মাওলানা ভাসানীর অবিভাক্ত ভু খণ্ডের স্বপ্ন
"এই বার্তাটা বিজেপি এবং মোদির জন্য -
বাংলাদেশী নাম দিয়ে ভারতীয় বাংলাভাষী মুসলিম দের বাংলাদেশে ঠেলে দেবার আগে এই মানচিত্র টা দেখে নিন ।
বাংলাদেশের সীমানার দিকে চোখ তুলে তাকালে মাওলানা ভাসানীর অবিভাক্ত ভু খণ্ডের স্বপ্ন কে আমরা সত্যে পরিণত করবো! এবং আমারা প্রস্তুত আছি ।
পৃথিবীর সব বাংলা ভাষাভাষী জনগণ এক বাংলাদেশ এক ভূমির অধীনে নিয়ে আসবো । ইন্ডিয়া কে আমরা নিয়ে আসবো অথবা ইন্ডিয়া পার হয়ে চলে যাব।
আমরা পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সহ ভারতের বাংলাভাষী অ অন্য ভাষাভাষী জনগণ কে এই সত্য উপলব্ধি করার আহব্বান জানাই !
তাদের ভূমি , তাদের সম্পদ সব কিছু বাংলাদেশে নামক ভূমির অন্তর্ভুক্ত হওয়া উচিত ।ভারতের নয়। এবং আমরা তা করে ছাড়বো। ইনশা"আল্লাহ। TANVIR CHOWDHURY
বাংলাদেশী নাম দিয়ে ভারতীয় বাংলাভাষী মুসলিম দের বাংলাদেশে ঠেলে দেবার আগে এই মানচিত্র টা দেখে নিন ।
বাংলাদেশের সীমানার দিকে চোখ তুলে তাকালে মাওলানা ভাসানীর অবিভাক্ত ভু খণ্ডের স্বপ্ন কে আমরা সত্যে পরিণত করবো! এবং আমারা প্রস্তুত আছি ।
পৃথিবীর সব বাংলা ভাষাভাষী জনগণ এক বাংলাদেশ এক ভূমির অধীনে নিয়ে আসবো । ইন্ডিয়া কে আমরা নিয়ে আসবো অথবা ইন্ডিয়া পার হয়ে চলে যাব।
আমরা পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সহ ভারতের বাংলাভাষী অ অন্য ভাষাভাষী জনগণ কে এই সত্য উপলব্ধি করার আহব্বান জানাই !
তাদের ভূমি , তাদের সম্পদ সব কিছু বাংলাদেশে নামক ভূমির অন্তর্ভুক্ত হওয়া উচিত ।ভারতের নয়। এবং আমরা তা করে ছাড়বো। ইনশা"আল্লাহ। TANVIR CHOWDHURY
On Mon, May 12, 2014 at 5:02 AM, Abu Taha <abutaharahman@yahoo.com> wrote:
Thanks for your newsShaik Abdul RahmanVijayawadaIndiaOn Sunday, May 11, 2014 7:12 PM, Abid Bahar <abid.bahar@gmail.com> wrote:
On Sun, May 11, 2014 at 12:41 AM, Abid Bahar <abid.bahar@gmail.com> wrote:
WAKE UP BANGLADESH:
MUSLIMS UPROOTED
FROM ASSAM AND BURMA
AS BEING BANGLADESHIS!
Abid BaharVideo: Riots and killings: Oppression of Muslims in Assam, India | 28 July
Who let Assam Burn - 2 of 2 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YMLDrpQVUM8
Hindu-Muslim marriage: No place for politics?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dWFKa-AUpY4
May 6 (3 days ago)
Ethnic Cleansing of Muslims in Assam
http://vimeo.com/47780153
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HASINA"S INDIA LOVE!এক সাগর রক্তে কেনা এটাই কি স্বাধীন বাংলাদেশ ?আমার মায়ের বুকের উপর দিয়ে ওদের ভারী যান বহন আসা যাওয়া করছে, আর পনীর পিপাসায়ে আমার মায়ের বুকফেটে যাচ্ছে।
সেই মায়ের সন্তান হয়ে,
আমি কি একটা প্রতিবাদ ও করবো না?INDIAN BLESSINGS TO BANGLADESH!In one West Bengal district, Bangladeshi Hindu refugees attempt to oust Indian MuslimsNarendra Modi's threat to deport Bangladeshi Muslims has emboldened Hindu refugees in Uttar Dinajpur.
