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Saturday, April 5, 2008

[chottala.com] Knowledge-based Transport Planning and Rickshaw Bans

Knowledge-based Transport Planning and Rickshaw Bans


By Mahbubul Bari
Dhaka, Bangladesh - The New Nation

For several years, discussion of transport issues and problems in
Dhaka has had a singular focus on the supposed contribution of cycle
rickshaws to traffic congestion, and the need to facilitate movement
of automobiles. In line with this analysis of the transport
situation, various projects have been undertaken, focusing on banning
rickshaws and rickshaw vans from major roads, and sometimes
relegating them to narrow rickshaw lanes. The problem of car parking
has been addressed mainly through insistence on provision of separate
parking places by offices, shops and restaurants even by enacting law
under the building code. It is a matter of deep regret that not a
single transport policy decision was undertaken after conducting a
proper scientific or knowledge-based analysis of the transport
problems of the city. It has become a standard norm to take important
policy decisions rather arbitrarily, whether it is rickshaw ban or
Strategic Transport Plan (STP) for the city.

The results of these various initiatives have been made clear through
government-mandated studies, including the HDRC report on the
rickshaw ban on Mirpur Road (HDRC 2004), and the DUTP after-study
report (DUTP 2006). The results, almost astonishingly negative, would
suggest that the basis for the policy decisions and transport plans
are flawed. This would be less than surprising when considering the
fact that important transport policy decisions were taken without
employing any knowledge-based approach or scientific study.

Moreover, despite the strong evidence of increased travel costs and
traffic congestion, transport planning continues to focus on
expanding the role of the automobile and reducing that of fuel-free
transport. That pattern has been reflected by the further extension
of the rickshaw bans on more city roads. In this connection, readers
are requested to draw their attention to the following news item:

¡°Traffic Division of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police made Purana Paltan-
Bijoynagar Road off-limits to rickshaws from Thursday. The decision
was taken at a meeting on Wednesday. All the deputy commissioners of
four traffic divisions were present at the meeting. M Sayedur Rahman,
deputy commissioner (south) of traffic division, told New Age on
Thursday that the authorities banned plying of non-motorised vehicles
on the stretch between Purana Paltan and Bijoynagar to ease traffic
congestion.¡± The New Age, Dhaka, Friday, October 19, 2007¡å.

This arbitrary decision making process as depicted in the news item
draws attention to a number of disturbing questions as follows: Do
the police have the authority to ban or restrict rickshaw movements?

If yes, from whom do they get that authority?

Do the police have similar authority to limit the movement of
motorised vehicles when there is not sufficient road capacity for
them, e.g. narrow lanes, which cannot accommodate cars without
causing traffic jams?

Probably not, it is therefore clear that such misguided policy
actions are being pursued just to give absolute priority in the
transport system of the city for a tiny minority of car owners, i.e.
the so called elite section of the society.

Do the police have requisite training to make proper transport
decisions?

If so, why dies Dhaka needs organisation like DTCB, when the police
can do the job better?

The rickshaw bans are being extended beyond Mirpur Road, but it seems
unlikely that those bans were carried out by the police, rather than
by a section of the powerful bureaucrats behind the scene. It may be
mentioned here that after failure of the rickshaw ban in the
demonstration project of the Mirpur Road, the World Bank has set the
standard of extending further bans on the condition that: ¡°Any future
support from the World Bank would be possible only if it can be
demonstrated that aggregate positive impacts of NMT-free conversion
on transport users and transport providers outweigh the aggregate
negative impact¡±.


It is matter of deep regret that policies continue to give car owners
absolute priority, while ignoring the fundamental principle of any
transport project appraisal, that is, that net user benefits of any
transport intervention must exceed net loss.

Now, it may be appropriate to concentrate on, possibly, the most
important argument in the news item, that is, ¡°the authorities banned
plying of non-motorised vehicles on the stretch between Purana Paltan
and Bijoynagar to ease traffic congestion.¡± In the following
paragraphs answer to this question and other related aspects of such
transport policy interventions, will be analysed in the light of
knowledge-based and participatory decision-making approach.

Did the previous rickshaw ban in Dhaka City ease traffic congestion?

The answer lies in the ¡°After Project¡± report of the government
mandated study of the Mirpur Road Demonstration project (DUTP 2006),
where fuel free transport was banned.

It might be appropriate to look into the issue considering a number
of key congestion indices with respect to before and after scenarios
of the Mirpur Road Demonstration project as follows:

Average journey time per vehicle

Average journey time per person

Journey reliability

Throughput (total number of vehicles per time interval that pass a
point on the carriageway)

Average Journey time per Vehicle

The Table 1 shows the comparison of travel times of fuel dependent
(motorised) vehicles between 2000 and 2005. Considering large
variability of the travel time data, it is evident that there is no
statistically significant difference of travel times of fuel
dependent or motorised vehicles between pre and post rickshaw ban
scenarios. This means that no travel time gain for fuel dependent
vehicle was achieved due to rickshaw ban.

The Table 2 demonstrates the comparison of travel times of buses
between 2000 and 2005. Although there is no statistically significant
difference of travel times for fuel dependent vehicles between pre
and post FFT ban scenarios, the travel times for buses did undergo
significant deterioration with a 26.1% increase of travel times. This
means that bus congestion has increased significantly due to
imposition of rickshaw ban in the Mirpur Road demonstration corridor.

On balance average vehicle congestion in terms of journey time per
vehicle has increased significantly due to the rickshaw ban.

Average journey time per person : Bus travel has worsened following
the FFT ban, with a 26.1% increase in travel time; passenger travels
by bus has become slower than by rickshaw. Thus all the bus
passengers (28.1% of total passengers)-both those who continue to
travel by bus in pre- and post-project scenarios, and those who were
forced to shift from rickshaws-have experienced significant increase
in travel times.

Impacts of the project on car passengers who have been riding a car
both pre- and post-project are more or less neutral, as there is no
significant difference in travel time.

The passengers of motorised para-transit who continue to travel both
in pre- and post-project scenarios are likely to suffer increase in
average journey times. While there is no significant difference in
travel times between scenarios, the times required to find a driver
who would be willing to go for short trips have gone up substantially
as per HDRC report (HDRC 2004) thereby increasing average travel
times per person.

Despite being subjected to a ban on Mirpur Road, rickshaws remain the
most popular means of transport in the corridor, accounting for 30%
of all trips. Rickshaw passengers have become net losers, being
forced to take long detours using congested side roads, and thereby
substantially increase their travel time.

These evidences from the after project studies prove that congestion
in terms of average journey time per person have increased
significantly after rickshaw ban in the Mirpur Road demonstration
corridor.

Journey Reliability: Both DUTP after project study (DUTP 2006) and
HDRC studies reported significant deterioration of waiting times for
bus passengers. Again, as reported in the HDRC report, baby taxi
operators are reluctant to take short trips, causing significant
increases in waiting times for passengers. Similarly, finding
suitable taxicabs at an affordable cost has become increasingly
troublesome and time-consuming for short trips.

It is therefore clearly evident that journey reliability of the
Mirpur Road demonstration project deteriorated significantly due to
imposition of rickshaw ban. This in turn represents increase of
congestion.

Throughput (total number of vehicles per time interval that pass a
point on the carriageway)

Although it might not be appropriate to compare throughputs between a
FFT free road and a mixed vehicles road, it is obvious from the Table
3 that number of vehicles that pass at North of Dhanmodi R#2 of
Mirpur Road, decreased significantly both in terms of absolute number
of vehicles and passenger car equivalents due to rickshaw ban. This
indicates the congestion in terms of throughput has increased
significantly due to rickshaw ban in Mirpur Road.

Again, although passenger carrying capacities of the whole network
under investigation were found to increase on average by 30% due to a
significant increase of bus services under a private sector-driven
initiative, increase in passenger capacity for the demonstration
project was only 15%. Again, a careful analysis of data reveals that
nearly total elimination of FFT combined with a very high increase in
bus service resulted in only a 15% increase in passenger capacity,
whereas a small decrease in cars combined with only a modest increase
in bus service resulted in a 27% increase in passenger capacity in a
VIP road, which has been under FDT-only operation in the base case,
indicating that as far as road capacity is concerned the problem is
cars, not rickshaws.

Whether car more efficient than rickshaws in terms of road space
occupancy?

Despite constant claims of the city officials that rickshaws are the
main source of traffic jams, data indicate that rickshaws are far
superior to cars as far as road space occupancy is concerned (see
Table 4). In the base case i.e. before fuel free transport ban,
rickshaws made up 69.8% of vehicles, yet utilised only 43.5% of road
space to transport 59.4% of passengers (all trips). Cars made up only
6.4% of vehicles, yet occupied as much as 29.9% of the road space in
the base case to transport far fewer passengers (5.5%) than by
rickshaw.

Despite being removed from the main roads, rickshaws are still the
most popular mode of transport, serving 30% of the passengers,
whereas cars serve only 8.5% of all trips (11% of vehicular trips)
while requiring the greatest share of road space (54.2%). Although
the modal share of cars in overall has gone up only 3.0%, they now
claim about 25% more road space than prior to FFT ban. If one
considers the additional parking space required for them, total road
space required would be much higher. It is clear that a combination
of fuel-free transit and public transit would be far superior to a
fuel-dependent transport and public transit option.

It may be mentioned here that despite 50% traffic growth of motorised
vehicles during 2000 to 2005 period, the traffic in terms of PCE
(passenger car equivalent) in Mirpur Road Demonstration corridor was
lower in 2005 in comparison to that of 2000. However, despite having
less number of traffic in 2005, the performance of the corridor was
significantly worse under FFT free condition after the ban.

It is therefore clearly evident from the data analysis of the DUTP
after project study that congestion in terms of all major congestion
indices has increased significantly due to imposition of fuel free
transport ban in the Mirpur Road demonstration corridor.

Comments
3 Comments so far

Syed Saiful Alam on December 31, 2007 12:20 am Fuel Consumption and
Environmental Impact of Rickshaw Bans in Dhaka

Dear all
Most trips in Dhaka are short in distance, usually one to five
kilometers. These trips are perfect of Rickshaws. Rickshaws are cheap
and popular mode of transport over short distances. Rickshaws are
safe, environmentally friendly and do not rely on fossil fuels.
Rickshaws support a significant portion of the population, not only
the pullers, but also their families in the villages, the mechanics
who fix the rickshaws, as well as street hawkers who sell them food.
From the raw materials to the finished product the Rickshaw employs
some 38 different professions. Action needs to be taken to support
the Rickshaw instead of further banning it in Dhaka. The combined
profits of all Rickshaws out earn all other passenger transport modes
(bus, rail, boats and airlines) combined. In Dhaka alone, Rickshaw
pullers combine to earn 20 million taka a month.

