Mohd Ali),

Can you please tell us by seeing the following links which style this was when the actual one confessed  his guilt by himself. In which stages of violation of human rights you can categorize this. Was this crimes committed by BNP-JAMAT alliance. I am not a blind supporter of any party in Bangladesh now a days. But cannot support your comments in to-to. Is it justified to put a single track one sided opinion for any party as you did in your comments.

Regards. 



To:
From: manik195709@yahoo.com
Date: Thu, 3 May 2012 12:26:55 -0700
Subject: [chottala.com] VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------ BNP STYLE !!!!!!

 

In the name of "Operation Clean Heart", BNP-JAMAT alliance created havoc and atrocities in Bangladesh. They tortured , abducted and killed Hundreds of opposition specially AL activists. Human rights were violated so vigorously that the International Human Rights Commission has to interfere . We did not forget those BLACK DAYS of Oppression and Injustice .




Special Weekly Edition for the Duration of the 59th Session of the Commission on Human Rights
(Geneva, 17 March 2003 - 25 April 2003) 
ISSN: 1541-2482
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Previous Issues
HRF-58th CHR
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Volume 6, Issue 1
17-23 March 2003
 
BANGLADESH
 
Operation Clean Heart: Dhaka's dirty war
The drive to 'cleanse' the country of crime has resulted in 44 deaths, either in custody, or immediately afterwards
 
THE adoption of the Joint Drive Indemnity Bill, 2003 by the Bangladesh Parliament on 23 February 2003 is another black spot in the human rights record of Bangladesh. The Joint Drive Indemnity Act provides impunity to the security forces from prosecution for their involvement in "any casualty, damage to life and property, violation of rights, physical or mental damage" between 16 October 2002 and 9 January 2003.
 
In the early hours of 17 October 2002, the Bangladesh army fanned out across the country, rounding up alleged criminals and confining them in various army cantonments. Some 500 persons were picked up on the first day, among them, leaders and activists of political parties.
 
The Bangladesh Government took this unprecedented decision following pressure from the business community and international donors to crack down on crime. The army was joined by personnel of the Bangladesh navy, the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles and the police. More than 11,000 persons were arrested in the course of the crackdown, of which only about 2,400 were listed as alleged criminals.
 
The drive, named Operation Clean Heart, was marked by a near-total disregard for human rights and the due process of law. The government refused to reveal information about the list of suspects reportedly provided to the security forces - about the government agency that had supposedly prepared the list, the criteria used to select the names on the list, and whether the suspects were classified on the basis of the gravity of offences.
 
It also offered no explanation for the reasons for ordering the army out of its barracks and into the streets to deal with what is essentially a task for a civilian security force. No gazette notification was made available to the media, and questions were not entertained during press briefings.
 
The first announcement in relation to Operation Clean Heart came some 16 hours after the beginning of the operation. Law and Justice Minister Moudud Ahmed said the army had been called in under section 129 and 130 of the Bangladesh Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) to "help" the civil authorities combat rising crime. The army, he said, "has not been given the power of magistracy, and they are not arresting anyone." It was simply "helping" the police arrest criminals, he added. Media reports however indicate that army personnel acted in an arbitrary manner, and often took upon themselves the task of handing out punishments without trial.
 
Army personnel reportedly beat up an 85-year-old woman, Shahatunnesa, and her daughter-in-law, after they demanded to know the reasons for the army's raid on their house. Ms. Shahatunnesa was allegedly kicked and punched when she tried to intervene in a scuffle between the troops and her daughter-in-law. Both were later blindfolded and taken to an army camp where they were beaten again. They were released three hours later. The 85-year-old was admitted to hospital in a critical condition. Army personnel denied the report.
 
Of greater concern however is the fact that approximately 44 people reportedly died during the drive, either in custody or immediately afterwards. The government has confirmed only 12 deaths and says all the victims died in hospital of heart attacks after being handed over to the police.
 
However, relatives of the victims claimed that the deaths were caused by torture in custody. The families of many victims reported inordinate delays in the handing over of the bodies by the authorities. The bodies also reportedly bore marks of torture.
 
Twenty-eight-year old Afzal Hossain of Savar died in army custody on 21 October 2002. The autopsy was conducted the next day after which policemen escorted the body to his village home. The body was buried in police presence and an 'Unnatural Death' case, stating that he died of a heart attack, was filed with the Savar Police Station. His body reportedly bore injury marks. A court had earlier set Afzal free on bail in a murder case.
 