Over the decades, West Bengal hasn't paid much attention to controversies about illegal Bangladeshi migrants. But this election season, the Bharatiya Janata Party has sought to change that. In recent speeches, their prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has declared that only those who worship Durga can live in Bengal. The rest will be deported when he comes to power, Modi warned.
In Uttar Dinajpur, a district in West Bengal bordering Bangladesh, those remarks are being fervently debated at roadside stalls. However, Modi's suggestion that Durga-worshipping Hindu migrants from Bangladesh would be given refuge while Bangladeshi Muslims would be expelled doesn't reflect the complexity on the ground.
In this district, the children of Hindu refugees who fled Bangladesh in the 1970s have cast themselves as rivals to Bengali-speaking Muslim Badiyas or Bhatiyas who moved to Uttar Dinajpur from other parts of West Bengal about two decades ago.
"They say they come from Malda and Murshidabad to this side but that is plain lie," declared Tapas Sarkar, a youth from Ramkrishnapur village, whose parents came to India in 1969 from Rangpur in Bangladesh. "How could there be so many people there? They hide it that they come from Bangladesh."
Sarkar and other young refugees claim that the increase in the number of Muslim Bhatiyas has changed the demography of the region and are worried that these regional migrants have begun to exert a greater influence on local affairs.
These second-generation Bangladeshi migrants have found support in the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has even organised campaigns in the neighbouring Kishanganj district to evict Bhatiyas from the area, claiming that they are illegal Bangladeshis.
With Modi's recent anti-migrant comments, many young second-generation refugees find their claims bolstered by the broader national discourse around illegal Bangladeshi migrants. Not surprisingly, many of these young people voted for the BJP this time.
For their part, the Bhatiyas point out that targeting them would only hurt the local agricultural economy, for which they provide the bulk of the labour. "Is it a crime even to move from one district to another in India?" asked Abdul Matin, a homeopathy doctor in Chakulia. "The BJP knows that talking about Bangladeshi outsiders is just like raising anti-reservation pitch time to time" – it will reap political benefits just by raising the issue, he said.
Ironically, the local population of Surjapuri Hindus and Muslims, who are known as "deshi" or "native" people, is not quite as exercised about migration. "All people have come to our region because it's one of the most fertile lands in Bengal," said Manabendro Das, a school teacher in Chakulia. "Why treat them differently according to their religion?"
Though the outsiders don't alarm Kamruzzaman, a Surjapuri Muslim from the same village, Modi's comments do. "He just wants to find an excuse to target Muslims," he said. "Today the BJP wants to evict Bhatiyas and tomorrow they will target us."
It isn't just tensions between Hindu refugees and Bhatiya Muslims that are playing out in Uttar Dinajpur. There are also old resentments between "deshi" Surjapuri Muslims and Bangladeshi Hindu migrants. The deshi Muslims claim that when Bangladeshi refugees were settled in Chakulia and nearby Kanki in the 1970s, they were allocated land that had been usurped from local Muslims. There were even riots at the time to protest this.
Narayan Chandra Sarkar, retired headmaster of Chakulia High School, is among the Bangladeshi refugees who has benefited from the hospitality of the deshis. He said he was grateful to the deshis for helping him build a new life. "I came from Bangladesh in 1967 with a graduate degree from Rajshahi University," he said. "I was unemployed and had family problems. So with the help of a local relative, I came over to this side and joined my school."
Unlike his younger relatives, Sarkar voted for the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and he too was wary of Modi's comments on Bangladeshi migrants. "Garib manusher abar desh ki?" he asked. Do the poor have any nation?---------------------------------------------------------Is India a budding hegemon or a regional leader?