We think that over the coming holiday of Eid du Ajah, new Rickshaw
bans will be put into action on roads in Dhaka. Eid was used in the
past to place new bans on roads in Dhaka. Last Eid many roads were
declared Rickshaw free without public support or approval. By banning
Rickshaws roads are clogged with increased private car use as well as
increased parking by cars. Banning of Rickshaws on major roads
increases the transportation costs for commuters. Not only due to
longer trips to avoid roads with bans in effect, but also due to
actually having to take more expensive forms of transport such as CNG
or Taxi, where in the past a Rickshaw would suffice. The
environmental impact of banning Rickshaws is obvious because it
exchanges a non-motorized form of transport for a motorized form of
transport, thus increasing the pollution and harming the environment.
Rickshaw bans harm the most vulnerable in society, mainly the sick,
poor, women, children and the elderly; generally those who can not
afford or do not feel comfortable on other forms of public transport.
To ban Rickshaws also hurts small businesses that rely on them as a
cheap and reliable form of transporting their goods. Rickshaws are
ideal for urban settings because they can transport a relatively
large number of passengers while taking up a small portion of the
road. In 1998 the data showed that Rickshaws took up 38% of road
space while transporting 54% of passengers in Dhaka . The private
cars on the other hand, took up 34% of road space while only
transporting 9% of the population (1998 DUTP). This data does not
include the parking space on roads that cars take up in Dhaka . If
included this would further raise the amount of space taken up by
private cars. Every year the Rickshaw saves Bangladesh 100 billion
taka in environmental damage.

The government makes many efforts to reduce traffic congestion in
Dhaka but with no success. Blaming Rickshaws for traffic congestion
and subsequently banning them from major roads has not had the
desired affect. Traffic is still as bad now as it was before the
Rickshaws were banned on major roads. Rickshaws thus can not be seen
as the major cause of traffic congestion. Instead one should look
towards private cars and private car parking on roads as the major
cause of traffic congestion. The space gained by banning Rickshaws is
often used for private car parking. The current trend in transport
planning reduces the mobility of the majority for the convenience of
the minority. The next time a ban on Rickshaws on another road is
discussed please take into consideration who is being hurt and who is
being helped. For a better transport system in Dhaka we need to
create a city wide network of Rickshaw lanes. If this is done Dhaka
can reduce its fuel usage dramatically as well its pollution. We ask
your help in our fight to keep Dhaka a Rickshaw city. Any information
or help is very much appreciated and sought after. I write you this
letter to describe the difficulties we are facing and some solutions
but they are by no means exhaustive and we look forward to your help
and input.

Syed Saiful Alam Shovan
Volunteer
Save Environment Movement
House # 58/1, Kalabagan 1st lane
Dhanmondi, Dhaka,Bangladesh
Email shovan1209@yahoo.
www.environmentmovementbd.org

Yasmin Chowdhury on March 1, 2008 7:43 am Pricing public transit:
learning from Bangkok
Yasmin Chowdhury

When I first visited Bangkok in 1994, I got around the city mostly by
bus. The buses were slow, the streets congested, and I soon learned
that I could only make one plan for the morning and one for the
afternoon, as it might take a couple hours to move about.
Then the city started to build their skytrain. I waited with great
anticipation for its completion. It seemed to require a lot more time
and a lot more money (OK, just two years of delay and three times
over budget) than originally anticipated, and the fares are
admittedly quite high, but it was finally built¡ªif never finished. (I
saw an article in a Thai newspaper about people very upset that the
planned line to their area had never been built; meanwhile, the
pilings leading to the now domestic-only airport have been converted
into advertising posts.)
To be quite honest, I love the skytrain. Sure, the cement structure
looming overhead is ugly. Sure, most of the stations lack escalators,
making them inaccessible to those in wheelchairs, and exceedingly
difficult for those lugging heavy bags or luggage. Sure, the two
lines only cover a very limited portion of Bangkok. Sure, it¡¯s
expensive. Sure, despite all the hassles, the trains are often
packed. Sure, the stations are congested and I sometimes have to push
through people to reach my train. But at least I can see a little of
the city while I travel, and I can now get around to the stops on the
line quickly, allowing myself to visit far more places in a day.
Though the skytrain certainly makes moving around the city much
easier (if you can afford it), it obviously didn¡¯t alleviate the
congestion, as the government then opened a very limited subway
system. The first time I tried to ride it, about a year after it
opened, it was closed for two weeks due to an accident. I finally
rode it a couple years after that, and discovered that it cost about
US$0.50 to ride what it would take me ten minutes to walk. That
seemed outrageous, and I don¡¯t love riding up and down long
escalators and traveling in tunnels. Since the Metro doesn¡¯t seem to
go much beyond the skytrain, I stick to the skytrain.
But now, after spending billions of dollars on those mass transit
systems, and despite having an existing extensive bus system, and
more roads than most Asian cities of their level of economic
development, the government is now planning bus rapid transit¡ªa bit
like a street-level trolley, but with buses instead of trams. Of
course, that too is delayed¡ªbut the cost is a fraction of that for
the skytrain and Metro.
A more careful look at those costs reveals something interesting and
of considerable relevance as Dhaka plans its public transit system.
According to various Web sites, the skytrain, which opened in 1999,
cost about US$1.5 billion for 24 kilometers. That amounts to US$62.5
million per kilometer. Of course, things were cheaper back then.
Construction of the Metro began back in 1996, but it wasn¡¯t finished
until 2004. According to Wikipedia, ¡°The project suffered multiple
delays not only because of the 1997 economic crisis, but also due to
challenging civil engineering works of constructing massive
underground structures deep in the water-logged soil upon which the
city is built.¡± Interesting. Fortunately we don¡¯t have those troubles
in Dhaka (ahem!).
As for cost, the Metro cost a mere US$ 2.75 billion for 21 km, or
US$130.95 million per kilometer¡ªjust over twice that of the skytrain.
Apparently burrowing underground, dealing with flooding issues,
providing ventilation, and so on is much more expensive than building
above our heads. Meanwhile, again quoting Wikipedia, ¡°ridership has
settled down to around 180,000 riders daily ¡ª considerably lower than
projections of over 400,000, despite fares being slashed in half from
12-38 baht to 10-15 baht per trip. As of 2006, fares range between 14-
36 baht per trip.¡± With an exchange rate as I write of 32 baht to one
US dollar, that¡¯s a mighty high fare. Good thing Bangladeshis are
wealthier than Thais (??).
Meanwhile, the anticipated cost for the BRT is 33.4 million for 36
kilometers. Admittedly, anticipated costs are often far less than
actual costs, but still, at US$0.93 million per kilometer, that¡¯s a
bargain compared to the Metro or the skytrain¡ªeven more so when
considering it¡¯s being built last, when prices are highest. At 67
times less than the skytrain and 141 times less than the Metro, even
with significant cost increases, it will still be far more affordable
than its public transit predecessors.
Of course, operational costs are another issue. Buses require fuel,
trains electricity. Buses tend to require more maintenance, tires
wear down frequently, and buses have to be replaced far more often
than trains. While it is cheaper to build a BRT system initially, the
higher operational costs might mean that, in the long term, a tram
system would be more affordable¡ªtram meaning street-level light rail,
not something up in the sky or underground, which greatly multiplies
the costs.
Which is all to say, I¡¯m all for public transit. So, apparently, are
Thais: last I checked, hotels and housing advertise their proximity
to the various public transit options. Apparently people are sick and
tired of sitting in cars stuck in traffic jams. In public transit,
you can sit back and read a book while you ride, look out the window
(preferably not at tunnels), eavesdrop on your neighbor¡¯s
conversation, and otherwise amuse yourself without risking crashing
into someone once the traffic moves again.
But when considering spending millions or billions on public transit,
it would make sense to invest it wisely, in a system that will be the
most extensive and least expensive, and thus offer the best value for
the money. At 141 times per kilometer less to build BRT than Metro,
we could both have a far more extensive system, meeting far more
people¡¯s needs, and lower fares. Sounds like a bargain to me!

Syed Saiful Alam on March 2, 2008 10:29 am March 2, 2008
DMP¡¯s plan for better traffic
management fails
The Daily New Age March 2, 2008
http://www.newagebd.com/met.html#1
Abdul Kader

Though the Dhaka Metropolitan Police has made efforts from time to
time for better traffic management in the capital city, they fail due
to lack of proper enforcement of traffic rules, said a traffic
engineer.
The DMP commissioner at a meeting in October last year with four
deputy commissioners of traffic division decided to strengthen the
enforcement of laws against the banned 20-year-old vehicles and
illegal parking, but no progress was found visible as a huge number
of unfit vehicles still ply the city streets.
The communications ministry in collaboration with DMP imposed the ban
on plying of 20-year-old buses and minibuses in 2002. Even though the
DMP seized a good number of outdated vehicles in few months since the
imposition of the ban, now many unfit vehicles ply the streets.
The DMP authorities also decided to take stern action against illegal
parking, but it still continues in the city for lack of
implementation of the decision.
A traffic sergeant said a vehicle is fined Tk 200 for illegal parking
under Section 137 of Motor Vehicles Ordinance. ¡®The range of fine
should be increased to stop violation of the rules.¡¯
Officials of Bangladesh Road Transport Authority said the revised
ordinance had been submitted to the government with proposal for
increasing the existing fine which was at final stage.
Shakil Kashem, lecturer of urban and regional planning department at
BUET said, ¡®The authorities concerned have showed their eagerness to
remove bus counters from footpaths, but they don¡¯t dare to take steps
against illegal car parking on roads and footpaths.¡¯
Besides, the DMP authorities from February, 2007 imposed a ban on
honking on Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue stretching from Shahbagh crossing
to Shaheed Jahangir Gate.
Since May 6, 2007, it was extended to different areas, including
Shaheed Jahangir Gate to Abdullahpur in Uttara via Mohakhali, Kemal
Ataturk Avenue to Phoenix Building via Gulshan-1 and Gulshan-2,
Gabtali to Azimpur via Russell Square, Bijoy Sarani to Mohammadpur
Traffic Office via Lake Road, Sheraton Hotel crossing to Kakrail
crossing, Matsya Bhaban to Rainbow crossing via Kakrail Church,
Science Laboratory to Matsya Bhaban via Shahbagh and Matsya Bhaban to
Golap Shah mazar via old High Court crossing and Phoenix Road.
At the beginning, traffic sergeants filed over 2,000 cases against
the violators, but now there is no effective enforcement of the ban.
A traffic engineer of a government agency said, ¡®We take many good
decisions regarding to traffic management, but cannot implement those
decisions. As a result, the decisions that came from meetings don¡¯t
bring any fruitful result.¡¯
When contacted a traffic division top official said manpower for
traffic management is very less than that of requirement. ¡®All the
sergeants and traffic police have to work on priority basis and keep
themselves busy with traffic management.¡¯
Sayedur Rahman, deputy commissioner of Traffic Division (south) of
DMP told New Age, ¡®The enforcement of laws is on as usual. Every day
cases are filed against illegal parking and violating the honking
ban.¡¯
Yet people are violating the rules. An increase in the fine for
violating the motor rules may prevent people from the violation of
rules, he added.
A traffic sergeant in Paltan area said, ¡®The trend for violating the
traffic rules is very high among the drivers. We have filed many
cases, but they don¡¯t pay heed because the amount of fine is very
minimal.¡¯
A traffic police said bus owners association would have to take steps
as their drivers abide by traffic rules. ¡®Most bus companies or
owners employ drivers on contractual basis who frequently violate
traffic rules to save times.¡¯
The government has taken an initiative to amend the motor vehicles
ordinance 1983 with an increase in fine apart from a citizen¡¯s
charter. The amendment process was at final stage, a BRTA official
said.