Saifuzzaman, 35, of Gaibandha's Sadallapur Upazila was arrested on the night of 21 October. He died the following night in army custody. His autopsy was held in Gaibandha Adhunik Hospital on 23 October. Civil Surgeon Abdul Kuddus said he died of heart attack. His body was buried in the presence of army and police officials. The police alleged that Saifuzzaman was involved in a counterfeit currency racket. However, no case had been registered against him.
 
The Bangladesh Government's claim of there being a legal basis for Operation Clean Heart, which ended on 9 January 2003, is shaky. Prime Minister Khaleda Zia said the army had been deployed "within the framework of the Constitution and the laws of the land." However, a closer look at the sections cited by the government reveals otherwise.
 
Sections 129 and 130 of the CrPC do not allow the government to deploy the army to pick up suspects from their homes, regardless of whether they are identified criminals or not. Both sections relate to dispersal of unlawful assemblies, and moreover require army personnel to "use as little force, and do as little injury to person and property, as may be consistent with dispersing the assembly and arresting and detaining such persons."
 
If an unlawful assembly cannot be dispersed by the use of a civil force, under section 129, "the Magistrate of the highest rank who is present or the Police Commissioner in a Metropolitan area may cause it to be dispersed by military force."
 
Section 130 reads: "When a Magistrate, or the Police Commissioner, determines to disperse any such assembly by military force, he may require any commissioned or non-commissioned officer in command of any soldiers in the Bangladesh Army to disperse such assembly by military force, and to arrest and confine such persons forming part of it as the Magistrate or the Police Commissioner may direct, or as it may be necessary to arrest and confine in order to disperse the assembly or to have them punished according to law."
 
Section 131 however states that an army officer can act alone only "when no Magistrate can be communicated with." If it becomes "practicable" for an army officer "to communicate with a Magistrate, he shall do so, and shall thenceforward obey the instructions of the Magistrate as to whether he shall or shall not continue such action." The government thus had no legal authority to order the army to pick up persons from their homes and confine them.
 
According to press reports, however, the army worked alone for the first two days. On the third day, police constables were seen accompanying army personnel, possibly "to justify the renaming of the military operation as a joint drive of the army, paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles and the police."
 
On 20 October 2002, the Prime Minister admitted that "some innocent people might have been held during the joint drive. But they will eventually be freed." However, according to Article 33(1) of the Bangladesh Constitution, no person may be arrested without being informed of the grounds for the arrest. Furthermore such a person shall have the right to consult and be defended by a legal practitioner. Article 33(2) requires every detainee to be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours of his or her arrest. Operation Clean Heart however saw hundreds of people being denied these rights.
 
Finally, Article 31 of the Bangladesh Constitution guarantees every citizen the "inalienable right" to 'the protection of law' and allows "no action" by any authority that may be"detrimental to the life, liberty, body, reputation or property of any person."
 
The Joint Drive Indemnity Act is clearly intended to avoid any investigation of reports of deaths and torture in custody. The Bangladesh Government's recourse to extrajudicial measures to tackle crime runs counter to its claims of being a democracy; such measures are characteristic of repressive regimes or police States.
 
Moreover, in the absence of planned institutional reform, such an operation is unlikely to have a lasting effect on the law and order situation. Rising crime itself is partly the result of the failure of institutions such as the police and the judiciary. This hasty, short-sighted mop-up operation may also have swept up the last remaining traces of the rule of law in Bangladesh.
 
 
 
'Speedy' Justice
 
 
In December 2002, the Bangladesh Parliament passed the Speedy Trial Tribunal Act 2002, providing for "speedy trials" for five offences - murder, rape, possession of illegal arms or explosives and cases relating to narcotics and drugs.
 
Under the law, a special court must dispose of a case within 90 working days of the transfer, with an additional 30-day extension granted in case of "unavoidable" delays. Decisions can be appealed in the High Court within 30 days of the judgement.
 
The Act came in for criticism by the Opposition, and not without reason. Firstly, it is the government that decides which cases are transferred to the special courts. This leaves the door open for politically-motivated cases and assured convictions, especially in view of the fact that the special prosecutors are also appointed by the government.
 
Secondly, the Act provides for the admission of video films as well as still pictures of any alleged criminal offence as evidence during trial. Tape records or disks containing conversations would also be accepted as evidence. This is incompatible with the evidentiary requirements in serious cases such as murder and rape, offences which in Bangladesh are eligible for the death penalty.
 
Opposition political parties have termed the law "black, controversial, discriminatory and unconstitutional". The law, justice and parliamentary affairs minister assured Parliament that the new law was "not for political harassment". Nevertheless, given Bangladesh's record on administration of justice, whether the minister's words ring true remains to be seen.

 
 
 
Human Rights Features is produced by Human Rights Documentation Centre (HRDC)
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Comments and suggestions are welcome. Please send all communication for this publication to
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