Habib SiddiquiThirty years ago, Indian political scientist, writer and foreign affairs commentator (late) Dr. Bhabani Sen Gupta wrote in the India Today, "The Indian elephant cannot transform itself into a mouse. If South Asia is to get itself out of the crippling binds of conflicts and cleavages, the six will have to accept the bigness of the seventh. And the seventh, that is India, will have to prove to the six that big can indeed be beautiful." ["The Big Brother Syndrome", India Today, April 30, 1984]Has the Indian elephant proven its case that it is beautiful, and not an ugly beast? Before we try to explore the issue, it may be proper to get used to the term 'hegemony'; after all, India is viewed as a hegemonic power by all her neighbors – from Bangladesh in the east to Pakistan in the west, from Nepal and Bhutan in the north to Sri Lanka in the south.Hegemony is the privileged exercise of power in complete disregard to the interests of other states. Joshua Goldstein defines the term hegemony as "being able to dictate, or at least dominate, the rules and arrangements by which international relations, political and economic, are conducted."The power that a state possesses in a community of nations is measured either by a quantification of the elements of national power, which includes both the tangible elements like national population, GDP, military expenditure, technological capabilities and intangible elements like national morale and quality of leadership, or a perception that other states have in regard to that state. Perception is psychosomatically rooted in what and how of the others' behavior in international interaction. It is conditioned to circumstances, duration of time and historical experience, and may not really be true.Leadership, regional or global, on the other hand, does not reflect only one country's national interest; it reflects the common interest of a group of states in the regional or global order.Hegemony and leadership emerge from the same sources of power elements, but essentially differ in the mode of power projection and reception creating different models of inter-state relations.Power is perceived as leadership when its exercise is characterized by the following: i) encourage maximum involvement and participation, ii) diffusion of responsibility, iii) reinforcing inter-state contacts, iv) initiation of new ideas, and v) defending and advancing common group interest.When power is distributed unevenly, political leaders and theorists use terms such as empire and hegemony.The exercise of power is perceived as hegemonic behavior when it is characterized by the following: i) changing the rules rather than adapting to policies to the existing rules, ii) enjoying special rights for advancing hegemonic interests, iii) voluntary responsibility for group development is assumed, with focus on individual development, iv) group goals and strategies are defined by the hegemon which may or may not promote group interests, and v) code of conduct is framed for directing and regulating behavior of individual states.Is India a hegemonic power? As to her tangible, quantifiable power, here are some undeniable facts to consider. India occupies a unique position in the South Asian region by dint of occupying nearly 72 percent of the land surface in South Asia, being a home of 77 percent of the region's population, and accounting for nearly 75 percent of the regional economic output.As noted above, by the virtue of its size, location and economic potential, India claims a regional leadership position for herself, while her South Asian neighbors accuse her of exercising hegemony. And her neighbors have reasons for their allegations. India has repeatedly resorted to military force in the region, most famously by splitting Pakistan into two in 1971. India ousted the Ranas in Nepal and put King Tribhuvan on the throne (1950). India got him to sign a treaty of peace and friendship that is viewed by many Nepalese politicians as imperialist. India trained the Tamil Tigers to start a rebellion in Sri Lanka in the early 1980s worsening the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka. India restored Prime Minister Gayoom's rule during the attempted military coup in Maldives (1988).In terms of annexation, land grab and occupation, India has occupied Muslim-majority Jammu & Kashmir (1947), Muslim-ruled Hyderabad (1948), Portuguese-administered Dadra & Nagar Haveli (1954), and Goa, Diu & Daman (1961), and Buddhist-ruled Sikkim (1975) through a plethora of violent and deceitful means, often disregarding people's wishes. For instance, an opinion poll by CSDS in 2007 showed that 87% of people in the Kashmir Valley wanted independence, i.e., they didn't want to live under India. And yet, India, the so-called largest democracy in our world, has no desire to holding such a referendum in the occupied territories. She likes to hold onto the territory by hook or crook, much like what China has been doing with Xinjiang and Tibet.