------------------------------------

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[chottala.com] Re: [baainews] Infringement of the Bangladesh Association of America, Inc., (BAAI) Trade Mark

By Mahabubul Bari
Dhaka, Bangladesh -
The New Nation
rickshawtraffic.jpgFor several years, discussion of transport issues and problems in Dhaka has had a singular focus on the supposed contribution of cycle rickshaws to traffic congestion, and the need to facilitate movement of automobiles. In line with this analysis of the transport situation, various projects have been undertaken, focusing on banning rickshaws and rickshaw vans from major roads, and sometimes relegating them to narrow rickshaw lanes. The problem of car parking has been addressed mainly through insistence on provision of separate parking places by offices, shops and restaurants even by enacting law under the building code. It is a matter of deep regret that not a single transport policy decision was undertaken after conducting a proper scientific or knowledge-based analysis of the transport problems of the city. It has become a standard norm to take important policy decisions rather arbitrarily, whether it is rickshaw ban or Strategic Transport Plan (STP) for the city.
The results of these various initiatives have been made clear through government-mandated studies, including the HDRC report on the rickshaw ban on Mirpur Road (HDRC 2004), and the DUTP after-study report (DUTP 2006). The results, almost astonishingly negative, would suggest that the basis for the policy decisions and transport plans are flawed. This would be less than surprising when considering the fact that important transport policy decisions were taken without employing any knowledge-based approach or scientific study.
Moreover, despite the strong evidence of increased travel costs and traffic congestion, transport planning continues to focus on expanding the role of the automobile and reducing that of fuel-free transport. That pattern has been reflected by the further extension of the rickshaw bans on more city roads. In this connection, readers are requested to draw their attention to the following news item:
gTraffic Division of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police made Purana Paltan-Bijoynagar Road off-limits to rickshaws from Thursday. The decision was taken at a meeting on Wednesday. All the deputy commissioners of four traffic divisions were present at the meeting. M Sayedur Rahman, deputy commissioner (south) of traffic division, told New Age on Thursday that the authorities banned plying of non-motorised vehicles on the stretch between Purana Paltan and Bijoynagar to ease traffic congestion.h The New Age, Dhaka, Friday, October 19, 2007.
30178-100~100.jpgThis arbitrary decision making process as depicted in the news item draws attention to a number of disturbing questions as follows: Do the police have the authority to ban or restrict rickshaw movements?
If yes, from whom do they get that authority?
Do the police have similar authority to limit the movement of motorised vehicles when there is not sufficient road capacity for them, e.g. narrow lanes, which cannot accommodate cars without causing traffic jams?
Probably not, it is therefore clear that such misguided policy actions are being pursued just to give absolute priority in the transport system of the city for a tiny minority of car owners, i.e. the so called elite section of the society.
Do the police have requisite training to make proper transport decisions?
If so, why dies Dhaka needs organisation like DTCB, when the police can do the job better?
The rickshaw bans are being extended beyond Mirpur Road, but it seems unlikely that those bans were carried out by the police, rather than by a section of the powerful bureaucrats behind the scene. It may be mentioned here that after failure of the rickshaw ban in the demonstration project of the Mirpur Road, the World Bank has set the standard of extending further bans on the condition that: gAny future support from the World Bank would be possible only if it can be demonstrated that aggregate positive impacts of NMT-free conversion on transport users and transport providers outweigh the aggregate negative impacth.
images-10.jpeg
It is matter of deep regret that policies continue to give car owners absolute priority, while ignoring the fundamental principle of any transport project appraisal, that is, that net user benefits of any transport intervention must exceed net loss.
Now, it may be appropriate to concentrate on, possibly, the most important argument in the news item, that is, gthe authorities banned plying of non-motorised vehicles on the stretch between Purana Paltan and Bijoynagar to ease traffic congestion.h In the following paragraphs answer to this question and other related aspects of such transport policy interventions, will be analysed in the light of knowledge-based and participatory decision-making approach.
Did the previous rickshaw ban in Dhaka City ease traffic congestion?
The answer lies in the gAfter Projecth report of the government mandated study of the Mirpur Road Demonstration project (DUTP 2006), where fuel free transport was banned.
It might be appropriate to look into the issue considering a number of key congestion indices with respect to before and after scenarios of the Mirpur Road Demonstration project as follows:
Average journey time per vehicle
Average journey time per person
Journey reliability
Throughput (total number of vehicles per time interval that pass a point on the carriageway)
Average Journey time per Vehicle
images-3.jpegThe Table 1 shows the comparison of travel times of fuel dependent (motorised) vehicles between 2000 and 2005. Considering large variability of the travel time data, it is evident that there is no statistically significant difference of travel times of fuel dependent or motorised vehicles between pre and post rickshaw ban scenarios. This means that no travel time gain for fuel dependent vehicle was achieved due to rickshaw ban.
The Table 2 demonstrates the comparison of travel times of buses between 2000 and 2005. Although there is no statistically significant difference of travel times for fuel dependent vehicles between pre and post FFT ban scenarios, the travel times for buses did undergo significant deterioration with a 26.1% increase of travel times. This means that bus congestion has increased significantly due to imposition of rickshaw ban in the Mirpur Road demonstration corridor.
On balance average vehicle congestion in terms of journey time per vehicle has increased significantly due to the rickshaw ban.
Average journey time per person : Bus travel has worsened following the FFT ban, with a 26.1% increase in travel time; passenger travels by bus has become slower than by rickshaw. Thus all the bus passengers (28.1% of total passengers)-both those who continue to travel by bus in pre- and post-project scenarios, and those who were forced to shift from rickshaws-have experienced significant increase in travel times.
Impacts of the project on car passengers who have been riding a car both pre- and post-project are more or less neutral, as there is no significant difference in travel time.
The passengers of motorised para-transit who continue to travel both in pre- and post-project scenarios are likely to suffer increase in average journey times. While there is no significant difference in travel times between scenarios, the times required to find a driver who would be willing to go for short trips have gone up substantially as per HDRC report (HDRC 2004) thereby increasing average travel times per person.
images-7.jpegDespite being subjected to a ban on Mirpur Road, rickshaws remain the most popular means of transport in the corridor, accounting for 30% of all trips. Rickshaw passengers have become net losers, being forced to take long detours using congested side roads, and thereby substantially increase their travel time.
These evidences from the after project studies prove that congestion in terms of average journey time per person have increased significantly after rickshaw ban in the Mirpur Road demonstration corridor.
Journey Reliability: Both DUTP after project study (DUTP 2006) and HDRC studies reported significant deterioration of waiting times for bus passengers. Again, as reported in the HDRC report, baby taxi operators are reluctant to take short trips, causing significant increases in waiting times for passengers. Similarly, finding suitable taxicabs at an affordable cost has become increasingly troublesome and time-consuming for short trips.
It is therefore clearly evident that journey reliability of the Mirpur Road demonstration project deteriorated significantly due to imposition of rickshaw ban. This in turn represents increase of congestion.
Throughput (total number of vehicles per time interval that pass a point on the carriageway)
Although it might not be appropriate to compare throughputs between a FFT free road and a mixed vehicles road, it is obvious from the Table 3 that number of vehicles that pass at North of Dhanmodi R#2 of Mirpur Road, decreased significantly both in terms of absolute number of vehicles and passenger car equivalents due to rickshaw ban. This indicates the congestion in terms of throughput has increased significantly due to rickshaw ban in Mirpur Road.
rickshaws-53189087-tn.jpgAgain, although passenger carrying capacities of the whole network under investigation were found to increase on average by 30% due to a significant increase of bus services under a private sector-driven initiative, increase in passenger capacity for the demonstration project was only 15%. Again, a careful analysis of data reveals that nearly total elimination of FFT combined with a very high increase in bus service resulted in only a 15% increase in passenger capacity, whereas a small decrease in cars combined with only a modest increase in bus service resulted in a 27% increase in passenger capacity in a VIP road, which has been under FDT-only operation in the base case, indicating that as far as road capacity is concerned the problem is cars, not rickshaws.
Whether car more efficient than rickshaws in terms of road space occupancy?
Despite constant claims of the city officials that rickshaws are the main source of traffic jams, data indicate that rickshaws are far superior to cars as far as road space occupancy is concerned (see Table 4). In the base case i.e. before fuel free transport ban, rickshaws made up 69.8% of vehicles, yet utilised only 43.5% of road space to transport 59.4% of passengers (all trips). Cars made up only 6.4% of vehicles, yet occupied as much as 29.9% of the road space in the base case to transport far fewer passengers (5.5%) than by rickshaw.
Despite being removed from the main roads, rickshaws are still the most popular mode of transport, serving 30% of the passengers, whereas cars serve only 8.5% of all trips (11% of vehicular trips) while requiring the greatest share of road space (54.2%). Although the modal share of cars in overall has gone up only 3.0%, they now claim about 25% more road space than prior to FFT ban. If one considers the additional parking space required for them, total road space required would be much higher. It is clear that a combination of fuel-free transit and public transit would be far superior to a fuel-dependent transport and public transit option.
It may be mentioned here that despite 50% traffic growth of motorised vehicles during 2000 to 2005 period, the traffic in terms of PCE (passenger car equivalent) in Mirpur Road Demonstration corridor was lower in 2005 in comparison to that of 2000. However, despite having less number of traffic in 2005, the performance of the corridor was significantly worse under FFT free condition after the ban.
images-8.jpegIt is therefore clearly evident from the data analysis of the DUTP after project study that congestion in terms of all major congestion indices has increased significantly due to imposition of fuel free transport ban in the Mirpur Road demonstration corridor.


mmhussain@aol.com wrote:


Legal Process has just started!!!
Unlawful use of the name of Bangladesh Association of America, Inc., (BAAI) !!!
Infringement of the Trademark!!!

Dear Friends/Members:

BAAI has started a legal process against Mr. Karim Salahuddin for his u
nlawful use of the name of Bangladesh Association of America, Inc., (BAAI) and claiming to be its President. 

BAAI retained  Attorney Charles C. Iweanoge based in Washington DC has issued a  "cease & desist" letter  to-day to
 
Mr. Karim Salauddin.  I have attached a copy of the letter which you will find self-explanatory.

Through this media I have issued from time to time our objection to Mr. Karim Salahuddin  using  his name but he did not stop. Eventually we have exhausted our effort and did not have any other option but to resort to this legal process.

Mr. Karim Salahuddin  should refrain from using his name, collecting money and holding social & cultural event, etc. Their activities are unlawful and constitute unfair competition, intentional trade mark infringement, and trade mark dilution.

Be advised that  I  as the President of BAAI, am taking this opportunity to give assurance to those who love this Association that we will take whatever action necessary to protect BAAI's  interest.

Stay tuned!!!!

Best Regards.

M. Musharraf Hussain
President
Bangladesh Association of America, Inc., (BAAI
)
(301) 294 - 2176





Syed Siful Alam Shovan
shovan1209@yahoo.com


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[chottala.com] Pricing public transit: learning from Bangkok (For dhaka)

Pricing public transit:  learning from Bangkok
Yasmin Chowdhury
When I first visited Bangkok in 1994, I got around the city mostly by bus.  The buses were slow, the streets congested, and I soon learned that I could only make one plan for the morning and one for the afternoon, as it might take a couple hours to move about.
Then the city started to build their skytrain.  I waited with great anticipation for its completion.  It seemed to require a lot more time and a lot more money (OK, just two years of delay and three times over budget) than originally anticipated, and the fares are admittedly quite high, but it was finally built—if never finished.  (I saw an article in a Thai newspaper about people very upset that the planned line to their area had never been built; meanwhile, the pilings leading to the now domestic-only airport have been converted into advertising posts.)
To be quite honest, I love the skytrain.  Sure, the cement structure looming overhead is ugly.  Sure, most of the stations lack escalators, making them inaccessible to those in wheelchairs, and exceedingly difficult for those lugging heavy bags or luggage.  Sure, the two lines only cover a very limited portion of Bangkok.  Sure, it's expensive.  Sure, despite all the hassles, the trains are often packed.  Sure, the stations are congested and I sometimes have to push through people to reach my train.  But at least I can see a little of the city while I travel, and I can now get around to the stops on the line quickly, allowing myself to visit far more places in a day.
Though the skytrain certainly makes moving around the city much easier (if you can afford it), it obviously didn't alleviate the congestion, as the government then opened a very limited subway system.  The first time I tried to ride it, about a year after it opened, it was closed for two weeks due to an accident.  I finally rode it a couple years after that, and discovered that it cost about US$0.50 to ride what it would take me ten minutes to walk.  That seemed outrageous, and I don't love riding up and down long escalators and traveling in tunnels.  Since the Metro doesn't seem to go much beyond the skytrain, I stick to the skytrain.
But now, after spending billions of dollars on those mass transit systems, and despite having an existing extensive bus system, and more roads than most Asian cities of their level of economic development, the government is now planning bus rapid transit—a bit like a street-level trolley, but with buses instead of trams.  Of course, that too is delayed—but the cost is a fraction of that for the skytrain and Metro.
A more careful look at those costs reveals something interesting and of considerable relevance as Dhaka plans its public transit system.  According to various Web sites, the skytrain, which opened in 1999, cost about US$1.5 billion for 24 kilometers.  That amounts to US$62.5 million per kilometer.  Of course, things were cheaper back then. 
Construction of the Metro began back in 1996, but it wasn't finished until 2004.  According to Wikipedia, "The project suffered multiple delays not only because of the 1997 economic crisis, but also due to challenging civil engineering works of constructing massive underground structures deep in the water-logged soil upon which the city is built."  Interesting.  Fortunately we don't have those troubles in Dhaka (ahem!).
As for cost, the Metro cost a mere US$ 2.75 billion for 21 km, or US$130.95 million per kilometer—just over twice that of the skytrain.  Apparently burrowing underground, dealing with flooding issues, providing ventilation, and so on is much more expensive than building above our heads.  Meanwhile, again quoting Wikipedia, "ridership has settled down to around 180,000 riders daily — considerably lower than projections of over 400,000, despite fares being slashed in half from 12-38 baht to 10-15 baht per trip. As of 2006, fares range between 14-36 baht per trip."  With an exchange rate as I write of 32 baht to one US dollar, that's a mighty high fare.  Good thing Bangladeshis are wealthier than Thais (??).
Meanwhile, the anticipated cost for the BRT is 33.4 million for 36 kilometers.  Admittedly, anticipated costs are often far less than actual costs, but still, at US$0.93 million per kilometer, that's a bargain compared to the Metro or the skytrain—even more so when considering it's being built last, when prices are highest.  At 67 times less than the skytrain and 141 times less than the Metro, even with significant cost increases, it will still be far more affordable than its public transit predecessors.
Of course, operational costs are another issue.  Buses require fuel, trains electricity.  Buses tend to require more maintenance, tires wear down frequently, and buses have to be replaced far more often than trains.  While it is cheaper to build a BRT system initially, the higher operational costs might mean that, in the long term, a tram system would be more affordable—tram meaning street-level light rail, not something up in the sky or underground, which greatly multiplies the costs.
Which is all to say, I'm all for public transit.  So, apparently, are Thais:  last I checked, hotels and housing advertise their proximity to the various public transit options.  Apparently people are sick and tired of sitting in cars stuck in traffic jams.  In public transit, you can sit back and read a book while you ride, look out the window (preferably not at tunnels), eavesdrop on your neighbor's conversation, and otherwise amuse yourself without risking crashing into someone once the traffic moves again.
But when considering spending millions or billions on public transit, it would make sense to invest it wisely, in a system that will be the most extensive and least expensive, and thus offer the best value for the money.  At 141 times per kilometer less to build BRT than Metro, we could both have a far more extensive system, meeting far more people's needs, and lower fares.  Sounds like a bargain to me!


AbdurRahim Azad <Arahim.azad@gmail.com> wrote:
A horrendously discriminatory privilege

Tayeb Husain

I read with utmost sorrow the news item in Bangladeshi media that duel citizenship will be offered only to Bangladesh origin British passport holders only. The announcement has been made by none but the Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed during his recent London visit in which he is reported to have said that "from now on, British passport-holder Bangladeshis would automatically retain their Bangladeshi citizenships".

Personally I am against offering such a privilege to Bangladeshi origin foreign citizen, whether one is a British or a Nepalese passport holder, but I strongly believe that if and when government offers any such privilege to the expatriate children it must be to all Bangladeshi origin foreign citizens and not to any particular group only. I consider this "extra privilege offered" to British citizens only is horrendously discriminatory, unfair, unjust, unwise and totally silly. I condemn it clearly and loudly.

Those of us settled in Europe and North America often faces discrimination in job market, in social and cultural life in our adopted countries and we know how painful it is to be discriminated. Now our motherland applies the same discriminatory law while treating us with a privilege. Once again I strongly condemn this discriminatory law and urge the Bangladesh government to withdraw this offer or if the offer must be evoked, let it be available to all Bangladesh origin foreign citizens.

Here I explain why I oppose duel citizenship, voting right and other privileges to Bangladesh origin foreign citizen. I strongly oppose expatriates' voting rights on principles and practical reasons even though it is against my personal interest. I sincerely believe that none should have divided allegiance and one should be fully loyal to the country one lives, earns a living and finally becomes a citizen. This is the basic principle I am talking about.

Voting Rights, Duel Citizenship and Owning property in Bangladesh

Offering voting right to an expatriate is wrong. Bangladesh and many other countries allow/offer double citizenship to immigrants with full rights and responsibilities of a normal resident. Rich western countries do it for certain reasons. For example, many US citizens have Israeli citizenship where they work and help the Israeli nation. They are mostly American Jews. The British and the French also allow dual citizenship and traditionally it has been so due to unholy colonial interest of the colonialist powers but the practice still continues.

Bangladesh is a poor country and it was very generous of her to offer an immigrant from Bangladesh double citizenship and even a Bangladeshi passport knowing it well that the immigrant is a foreign citizen now and has a passport from his/her adopted country. This generosity of Bangladesh has offered good and bad opportunities to many people. To a good person it gives a sense of nostalgia and he/she always fondly remembers his country of origin with deep gratitude and love. Such a decent person returns this generosity of his/her motherland doing good things in return when an opportunity comes. However, these types of people are very few and often very rare. An individual is always after his/her personal interest and there are many who would go to any extent to gain a little extra profit whenever he/she gets an opportunity to do so. There are also certain criminals who use this opportunity to maximise benefits of their many horrendous crimes. Often the generous rules and regulations of the criminals' adopted countries offer these criminals safe haven and the countries of origin of the criminals cannot take any action against them for their crimes committed in his/her country of origin. Many criminals from Arab countries moved to the UK on the pretext of political persecution in their home countries and the same pretext were used by many people from former communist countries to get a safe sanctuary in Western Europe. Some expatriates/immigrants from underdeveloped countries can be classified as political touts and basically, ordinary criminals. Sometimes they are politically connected with political touts at home and very often co-operate with corrupt politicians of their home countries to share their ill earned money or social or political advantages. Some well-established expatriates also go back to their countries of origin to take part in direct politics and hold ministerial posts by offering money to political organisations or directly to party bosses. These people are basically corrupt and live high life in Bangladesh mostly by corruption at the cost of poor Bangladesh.

Now, what can be done or what rights and privileges to be offered to a Bangladeshi immigrant/expatriate? Recently, someone has even proposed in Bangladesh media that two seats of the national parliament should be reserved for the expatriates. I consider it unfair and dangerous for Bangladesh. I shall suggest that except 'No visa requirement' seal at a reasonable fee on the foreign passport of an expatriate no other right or privilege should be offered to anybody as long as he/she carries a foreign passport. The double citizenship business should be cancelled and every expatriate/immigrant should declare his/her assets in Bangladesh if he/she stays in the country more than three months at any given time. No immigrant should be allowed to own agricultural land in Bangladesh if he/she does not cultivate and properly use it for agriculture or farming purpose. Sometime ago I read in the media about an expatriate living in USA asking the government to intervene because a criminal in Bangladesh had grabbed his land. While I do not support any land-grabbing by anybody, I strongly oppose any foreign citizen owning any land in Bangladesh under any circumstances. Bangladesh is a very small country, land per capita in Bangladesh is lowest in the world and under such circumstances no expatriate should be allowed to own agricultural or commercial land in Bangladesh if he/she does not return home and live in Bangladesh permanently.

Regarding jobs in Bangladesh, anybody with foreign passport/citizenship should not be allowed to seek any job in Bangladesh except those foreign experts whom Bangladesh may need for certain special jobs.

Again, anybody who is a Bangladeshi citizen with a Bangladeshi passport but did not live in Bangladesh continuously over a year or so (except those who are abroad on government duty or studying in a foreign country) should not be allowed to vote or to take part in any election or seek any government office. Any one in service with the Bangladesh government with foreign citizenship should be found out, dismissed and in case where any one who has hidden his/her foreign connection while serving the government should be sent out of the country after checking properly his/her assets and foreign links.

By adopting such a strong measure against the expatriates Bangladesh may prove itself very unkind or even hostile towards its 'lost' children but these measures are very necessary to safeguard the interest of Bangladeshi people and to curb the ill activities of a great number of criminals who are Bangladeshi expatriates/immigrants and foreign citizens.
 
 
 



Syed Siful Alam Shovan
shovan1209@yahoo.com


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[chottala.com] List Of 1597 war criminals list for you !

War Crimes Facts Finding Committee (WCFFC), a research organisation, yesterday unveiled a list of 1,597 war criminals responsible for the mass killings, rapes and other atrocities during the Liberation War.

To receive  the whole list    join  the Groups   called  ' TUI RAJAKAR '

links :

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/tuirajakar/




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[chottala.com] A Good Soldier Never Quits by Prof. Abdul Mannan



Abdul Mannan

 Please view attachment. (pdf file)
 
 A Good Soldier Never Quits by Prof. Abdul Mannan
 
-masud
 
March 25, 2008
New York
 
__________________________________________
 
               www.masudalam.com




"They can because they think they can." – Virgil
"Nothing can stop the man with the right mental attitude from achieving his goal" - Thomas Jefferson


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[chottala.com] Re: RAZAKAR - Prosecution, jury, witness and the judge ?

 WRT: 'Here you are trying to become the Prosecution, jury,
           witness and the judge"
 
That sounded like a twinkie defense on behalf of the the real Razakars!
 
And by the way, we don't have a Jury system for criminal trials in Bangladesh !
 
Why do you think the proposals are attempts to "become the Prosecution,
jury, witness and the judge" ? Can you explain?
 
There was no judgement in the posting .....those were proposals
Once again, the proposals includes :
 
(a) A  special Truth comission for allowing the RAZAKARS, collaborator & war
     criminals to confess and admit their crimes .....
 
(b)  All collaborating political parties should be banned forever as condition of the
plea  bargain. Jamaati Islami & it's student wing Islami Chattro Sangha (Currently
known as Islami Chattro Sibir) topped the list. The leadership of these organizations
should be given examplary punishment, so that the RAZAHAR phenomenon never
repeats in future under any cover.
 
(c) The proposal also contains that the "Propagation of Jamaati-Islamofacist ideology
should also be prohibitted" ....just like propagation of Nazi ideology was banned
after the WW II.
 