In the early 1960s, the world's initial outrage at 'pacifist' India's resort to military violence for conquest of Portuguese territories (and enclaves) subsided into resigned disdain. The Christian Goans were humiliated and less than happy about their "liberation" by luxury-hungry Indian soldiers who stripped bare their shops. In a December 19, 1961 article, titled, "India, The Aggressor", The New York Times stated, "With his invasion of Goa, Prime Minister Nehru has done irreparable damage to India's good name and to the principles of international morality." Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, a respected Indian leader of the Swatantra Party, declared, "India has totally lost the moral power to raise her voice against the use of military power." In a letter to the U.S. President on January 2, 1962, Pakistan's President General Ayub Khan stated: "My Dear President, The forcible taking of Goa by India has demonstrated what we in Pakistan have never had any illusions about—that India would not hesitate to attack if it were in her interest to do so and if she felt that the other side was too weak to resist."India's relationship with her neighbors is quite contentious. India favors a bilateral dialogue for addressing these concerns, while her neighbors demand a multilateral regional approach. India fears that the neighbors would gang-up against her and demand unrealistic concessions in a multi-lateral milieu, while the neighbors suspect that India seeks to take undue advantage of the weak bargaining capacity of each state in a bilateral dialogue. Neighbors view Indian bilateralism as an instrument of coercive diplomacy, while India considers the demand of multilateralism as an unnecessary burden of the nascent and fragile process of SAARC.The neighbors see India as a powerful bully that is using their territories to dump poor quality Indian goods while putting unnecessary restrictions to exporting their goods into India. Consider, for instance, the trade with Bangladesh. With regard to exports, Bangladesh's contribution to India's global exports is significant. According to World Bank, Bangladesh officially imported $2.3 billion (USD) worth of goods from India in 2007 while exporting only $0.5 billion (USD) to India. (Note that illegal trade between the two countries is estimated to be at least three-quarters of the official figures.) This trade deficit has since been widening at an annual rate of approx. 10%.If the unfavorable trade deficit continues, the neighbors fear that they will be dependent only on a few products for their exports, and imports from India will displace domestic production to such an extent as to de-industrialize those countries. As a result, high levels of unemployment will follow creating chaos and regional instability.As noted by experts, the real constraints to intra-regional trade in South Asia are to be found in tariff and para-tariff barriers. The tariff rates have always been higher in India than in Bangladesh and other neighbors. India also requires mandatory testing on India's imports in food items, textiles and leather from her neighbors like Bangladesh. The samples of Bangladeshi textile and leather products are sent to Lucknow and Chennai for testing which takes significant time.Obtaining licenses for meeting the Indian mandatory standards on a number of export interest items such as cement, electrical appliances, drinking water appliances, etc., also involve considerable amount of time. India has neither taken the initiative to liberalize the license issuing procedure nor attempted to set up testing laboratories closer to the border area.India's attitude with her smaller neighbors has been quite roguish. She has granted Bangladesh the opportunity to export six million pieces of RMG products to India, provided the entire fabric for the purpose is imported from India. Here again, India has forgotten that dynamism is the most basic quality of leadership, which it has failed to demonstrate with her neighbors.India has been accused of wanting to use Bangladesh as a corridor to transport its goods to north-east corner without providing similar facilities to Bangladeshi goods to penetrate the region.India has shown reluctance for updating the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950 and the Indo-Bangladesh Treaty of 1972 despite repeated demands by these two states. There has been no real progress on issues around the enclaves since the signing of Indira-Mujib treaty between India and Bangladesh. In September 2011, the Prime Ministers of the two countries Manmohan Singh of India and Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh signed an accord on border demarcation and exchange of adversely held enclaves, giving residents a choice of nationality; Bangladesh has already ratified the agreement, however, the Indian parliament has yet to ratify it.With India persistent with her 'unilateral withdrawal' of water upstream, it is hardly surprising that the trans-boundary river Teesta has almost dried up. Irrigation in the northern Bangladesh is being affected by the low flow in the Teesta. According to officials of the Joint River Commission (JRC), as quoted in a report published in New Age recently, Bangladesh received the lowest-ever 500-550 cusecs of water in February-March, out of a 'historical record' of 6,500 cusecs in the lean season. New Delhi has repeatedly postponed JRC meetings on such pretexts as the 'Indian water resources minister's inability to attend the bilateral talks in Dhaka.' It is uncertain if New Delhi will ever sign the Teesta water-sharing agreement given the fact that the agreement was supposed to be signed during the September 2011 visit of the Indian prime minister but did not go through with it in the face of objection by the West Bengal chief minister. [The chances of signing the agreement are even slimmer if BJP wins the national election.]Bangladesh has already felt the adverse effects of India's Farakka Barrage, which has been correctly termed as the 'Death Trap' for Bangladesh, built on the international river – Ganges/Padma. It has raised salinity levels, contaminated fisheries, hindered navigation, and posed a threat to water quality and public health, let alone leading to desertification of vast territories inside Bangladesh. In spite of widespread public criticism, India is planning construction of yet another dam – the Tipaimukh Dam – on another international river – the Barak River, in an ecologically sensitive and topographically fragile region that has registered earthquake of magnitude of 6.6 on the Richter scale.The Indian Border Security Force (BSF) is also guilty of gruesome murder and killing of Bangladeshis along the no-man's land (inside Bangladesh) showing its trigger-happy murderous instinct. While most of the land borders between India and her neighbors to the east and the west are barb-wired, India has deliberately left certain areas unwired. This policy is seen by many as a ploy to exploit the so-called infiltration issue from her neighbors to her advantage. The policy of erecting barbed wires to deal with so-called labor migration negates the leadership potential of India in the region.Bottom line: the notions of hegemony and leadership are shaped by policies and sustained by perceptions. And India is failing in both counts to making a case for her potential leadership role. Her policies remain short-sighted, if not selfish and often murderous. She has also failed to eradicate the widespread negative perceptions held by all her regional neighbors. So far from Bhabani Sen Gupta's utopian view India has become a regional untamed bull, if not an elephant or even worse. And no one likes such a beast!Just as the United States of America and Russia are hated today in many countries globally for their hegemony, so is India in South Asia.Truly, the stamp of a regional hegemon is written all over India's face. As a matter of fact with the resurgence of the Hindutvadi fascist forces in the national politics of India, she has the potential to become a regional pariah. And that is an ominous sign for the entire region!