The truths are self-evident .... there are enough evidence for a trials against
Jamaate Islami to be procecuted ...... Clear and simple ....... 
The Jamaaati Rajakars should be taken to remand for police interrogation.
There are many many probable causes for justifying such remands:
These Jamaatis should be taken to remand immediately 
(1)  Matiur Rahman Nizami,
(2) Delwar Hossain Sayedee,
(3) Ali Ahsan Mujahidi,
(4) Qader Mullah,
(5) Shah Abdul Hannan,
(6) Gholam Azam ......  
 
      Yes, I have jumped into my conclusions. The people of Bangladeshi are jumping
        into conclusions too.... Let the due process kick in ....
    
 
Sorry, my propoposals may be too annoying and irritating to the friends of the
Collaborators and War Criminals .....[ Do you want to say ...
Oh! Oh! No! No! don't  dig the past .... truths will pop up !]
 
PS: I hope, you know,  that  a "plea bargain" is deal offered by the procecuter an
       incentive for a criminal to plead guilty ...... Plea Bargain is not a Judgement..
 
 
 
Syed Aslam
  
On 4/4/08, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com> wrote:

I guess that the rule of law demands that the
criminals be tried under the law of the land and
punished as per law. Here you are trying to become the
Prosecution, jury, witness and the judge.
Salahuddin Ayubi
--- Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:

> *Now RAZAKAR means collaborator with the occupation


> regime ....*
>
> (1) The word *RAZAKAR *has found a new connotation
> in the context
> of contemporary history of Bangladesh. It means a
> collaborator
> with a foreign occupation army and a war criminals
> who volunteered
> aid and abbett to kill innocent people and children
> and rape
> defense-less women in the name of Islam.
>
> (2) Bangladesh should form a Truth & History
> commission, the RAZAKARS,
> collaborator & war criminals should be allowed to
> confess and admit
> their crime .....
>
> (3) All collaborating political parties should be
> banned forever as
> condition
> of the plea bargain. Jamaati Islami & it's
> student wing Islami Chattro
> Sangha (Currently known as Islami Chattro
> Sibir) topped the list. The
> leadership of these organisation should be
> given examplary punishment.
> Propagation of Jamaati-Islamofacist ideology
> should also be
> prohibitted.
>
> Syed Aslam
>
>
>
>
>
>
> On 4/4/08, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com>
> wrote:
> >
> > The word razakar literally means volunteer. Di9d
> he
> > mean that he volunteered his service to the Pak
> > occupation army just like his dad did?
> > Salahuddin Aybui
> > --- Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com
> <Syed.Aslam3%40gmail.com>> wrote:
> >
> > > *SQ Chy says he is well-known 'razakar'*
> > > Staff Correspondent
> > >
> > > "I'm a razakar, I'm a well-known razakar," said
> > > Salauddin Quader Chowdhury,
> > > parliamentary affairs adviser to former prime
> > > minister Khaleda Zia, during
> > > his trial yesterday at a special court set up at
> the
> > > MP Hostel in
> > > Sher-e-Bangla Nagar.
> > >
> > > Salahuddin, who is widely criticised for his
> > > anti-liberation role, said this
> > > while questioning the plaintiff during the
> hearing
> > > of a case filed against
> > > him by the Anti-corruption Commission (ACC).
> > >
> > > Razakars collaborated with the Pakistan
> occupation
> > > forces during the
> > > Liberation War.
> > >
> > > ACC Assistant Director Akhter Hamid Bhuiyan
> filed
> > > the case accusing him of
> > > amassing wealth worth over Tk 9.45 crore
> illegally
> > > and hiding information
> > > about assets worth Tk 91.42 lakh in the wealth
> > > statement submitted to ACC.
> > >
> > > As the judge, Shamsur Nahar, asked him to
> withdraw
> > > his statement which had
> > > no relevance to the case, the ex-lawmaker said:
> "Is
> > > the word 'razakar' bad?"
> > >
> > >
> > > Salahuddin asked around 50 questions to the
> > > plaintiff during yesterday's
> > > proceedings.
> > >
> > > He said his wife had to submit the wealth
> statement
> > > in just 72 hours when he
> > > was in jail.
> > >
> > > Salahuddin's wife and three children were
> present at
> > > the court.
> > > http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=30589
> > >
> >
> >
>
__________________________________________________________
> > You rock. That's why Blockbuster's offering you
> one month of Blockbuster
> > Total Access, No Cost.
> > http://tc.deals.yahoo.com/tc/blockbuster/text5.com
> >
> >
> >
>

__________________________________________________________
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[chottala.com] Do You want to recive the Rajakar list ? then join the TUI RAJAKAR Group pls

Dear Friends
 
                       Hi !
War Crimes Facts Finding Committee (WCFFC), a research organisation, yesterday unveiled a list of 1,597 war criminals responsible for the mass killings, rapes and other atrocities during the Liberation War.
 
 DO YOU  WANT  TO  RECEIVE  THE  LIST  RIGHT  NOW ?? Please  join the    ' TUI RAJAKR ' Group . You will receive the  whole  list .
 
TUI RAJAKAR groups  Link :
 

 
Thanks  a lot 
 
Niloy  Sobhan




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[chottala.com] War Criminals : Collaborators (Razakars)

 

War Criminals - Collaborators (Razakars)

Bring the Jamati war criminals to justice. Ban religion based politics

Top RazakarsGholam Azam | Nizami | Saidi | Mannan | SAKA |

I Curse Them: Shamsur Rahman

"I curse today those devils of hell

who compelled me to run up the stairs

with my feet deep in the blood

of my parents,

float on rivers,

and make my bed in wild forests.

I curse them :

let them forever wander

with rotting bodies

hung around their emaciated necks.

I curse them :

when at the close of each day

they beg on their knees

for a piece of dry bread,

it will always stay ten feet away

from their outstretched palms.

their cup for quenching thirst

will always fill to the brim

with blood,

the blood with which they flooded

the soil of Bangla.

I curse them !"

 

Razakars

" The Razakars.....should be specially helpful as members of rural communities, who can identify guerrillas (freedom fighters)", an army officer (Pakistan) said...The government says it has already recruited more than 22,000 Razakars of a planned force of 35,000.'-New York Times, July 30, 1971 

' To help control of Bengali population, the army has been setting up a network of peace committees superimposed upon the normal civil administration, which the army cannot fully rely upon. Peace committee members are drawn from .....Beharis and from the Muslim Leagues and Jamat-e-Islami. The peace committees serve as the agent of army, informing on civil administration as well as on general populace. They are also in charge of confiscating and redistribution of shops and lands from Hindu and pro-independence Bengalis. The peace committee also recruits Razakars......many of them are common criminals who have thrown their lots with the (Pakistan) army.-The Wall Street Jornal, July 27,1971.

I think, perhaps you remember, Fazlul Kader Chowdhiury ...an honorable person, Sabur Khan, Monayem Khan, Maulabhi Farid Khan of Technaf.... all of them were pro-'Pakistan. They used to see me. All of them". - Niazi "The Betrayal of East Pakistan"

The term Razakar is originally derived from an Arabic word meaning volunteer. In the context of Islamic history Razakars were volunteers to defend or support Islam. But in Bangladeshi context Razakar means traitors or collaborators of the Paki army who helped them, in our liberation war in 1971, in identifying and killing millions of Bangalees involved in or even supporting the liberation war.  The Razakars were mainly the members of Muslim league, Jamat-e-Islam and other Islamic groups and factions. During the liberation war the razakars:

  1. provided intelligence against the freedom fighters, the supporters and sympathizers of the war

  2. abducted, arrested and eventually killed them with the help of the Paki troops and party cadres in various army, concentration camps and killings zones

  3. burnt their houses and looted their properties

  4. kidnapped thousands of Bangalee women and trafficked them to various Paki military camps

  5. raped and molested 450, 000 Bangalee women.

Names of some top razakars: Go Azam (Gholam Azam), Monnan, Motya (Matiur Rahman Nizami, head of Chhatra Sangha, the students' organization of Jamat-e-islam and Al-Badr and Al Sams forces), Delu (Delwar Hossain Saidi), Moinuddin (the assassin), Al Mojahid, Anwar Zahid, Foka Chowdhury. All of them escaped trial following the assassination of Sheikh Mujib by the army and were later rehabilitated by the military dictator Ziaur Rahman, the sole beneficiary of Sheikh Mujib murder.

How the Razkars were created: Politically Razakar forces were created by the Paki military intelligence (ISI-Inter Services Intelligence, and possibly with active support from CIA) and they were the predecessors of today's  Talibans. Members of both the forces, Razakars and Talibans, were recruited, trained and inducted in the same process. They were recruited from lower middle class, semi illiterate, Muslim families mostly from madrasa (parochial Islamic institutes) background. After recruitment they were inducted to Maududi's ideology which prescribes extermination of non-Muslims and liberals. The razakar force was created to serve as a tool of Paki establishment to systematically turn East Bangla (as with Afghanistan) into a mere colony. The first step for the Paki establishment was to destroy in order to take over the textile industries. They did it in 1964 by means of a series of communal riots, incited by the activists of Muslim league and other Islamic parties, forcing the Bangalee Hindu textile owners to migrate. West Pakistani capitalists, not a single Bangalee, took over all the textile mills: the Adamjees, the Bawanis and the Ispahanis. Although missed out on the big bites, the Muslim leaguer and Jamati thugs, however, received the leftovers: the properties (residential and shops) left by the middle class Hindu Bangalees.

Once the Bangalee elites were kicked out, razakars were deployed to force out the educated Hindu middle class. The reasons were: Hindu Bangalees were politically conscious and they were the patrons of democracy and liberalism in East Bangla. Communist party where mainly the highly educated and patriotic Hindus congregated were banned and the members were brutally repressed by the police forces (they were even killed in jail). Paki politicians knew very well that they could not fool the Bangalees as easily as they could the Pakis. The Hindu Bangalees were highly competent in parliamentary politics, a competence they learned through anti British movement. The shrewd Paki politicians knew that the only way to counter Bangalees politically was to rid of the Hindu middle class by means of Islamic ideology. For this the razakars came in very handy. They again instigated the common people against the malauns (the heathens, Hindus). Communal riots surged, Hindu houses burnt and women kidnapped. All the decent Hindu families left East Bangla except for the working class and a few die hard patriots like Dhirendra Nath Datta who refused to leave his motherland even for his life. It was a great opportunity for the Muslim Leaguers and razakars. They not only occupied the Hindu assets and properties but also took over their jobs, professions and trades. The janitors of Hindu trading houses became the owners of the business, 6th grade pass peon of schools became the headmaster and that of college became lecturers and principals. The Hindus fought the British for their independence but kicked out of their motherland by the Muslim leaguers and razakars who had no contribution in anti British movement. What an irony of fate. How horrible Islam as an ideology. 

Towards the end of the liberation war, the razakars realizing that they could not stop the liberation (thanks to Russian and Indian support and extraordinary leadership of Tajuddin Ahmed) of Bangladesh, inflicted the deadliest blow against the emergent nation: they killed the top Bangalee intellectuals and professionals. The blueprint for the elimination of Bangalee intellectuals was done even before the start of the war. The blueprint was done by the ISI headed by its Eastern  commander Gen Rao Forman Ali in collaboration with the top Jamati / Muslim League leaders (see photo on Genocide page).

The Razakars were behind the killing of a total number of 3 million Bangalees and rape and molestation of 450, 000 Bangalee women. After independence the Awami league Government arrested most of them. But due to political pressures from both home (Maulana Bhasani) and abroad (USA, all the Middle Eastern countries led by Saudi Arabia) Sheikh Mujib released the minor Razakars from imprisonment under general amnesty. But Sheikh Mujib never forgave the top Razakars. The leader of Jamat-e-Islam Go-Azam's citizenship was revoked. Motya and other top leaders were in jail under trial. After the assassination of Mujib, the whole political scenario was changed. Zia granted Go-Azam Bangladeshi citizenship, released all the Razakars imprisoned on various criminal charges and by amending the constitution allowed them to be involved in politics (Mujib banned communal politics). Not only that under the banner of his new party BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) he rehabilitated all the notorious Razakars and  Muslim Leaguers (awarded premiership to a notorious razakar Shah Aziz)

Following Zia's lead his successor Ershad, in the midst of his massive screw ups, kept pampering the Razakars and the Muslim leaguers. As a result of fifteen years of pampering the once loathed Razakars now became the most powerful people of Bangladesh, a country ironically they fought against. Being in power they deliberately destroyed (while the BNP leaders were busy stealing the public money to get rich) the main political / social institutions of Bangladesh and rewrote the history of our liberation war. The 71 episode is banished from the history texts of Bangladeshi schools. Their mentor Zia (an ordinary major in 1971 who even helped Pakis in clearing the weapons later used to gun down Bangalees and changed side only when he realized he was to be disposed after the weapons were cleared) is portrayed as the leader of the liberation war and Mujib is condemned as a traitor who betrayed the infamous Lahore Convention- root of all political evils in Indian sub continent.

Since 1947, the razakars have been doing the same thing again and again: they are using Islamic ideology to counter democracy and liberalism; with their usual recourse to fascism and violence they are keeping social progress at bay (Islam represents feudalism not capitalism, although created by USA specially the CIA, Bin Laden hates America), they are indirectly helping the capitalist countries to keep Muslim countries as markets.

On behalf of the 3 million Bangalees who gave their lives for the liberation war and 450, 000 Bangalee women, raped and molested by the Pakis and the Razakars, Muktadhara demands the trial of all the war criminals and Razakars  of Bangladesh liberation war.

Atrocities of the Razakars

The atrocities of the razakars in  killing the Bengalis  equaled those of their Pakistani peers. An excerpt from an article  written in the Azad, dated January 15, 1972, underscores the inhuman atrocities of the Pakistani troops and their associates,  the razakar and al-badr forces:

'....The people of Narail can bear witness to the reign of terror, the inhuman atrocities, inflicted on them after (General) Yahya let loose his troops to do what they would. After March 25, many people fled Jessore in fear of their lives, and took refuge in Narail and its neighboring localities. Many of them were severely bashed by the soldiers of Yahya and lost their lives. Very few people ever returned. Bhayna is a flourishing village near Narail. Ali Akbar is a well-known figure there. On April 8, the Pakistani troops surrounded the village on the pretext that it was a sanctuary for freedom fighters. Just as fish are caught in a net so too were the people of this village all assembled, in an open field. Then everyone- men, women, and children--were all forced to line up. Young men between the ages of 25 and 30 were lined up separately. 45 people were shot to death on the spot. Three of Ali Akbar's brothers were killed there. Ali Akbar was able to save himself by lying on the ground. But no one else of that group was as fortunate. Nadanor was the Killing field. Every day 20 to 30 people were taken there with their hands tied behind their backs, and killed. The dead bodies would be flung into the river. Apart from this, a slaughter house was also readied for Bengalis. Manik, Omar, and Ashraf were sent to Jessore Cantonment for training and then brought to this slaughter house. Every day they would slaughter 9 to 12 persons here. The rate per person was Taka ten. On one particular day, 45 persons were slaughtered here. From April 15 to December 10, the butchery continued. It is gathered that 2,723 people lost their lives here. People were brought here and bashed, then their ears were cut off, and their eyes gouged out. Finally they were slaughtered... : The Chairman of the Peace Committee was Moulana Solaiman. With Dr. Abul Hussain and Abdul Rashid Mukhtar, he assisted in the genocide. Omar would proudly say, "During the day I am Omar, at night I am Shimar( legendary executioner famous for extreme cruelty). Don't you see my dagger? There are countless Kafirs (heretics) on it."  

Ms Hamida Rahman "Narail: Hattyajanger Arekti Baddhabhwni" (Narail: Another Golgotha) 

Abbas Ali Khan

Abbas Ali Khan was the second in command in Jamat. Until Golam Azan was officially declared to be the Ameer (or Leader) of the party, Khan acted as the chief. Khan's role in 1971 was against the independence of Bangladesh, and against the spirit of Bengali nationalism. In 1971, he was the deputy chief of Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami. Khan gave leadership to para-military forces such as the Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams, all formed by the Jamaat and like- minded parties in cooperation with the Pakistan army. The principal aim behind formation of these three forces was to provide battle-field support to the military, gather intelligence about local resistance groups, identify and eliminate Bengali nationalist elements, and carry out raids on villages involving mass killngs, rape, arson and lootings. The Pakistan army enjoyed direct assistance from these paramilitary forces in its campaign of genocide which resulted in the death of three million unarmed people of Bangladesh. Abbas Ali Khan abetted and encouraged Pakistan army's genocide through speeches at countless rallies, statements to and, articles in newspapers etc. Khan also played a leading role in the central "Peace Committee", which was set up to directly and indirectly assist the Pakistan army's campaign in Bangladesh. The "Peace Committee" formed branches all over the country, manned by local leaders of Jamaat and camp-followers. These committees acted as the political wing of the three paramilitary forces and played an active role in assisting Pakistan army's attempt to brutally suppress the Bengali's struggle for freedom in 1971.

According to reports in the press during 197 1, Khan became a minister in the cabinet of governor M A Malek, after taking part in a series of stage-managed parliamentary by- elections. The seats put up for by-elections were all held by members of the Awami League. The seats were declared vacant by the Pakistan military junta after the Awami League was banned on Mar 26, 197 1. Khan assumed the office of the minister for education in Malek's puppet government on Sept 17, 1971. 

On Nov 25, Abbas Ali Khan said in a statement, "I have no doubt that the Indian army has began a shameless aggression in several fronts under the guise of the Mukti Bahini with the despicable aim of swallowing East Pakistan. Our armed forces alone cannot carry on this war. It is the duty of every citizen to strengthen the hands of our soldiers and help save the dignity of our dear Pakistan". In the same statement, with an oblique reference to Bengali intellectuals and freedom fighters, he called on people to "stay alert against people engaged in anti-state and destructive activities. Help the armed forces and the Peace Committees to eliminate these elements"

On Dec 10, just four days before the killings of intellectuals reached its peak, he said in another speech, "In the Battle of Badr, only 313 Muslim troops faced over 1,000 Kuraish, and were victorious. Today, 130 million people (the then population of West Pakistan and Bangladesh combined) are fully prepared to defend this sacred land. Our enemies are the rumor mongers, the agent provocateurs and those who propagate in favor of India or that imaginary country Bangladesh. You have to be ware of these enemies. Smash their poisonous fangs at the first opportunity. Join hands with our Razakar, Al-Badr and Al- Shams forces and dedicate yourself to the task of saving the country." 

Governor Malek formed several sub-committees in December to strengthen the attack of Pak army. Khan was put in charge of the information sub-committee, along with A S M Solaiman. Khan continued to propagate against Bangladesh even after 197 1. In 1980, while addressing his first post- 1971 press conference, Khan showed no remorse for what he or his party had done. Instead, he said, "

We did the right thing in 1971 . " Even today, Khan continues to conspire against the independence of Bangladesh and against the Bengali national identity of the people. He continues his efforts to turn Bangladesh into a second Pakistan. 

Mohammad Kamruzzaman

Mohd Kamruzzaman was the former executive editor of the Jamati mouthpiece Daily Sangram, and presently editor of the weekly Sonar Bangla. In 1971, Kamruzzarnan was the leader of the Islami Chattra Sangha (Islamic students organization) in Mymensingh. He was also the principal organizer of the Al-Badr force. An article in the Daily Sangram on August 16,197 1, said, "A rally and symposium were organized in Mymensingh by the Al- Badr to celebrate the 25th independence day of Pakistan. The chief organizer of the Al-Badr, Mouhammed Kamruzzaman presided over the symposium held at the local Muslim Institute."  

Kamaruzzaman's war crimes:

1. According to one Fazlul Huq of Sherpur area, father of a martyr,  an 11 member Al-Badr squad led by Kamruzzarnan took away his son Badiuzzaman sometime in June or July in 1971. Huq said his son was taken to the Pakistan army camp in nearby Ahmednagar and murdered. After independence, the late Badiuzzaman's brother Hasanuzzaman filed a case at the Nalitabari police station, with Kamruzzaman as the principal among the 18 accused in the murder of Badiuzzaman. 

2. In the same Sherpur area, one Shahjahan Talukdar told that cadres of the Al-Badr kidnapped his cousin Golam Mostafa on August 24, 197 1, in broad daylight. Mostafa was then taken to the local Al-Badr camp which was set up in a house on Surendra Mohan Road of Sherpur town. After brutally torturing Mostafa at the camp, Al-Badr forces took him to the nearby Sherry Bridge and shot him dead. Kamruzzarnan was known to have ordered the killing. Many others in Sherpur confirmed that the killing of Golam Mostafa was carried out on Kaniruzzaman's direct order. 

3. Allegations of torture at the Al-Badr camp in Sherpur were also made by Tapas Shaha, a former student leader of the area. He said men, women and youth of the area used to be taken forcibly to the camp where Al-Badr cadres under direct supervision of Kamruzzaman used to carry out gruesome acts of torture. For instance, one Majid, at the time an elected office-bearer of the town council, was taken to the camp and kept inside a darkened hole for a whole day. 

4. In the middle of May, the then head of the Dept of Islamic History and Culture at Sherpur College, Syed Abdul Hannan was paraded through the streets of the town, totally naked, with his head shaven and a "garland" of shoes around his neck. Kamruzzaman and his cohorts dragged the professor around the town in mid-day, beating him with leather whips as he was dragged, Tapas Shaha told the Commission. 

5. Ziaul Huq, a former leader of Awami League, said he was taken by three Al-Badr men on August 22 at around 5pm. He was then kept at the camp for two days, in the darkened hole. He said Kamruzzaman run the torture center. He was released after being told to leave the area, otherwise he was told he would be killed, 

6. Emdadul Huq Hira, a former freedom fighter and currently a leader of the Jatiya Party, said his home was burnt down by Pakistani troops who were being guided by Kamruzzaman. He told the Commission that the troops set up five bunkers in the premises of his home, and used a big tree in the courtyard to tie up prisoners before shooting them dead. 

7. Another eye-witness Musfiquzzaman, currently a teacher at the Haji Jai Mamud College in Sherpur, said that homes and business establishments at Tin Ani Bazar were looted in the middle of August in the presence of and under the leadership of Kamruzzaman. 

8. One eyewitness, who worked as a driver of trucks which were used to carry troops as well as prisoners and dead bodies, said that Kamruzzaman guided Pakistani troops to the house of a freedom fighter identified only as Honta. The troops burned the house down, the driver said. 

There were also allegations that Kamruzzarnan organized and led robbery gangs in the area. 