http://drhabibsiddiqui.blogspot.ca/2014/05/is-india-budding-hegemon-or-regional.html[This article is based on author's speech at a seminar in St. John's University, New York, on April 19, 2014.]INDIAN PROPAGANDA!
(STEREOTYPING INDIAN BENGALI MUSLIMS AS BENGLADESHI) 10:25 AM (3 hours ago)
Rediff.com » News » It's not a Hindu vs Muslim conflict in Assam, but Indians vs foreignersIt's not a Hindu vs Muslim conflict in Assam, but Indians vs foreigners
July 27, 2012 15:49 ISTAssam's plight has originated in the fact that the Congress party, for its shortsighted political considerations, has refused to acknowledge that infiltrators are foreigners, says Sudheendra KulkarniIt's a deadly and unending tale of two floods that Assam has been battling. And it's losing the battle on both fronts.The month of July began by thrusting Assam into national and international news headlines by informing us that floods in the mighty Brahmaputra river and its tributaries had killed nearly 80 people and affected nearly two million people in the state. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, who conducted the ritual of an aerial survey of the flood-hit areas, told reporters in Guwahati, 'People of Assam are facing one of the worst floods in recent times.'July ended with Assam once again in the news. The prime minister is to visit Assam again July 28 in response to yet another disaster, this one caused by a flood of a different kind -- the flood of Bangladeshi infiltrators into the state.At press time, nearly 50 people had been killed and over 200,000 people have been rendered homeless in prolonged communal-ethnic violence in and around Kokrajhar district. Violent clashes have broken out between native Bodos and illegal Muslim migrants from Bangladesh. The root cause of this violence is the joint failure of the federal and Assam state governments to stop wave after wave of Bangladeshis from swarming into different parts of Assam and drastically changing the state's demographic profile, especially of the districts close to the border. In Bodo-populated areas, this 'flood' has caused large-scale usurpation of tribal lands and made Bodos feel fearful that they are being marginalised in their own land.There is a well-known word for it -- ethnic cleansing.What is happening in Assam, and it has been happening for decades now, is ethnic and religious cleansing caused by this massive human flood.This is the stark truth. And Dr Singh knows it very well. After all, he is India's prime minister. He gets regular reports on what is happening in the state from the governor, the Intelligence Bureau and other official sources. And these sources, as we shall see, don't lie. Dr Singh has also been a member of Parliament from Assam -- as a representative in the Rajya Sabha, the upper House -- for the past 22 years. At press time he was yet to go, but one can be certain that Dr Singh, in Assam, will not utter a word recognising the disturbing truth about this second kind of flood.It's easy to blame Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi for inaction. No doubt, he and his government have a lot to answer for, especially since there was ample evidence about tension building up in the Bodo-populated areas for the past several months. But a far greater part of the blame lies at the doorsteps of the prime minister and the Congress party president. Both the Congress party and the United Progressive Alliance government it leads have been indulging in a game of denial and falsification when it comes to infiltration of Bangladeshis into Assam and other states of India.Here are a few facts: July 15, 2004, Sriprakash Jaiswal, minister of state for home affairs in the UPA government, said in the Rajya Sabha: '1,20,53,950 illegal Bangladeshi migrants were residing in 17 states and Union territories as on December 31, 2001.' He also said that five million Bangladeshis were living in Assam. Dr Singh happened to visit Guwahati the following day. He was confronted by the state's Congress party leaders who were concerned that Jaiswal's reply in Parliament could affect the party's prospects in the 2006 state elections in Assam. They asked the prime minister that the official statement be retracted. Dr Singh succumbed to pressure and publicly stated that he doubted the authenticity of the information provided by his own junior minister. A week later, Jaiswal told Parliament that the information that he had provided about Bangladeshi infiltrators 'is unreliable and based on hearsay'!Jaiswal was not the first to do this shameful about-turn under the pressure of vote-bank politics. April 10, 1992, Assam's then chief minister, Hiteswar Saikia, stated in the legislative assembly that there were 'between two and three million' Bangladeshi infiltrators in Assam. He