Abdul Alim

A former minister in the cabinet of late president Gen Ziaur Rahman (1977-81), Abdul Alim served as the chairman of the "Peace Committee" in Joypurhat in 1971. 

1. The first piece of evidence against Alim is given on page 38- 39 of the The Killers and Collaborators of 1971: An Account of Their Whereabouts. It says, "Abdul Alim himself carried out execution of Bengalis by lining them up in rows and then shooting them. Besides, there are many allegations of Alim killing Bengalees by bayonet charges". 

2. The same book carries a photograph from a newspaper of the period, which shows a beaming Alim standing beside one Major Afzal of the Pakistan army. Sitting on the ground were a number of freedom fighters, blindfolded and with their hands tied behind their backs. "Those freedom fighters were paraded through the town and later shot dead."

3. According to Dr Kazi Nazrul Islam of Joypurhat, son of late Dr Abul Kashem, on July 24, 197 1, Razakar forces in association with the Pakistani troops raided his father's home and took the latter away. This was done on the orders of Abdul Alim, he said. After torturing Kashem throughout the night, the Razakars took him to Alim at the "Peace Committee" office. Kashem was then sent to Joypurhat police station, and finally to Pakistan army camp at nearby Khanchanpur. On July 26, Kashem was murdered on the order of Alim. Kashem's decomposed body was discovered in a sugarcane field a month later. The killing of Abul Kashem on the orders of Abdul Alim was confirmed by many others in the area, including elected village council chairman of Bomboo Union Molla Shamsul Alam. 

4. Molla Shamsul Alam, an eyewitness to the activities of Alim, narrated the tale of one freedom fighter, Fazlu who was captured by Pakistani troops after a fire-fight. He said the Pakistanis took Fazlu and two other prisoners to Abdul Alim at the C&B Colony hall room. Outside, Alim stood on truck and said to supporters gathered there, "Fazlu's father is a friend of mine. I had repeatedly asked him to dissuade his son from this path, but he didn't. Today he has to be to given his punishment, and that is death. I ask you all to find out those who still talk of Joy Bangla (Victory to Bengal, war-cry of the freedom fighters), in your neighbourhoods and beat them to death". Fazlu and others were then taken to Alim's house where they were put through inhuman torture. Later they were taken to the killing grounds in Khanchanpur and murdered. 

5. Molla Shamsul Alam also alleged in his testimony that Alim carried out killings of poor members of the Garoal community. In April 1971, Pakistani troops arrested 26 Garoals and took them to Alim's house. They were kept there for three days, then taken to Khanchanpur and killed. Alam further said that Alim used his house as a recruitment camp for Razakars during 197 1. Recruitment of Razakars was one of Alim's duties. 

6. Alam also said that in April, Pakistani troops surrounded the Hindu area of Koraikadipur village in Joypurhat and massacred 165 men and women. This raid was carried out on the orders of Alim and Jamaat leader Abbas Ali Khan, he said. 

7. In addition to allegations of murder and torture, there are accusations of rape against Alim. Shamsul Huq, an elected village council chairman, said that Alim always justified acts of murder, rape etc., by Pakistani troops and Razakars. According to Huq, Alim used to say that "troops do these sort of things at war time. This is not a fault. We have to accept it in the interest of the country". 

8. Shamsul Alam, an associate professor at Joypurhat College,  said that Alim and his cohorts once paraded 26 captured freedom fighters around the town on trucks before the prisoners were put to death. Before killing them, Alim put the prisoners on display in the play ground of Joypurhat College, where he told the students, "You can all understand the fate of these prisoners. They are all going to die. If you students join the Mukti Bahini (freedom fighters), then your fate will be the same". 

9. ldris Ali, another resident of Joypurhat, said he entered his home-town on December 5 along with other freedom fighters. They captured the "Peace Committee" headquarters the same day, and discovered various documents, including lists of intellectuals earmarked for elimination. Among the documents was minutes of a meeting held on Dec 4 and presided over by Abbas Ali Khan. The minutes bore Alim's signature. There were many other eyewitness reports by local inhabitants of the killings, torture and repression carried out in the area by Alim.

Abdul Kader Mollah

Abdul Kader Molla was known as a "butcher" to the Bengalis in Mirpur area (outskirts of Dhaka city) during 1971. Mirpur at the time was mainly populated by Behari (non Bengali) Muslim migrants from India, who were among the most ardent supporters of the Pakistani occupation of Bangladesh. 

One of the largest mass graves of people butchered by Pakistani troops and their allies was discovered in the Shialbari area of Mirpur after independence. According to the locals of Mirpur area Molla was instrumental to the the killing of thousands of Bengalis in Shialbari and Rupnagar areas of Mirpur during the war. Many of them confirmed that Molla began his killing spree even before the army had began its operation. 

On March 6, a public meeting was arranged in front of the gate of Ceramic Industry at Section 6 in Mirpur, to press for demands of the Bengali people. As the people raised the nationalist slogan Joy Bangla (Victory to Bengal), narrated M Shahidur Rahman who was present at the meeting, Kader Molla and his gang attacked the meeting with swords, machetes and other sharp weapons, injuring many.

According to M Firoze Ali, a resident of Block B at Section I in Mirpur, Kader Mollah was behind the killing of his brother Pallab Tuntuni, an 18-year old student. Young Tuntuni was an active supporter of the nationalist leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and that was why his name was penciled into Molla's hit list. On March 29, Molla's hit men kidnapped Tuntuni from another part of the city and took him to Mirpur. The boy was then dragged from one part of Mirpur to another, and back again, with his hands tied behind his back. At a big play ground used usually for major religious congregations, Tuntuni was tied to a tree and left for two days. Later, Molla's men returned and chopped off the boy's fingers. On April 5, a week after being kidnapped, Molla ordered his men to shoot Tuntuni dead. The boy's dead body was left dangling from the tree for another two days as a warning to others in the area, before being thrown in a mass grave with seven other bodies, Feroze Ali said.

Another eyewitness to Molla's criminal activities in 1971 was M Shahidur Rahman Chowdhury. He said that Razakarmen under the command of Kader Molla brutally murdered woman poet Meherunnessa in October at Section 6 of Mirpur. He said one Shiraj, who lived in the poet's home, lost mental balance at the sight of the murder. Shiraj still suffers from psychological disorder, Chowdhury said.

There are also allegations from the inhabitants' of Mirpur area that Molla organized local non-Bengali people of Manipur, Sheorapara, Kazipara areas of Mirpur into armed groups under his own command. With those (Behari) armed bands, Molla organized killings of thousands of Bengalis at various killing fields of Mirpur. 

 

A S M Solaiman
 

A S M SOLAIMAN, son of Md. Jonab Ali, Village – Boydder Bazar, Post Office – Boidder Bazar, Thana – Soanargaon, Dist – Narayanganj. At present : 20/1, Pallabi, Thana – Pallabi, District – Dhaka. He is the president of Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Party now.
Solaiman as the minister of Malek cabinet of with the portfolio of Labour, Social welfare and Family Planning and as chief of the district coordination committee presided over a meeting with DC office, police officers and other communities on December 8, 1971. The meeting expressed firm determination to maintain law and order and took some decision.

From the very beginning of the war, Solaiman was very active. In a statement on April 8, 1971 he called upon the then armed forces for 'bringing back normalcy in the country by fighting the anti-social and anti-state elements'. On May 7, he also called upon the members of the Peace Committee at a meeting to 'check all common people and anti-state elements' in a bid to catch the freedom fighters. On November 15, 1971, he told newsmen in Karachi, "Razarkers were doing praise-worthy and they should be called the national heroes." (Genocide '71 : An Account of the Killers and Collaborators, Edited by Dr. Ahmad Sharif, Qazi Nur-uz-Zaman, Dr. Serajul Islam Chowdhury & Shahriar Kabir, published by Muktijuddha Chetona Bikash Kendra, Dhaka, February 1987).

Inhabitants in Sonargaon brought allegation against Soliman of direct or indirect involvement in killing, looting, torching, raping and various forms of atrocities. President of Aminpur Union Awami League and an elected Union Parishad Member, Mohammad Tayebur Rahman, narrated formation of Razaker Bahini by ASM Solaiman in 11 unions of Sonargaon thana.

Tayebur informed Solaiman had appointed every chairman of the then Union Parisads as chairman of the 'Peace Committee'. Among them (1) Raja Moulavi of Aminpur (2) Shamsul Haq Khan of Perojpur (3) Alauddin of Boiddyer Bazar (4) Gafur Sarker of Sammandi (5) Abdul Mannaf Bhuiyan of Jampur UP (6) Hossain Khan of Kanchpur (7) Bakhar Ali of Sathipur (8) Nasiruddin of Noaga (9) Abdur Rob Milkey of Barodi (10) Rafiqul Islam of Mograpara and (11) M A Jaher of Shomvupura Union Pariashad were appointed as chairmen of the Peace Committee. Soanrgaon Peace Committee chairman ASM Solaiman led them as their leader. M A Zaher was also appointed the General Secretary and Raja Moulavi as Organising Secretary of Sonargaon unit of Peace Committee (PC). Alauddin and Mohiuddin Mollah, a brother of Solaiman, acted in absence of Solaiman.

Tayebur Rahman also informed that Jamir Ali Kerani, an associate of Solaiman, handed over a Hindu girl named Bibha Rani to the Pakistani occupation forces in mid-May .The military-men released her in a critical condition after raping overnight. Bibha is now in India. Ali also led an attack on the home of one Narendra Patel in Boiddyer Bazar. Tayebur at that time risking his life reached at the scene and rescued five girl from the scene and taken to a nearby village for their safety, he said.

Tayebur said that the Soliaman-gang had attacked on a freedom fighters' meeting on May 24 at Boiddyer Bazar. Tayebur was caught by the PC members twice and was released on request from a non-bengali postmaster at the area. The gang, he said, set on fire homes, more than hundred in Sammanadi, ten in Companiganj, five in Shatipur and the entire homes of Pirojpur village. Jamir and Allauddin executed the plan of Solaiman from women supply to torching.

Moshammat Azimon Nahar of Haria Gopindi village told the commission that her husband Siddiq Mia was killed on December 14 near Adamjee area. She alleged Soliamn's gang and local razakars were involved in her husband's killing. She demanded trial of her husband's killing.

An Awami League worker, Sumon, of Hatkopa village when appeared to the commission said, the Pakistani forces attacked his home with the help of Tekka Shamsu, a trust-worthy associate of ASM Solaiman, in a bid to catch the young women of his home. He said the women saved them hiding in a nearby jute plantation.

Freedom fighter Nurul Islam of Basan Daradi village said, geographically Sonargaon was ab important area and all goods were being transported through the Sonargaon river port. At the very beginning of the war Solaiman and his associates, especially the Razaker Bahini, used to loot the goods like rice, sugar, flour, oil, fertiliser, tea etc. from various vehicles. Traders lodged a number of complaints at freedom fighter's camp in Sammanadi village, according to Islam.

He said being informed by the Razakars, Pakistani forces unleashed attack on the training camp of the freedom fighters at that village. During the attack the Razakars on their way took away two young girls from the village. But none of the girls returned. He said many such incidents were suppressed social humiliation apprehending.

According to eyewitnesses account, Razakars set their eyes on the Hindu dominated Shahapur, Baninathpur, Joyrampur, Vattapur, Barirghubhanga, Baghmucha, Panamnagar, Boiddyer Bazar, Satbhayapara, Ramganj and Panchabati for the Hindu girls. As per the directions from Solaiman, Jamir Kerani and Shamsu led the Razakers to supply women to the Pakistani camp at Boiddyer Bazar.
Apart from this, the commission learnt that a number of incidents of firing, looting and killing took place in the area perpetrated by the Razakars led by Solaiman and his associates.