was only stating the obvious. This met with intense anger from the Muslim Forum in Assam. The Forum's head, Abdul Muhib Mazumdar, a Congress party man, reminded the chief minister that the Congress party's survival in power depended on 'Muslim votes' and warned that it would take 'just five minutes for the Muslims of Assam to throw your government out'. Saikia soon declared there was not a single illegal migrant in the state.One can give numerous instances of warnings sounded by people in authority. In 1996, TV Rajeshwar, a former director of the IB who was later made the governor of Uttar Pradesh by the UPA government, had warned, through a series of newspaper articles, that unchecked illegal immigration from Bangladesh into Assam and other border states in India's northeast 'could someday lead to a third division of India'. When he was governor of Assam, retired General SK Sinha had also cautioned about grave consequences for India's unity and security if the problem of Bangladeshi infiltration is not tackled firmly.The warning has also come from the judiciary. The Guwahati high court in 2008 heard a case relating to a Pakistani national who came to Bangladesh, then infiltrated into Assam, got his name registered on the voters' list and even managed to contest the 1996 assembly elections. Observing in despair that "this can happen only in Assam", the court noted that "illegal Bangladeshi immigrants are slowly becoming the 'king makers' in Assam and will reduce indigenous Assamese to a minority...."The warning sounded by India's Supreme Court has been even direr. The prolonged agitation of the Assamese people against infiltration from Bangladesh -- and earlier from East Pakistan -- culminated in the Assam Accord of 1985. The Rajiv Gandhi government enacted the Illegal Migrants (Determination through Tribunal) Act. The Assam Accord was hailed as one of the great achievement of Rajiv Gandhi's premiership. The IMDT Act turned out to be a cure worse than the disease. Far from checking the infiltration of Bangladeshis, it gave it a boost.This happened because the Rajiv Gandhi government had deliberately introduced certain flaws into the act that enabled infiltration to continue. Neither the Congress party nor any of the self-styled secular parties were subsequently willing to remove these flaws. After a prolonged legal battle by anti-foreigner forces in Assam, the Supreme Court, in its July 2005 verdict, struck down the IMDT Act as 'unconstitutional' and urged the federal government to take effective steps to stop the influx of Bangladeshis. The Supreme Court warned that large-scale infiltration from Bangladesh constituted 'external aggression' against Assam.In the past seven years since the Supreme Court's ruling, the UPA government has done nothing to 'take effective steps' to check the influx of Bangladeshis. Considerations of vote-bank politics have triumphed over the Congress party's weakening concern for India's unity and integrity.The problem that Assam is confronted with is not a Hindu versus Muslim conflict; it is an Indian nationals versus foreigners conflict. Native Muslims in Assam have, and should have, the same rights as native Hindus. However, foreigners who infiltrate into Assam -- or other parts of India -- cannot claim to have the same rights as Indians. Assam's plight has originated in the fact that the Congress party, for its shortsighted political considerations, has refused to acknowledge that infiltrators are foreigners.Bhupen Hazarika, Assam's greatest cultural icon who passed away last year, had expressed his people's anguish in a lyric he composed way back in 1968: 'Today's Assamese must save themselves or else they will become refugees in their own land'.Today, in 2012, Assam is finding itself in a far more helpless situation. The violence in the Bodo areas is an expression of this helplessness.Violence of any kind, and targeted against anybody, is condemnable. Every human life is precious, and snuffing out any human life is a crime. But why is the Congress party silent on the ongoing demographic invasion of India, threatening our nation's unity and integrity, in the form of the never-ending influx of foreigners into our country?Sudheendra Kulkarni is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party's National Executive. He can be reached at sudheenkulkarni@gmail.com
MORE INDIAN PROPAGANDA!
http://news.oneindia.in/india/bangladeshi-infiltration-issue-digging-the-reality-out-of-the-myths-1444221.html#infinite-scroll-1
Bangladeshi Infiltration Issue- Digging the Reality Out of the Myths
Written by: Pathikrit
Updated: Friday, May 9, 2014, 8:35 [IST]To unsubscribe from this group, send email to mailto:nabdc%2Bunsubscribe@googlegroups.com--
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