Maulana Abdus Sobhan
 

MOWLANA ABDUS SOBHAN, son of late Noimuddin, Pathartala, Pabna, is the member of the fundamentalist Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami's central Shura (committee) and Member of Parliament elected from Pabna Sadar in 1991, and deputy leader of the Jamaat's parliamentary group.

Sobhan had been serving the Jamaat-e-Islami as acting Ameer (chief) of Pabna during the liberation war and he nominated for the so-called by-election in 1971. He was the vice president of Pabna unit of Peace Committee, an organisation of Pakistani collaborators. Field level investigation revealed that Sobhan organised the Al-Badar, Razakar and formed the PC and had been involved in a number of criminal activities. As he was fluent in spoken Urdu, he easily managed to come close to the Pakistanis and become a policy maker of anti-liberation forces. He supervised almost every activities of the Razakers and Al Badars.

Sobhan was implicated in a special tribunal case for his activities against the freedom struggle and killing of the freedom fighters, innocent people and assisting in killing 3 million people, assaulting and repressing women and other heinous activities. He was asked to attend before the Sub-divisional magistrate court on February 29, 1972. But he fled to Pakistan with Gulam Azam at that time (Source : 'Ekattorer Dalalra' by Shafiq Ahmed and Advocate Shafiqul Islam Shibly, Patahrtala Pabna).

Like Dhaka, Pakistani forces also unleashed attack on innocent people of Pabna on the very night of March 25, 1971. But the situation in Pabna was a bit different. An aged woman told the investigation commission that the Pakistani forces caught Pabna's eminent personalities searching their homes and brought to their camps on the night. On March 26, she said that she had been seeing an army lorry stopped on the road at Rayer Bazar area. More or less 100 people were tied with rope behind the van. They were being dragged. Their clothes have been tore, blood letting from injury marks. She witnessed Mowlana Sobhan along with three Pakistani soldiers in the van. Among the dragged people, the woman could recognised Pabna's eminent businessmen Syed Talukder, Professor Harun of Edward College, dentist Amulendu Dakshi and Awami League Leader Advocate Aminuddin. The soldiers came down from the lorry and burnt some national flags hoisting on the building tops. The woman preferring anonymity said the soldiers killed all the people they dragged to various points within March 29. She farther said that, on 27 March she went to visit Amalendu Dakshi's residence. Dakshi's wife informed her, it was Maolana Sobhan who came to pick her husband.

Senior Advocate of Pabna Judge Court and former Public Prosecutor Awami League leader Golam Hasnaen said, "Sobhan took the Pakistan Army to the residence of Awami League leader Aminuddin." Sobhan organised all the Al Badar, Razakar and Peace Committee members. Daily Ittefaq's Pabna correspondent Anwarul Haq and Advocate Shafiqul Haq Shibly said that Sobhan inspired the Pakistan army to kill Pabna Zilla School teacher Kochimuddin. He also directed killing of freedom fighter and musician Shadhon, informed Shadhon's mother Sufia Begum.

Retired principal Md. Abdul Ghani of Kalachand Para, Pabna, said Sobhan along with the Pakistani soldiers raided hindu-dominated Kuchiapara and Shankharipara on April 17. Eight people including Sudhir Chandra Chowdhury, Ashok Kumar Shaha, Gopal Chandra Chowdhury were killed during the operation. The army torched as many as 25 homesteads, looted valuables and assaulted the Hindu women.

He said a strong group of collaborators led by Sobhan, Ishaq, Tegar and many others killed over 1000 people and torches homes in Faridpur thana in Pabna district in the month of May. The second largest mass killing in Pabna took place in Sujanagar. It was one of the dawn of the first week of May, the Pakistanis' killed some 400 people at Nazirganj in Satbaria, according to freedom fighter Zahirul Islam Bishu. He said his Mujib Bahini had arrested one of the gang leader Moulavi Modhu in late May and later killed him. Modhu during the interrogation admitted that before they go for attack they had a meeting ahead of the attack at Sobhan's residence. He said before any attack the collaborators used to had meeting at Sobhan's residence.

Maulana AKM Yousuf
 

MAULANA A K M YOUSUF, village-Rajoir, Thana-Saran Khola, District-Bagerhat. Presently he is the Naeb-e- Ameer of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh. He was one of the leading anti-liberation organizers during the 1971 war. As part of his role in the anti-liberation activities he became a member of Malek cabinet during the war. He first formed 'Razakar Bahini' comprising 96 members of Jamaat-e-Islami in Khulna district. He became the leader of the Jamaat well before the freedom War started. He started his anti-Bangladesh role and cooperating the Pakistani forces as soon as the war began on March 25. His responsibilities were to issue statement, organize the anti-liberation forces and lead attacks, killing, looting and arson by his groups. He also helped the members of the Pakistani forces to do the same.
His statements published in the newspapers where he opposed the liberation war and urged the collaborators to resist the pro-liberation forces. On October 10, 1971, this anti-liberation leader praised activities of the Razakars in a public rally and said, "
we will have to make the people understand that the so-called Bangladesh concept is created by Indian authorities is valueless. Naxalaits, separatists and criminals are trying to create anarchy in this part of the country. They should be ousted by root." (Genocide '71, Muktijuddha Chetana Bikash Kendra, Dhaka, February 1987).

On October 26, at a gathering in Sylhet, he said, "a section of ignorant youths inspired by Indian propaganda has been unleashing separatist activities on our land. You spread over every nook and corner of the country to resist this movement and uproot the concept of so-called Bengali nationalism". He warned the allied forces saying, "Had there been any war imposed on them, then heroes of Razakar and soldiers would face with all courage." On November 12, 1971, he praised the Razakar activities while visiting Razakar camps in Shatkhira. He commented, "the Razakars have been doing their best to resist the spies and intruders of India". He also assured the Razakars that he would provide them with government jobs.

On November 28, while he was discussing with newsmen in Karachi, Yousuf said that the Razakar have been working hand in hand with the soldiers. He demanded supply of modern arms to the hands of razakars to eliminate freedom fighters. "now the number of Razakar and Al-shams stood to some 1 lakh. Apart from them, there were Mujahid bahini also. They all are in guarding the borders along with the soldiers. The razakars have been operating successfully resulting in reduce of criminal activities". (Ibid)

Guljan Bibi, a mother of martyr Shahid Seikh, informed that one Razakar Khalek Member asked her son to join in the Razakar Bahini during the monsoon of freedom War. As Shahid rejected his proposal, the member called him out a month after. On the same day she learnt that her son was handed to the Pakistani forces. Later she rushed to the founder of the Razakar force, Maolana A K M Yousuf and requested him to free his son. At that time Khalek Member was also with Yousuf who turned down her request. Guljan Bibi did not get her son back, later she came to learn that Pakistanis killed her son. Guljan demanded trial of her son's killing.

Yousuf along with his associates Khalekue and Adam Ali had killed number of males and females during the war. They raped many women. These information were disclosed by the citizens of Khulna, but still after 24 years of independence they are tight lipped for the sake of their own security. One of them told the commission that Yousuf forced many people from his own area Morelganj to join in the Razakar force. He forced them to work against the liberation war. Yousuf's headquarters was the then 'Ghost House' which is now being used as district Anasr camp. This camp was the prime torture centre. Apart from this they used to torture the freedom-loving people at Khulna Shipyard, Bhashani Biddalaya and many other camps. They also killed people at such places wherever they felt comfortable. They handed over the innocent Bengalis to Pakistani Army stationed at the prime camp Circuit House, and other makeshift camps at Helipad, Naval base, hotel Shahin, Asiana Hotel etc. The Razakar and other fundamentalist forces maintained regular connection with the camps. They used to kill the people at Gallamari, forest Ghat, Station road and some other places.

Mohammad Ayen ud Din
 

ADVOCATE MOHAMMAD AYEN UD DIN, son of Late Md. Moinuddin, Village and Post Office : Shaympur, thana : Motihar, District : Rajshahi. He serves the Muslim League as Secretary General and work as an advocate in the Dhaka High Court. The Muslim League leader resorted to do whatever needed to oppose the creation of Bangladesh. He was the chairman of the then Peace Committee (PC) Rajshahi region and he contested by-election to the then provincial assembly from Rajshahi-13 constituency. Under his direct supervision the Peace Committee, Razakar Force and Al Badar Force were constituted in Rajshahi at that time. He and his associates led all the killings outside the battlefields in the northern Rajshahi area.


"They have been able to face the enemy with unlimited tolerance. Normalcy restored all over Rajshahi. Peace Committee was formed at every sub-division, thana and union levels," he told the Daily Azad in an interview on May 31, 1971, after the formation of the PC. On August 4, 71 the Daily Sangram reported – "The closing session of the first batch training of Razakar Bahini held at Jinnah Islamic Institution. The trainees took oath on the Koran. In his speech, Ayenuddin advised the Razakar Bahini to do their duties sincerely for an integrated Pakistan. Local personalities and military officers attended the function."

His kin and kith and locals alleged that Ayenuddin indulged him in killing, torching, looting, repressing the women, forced joining to the Razakar forces and appointing of some persons against their willingness for bridge vigilance. He was also charged with looting assets and property of innocent people who were handed over to Pakistani military by him.

Freedom fighter Advocate Abdullah-hil-Baki and Professor Zinnatunnesa told the Inquiry commission that Ayenuddin started announcing by microphone in the city that if anyone catches Baki, live or dead then he will be awarded Taka 10,000. Ayenuddin, in a letter (D-44 CPC Date 13-09-71) to the then army captain, Mohammad Ilius Khan provided a list of 10 people from the city with a request for immediate arrest. Baki was one among the ten.

Baki said one Abdur Rahman (son of Solaiman, village- Ramchandarpur, thana-Paba), listed in the letter, was arrested from Parila village in September. During a army raid in that area Pakistani forces killed some 30 people at the village and torched some 150 homesteads.

Zinnatunnesa said Ayenuddin killed one Harunur Rashid of Chandua village in Tanore thana because of rivalry over property in April. Then he took away Harun's nine-year old girl and 13-year old daughter-in-law and then handed over to the Pakistani soldiers, according to an eyewitness of Harun killing.

Awami League district unit vice president and central member of Bangladesh Krishak League Abdus Sobhan told the investigation team that Ayenuddin helped arrest of nine people, including Rahimuddin Sarker, his son Pintu. These nine was later killed at a killing field behind the Joha hall of Rajshahi University.

In late November, he said, Ayenuddin in association with the army picked up Aminul Haq Chowdhury, a hotel owner, Mokbul Chowdhury, Advocate Taslim Uddin, Contractor Altaf Hossain, Nowrozuddula Khan, Advocate Abul Hossain and many others. On December 18, after two day of the victory, the bodies of most of them were recovered from a sandy shoal in the Padma. There were no injury mark on the bodies and it was assumed that all of them were buried alive in the sand.

Sobhan said that Ayenuddin had grown up at their home and studied from there. "But he killed my father in 1955 when he was hardly a student of intermediate. He was implicated in the murder case, but he was spared because two of the juries, from the then Muslim League, helped him to escape.

Preferring anonymity, one local said that the Pakistan army raided a village and arrested several hundred people from there. Ayenuddin came to the scene and separated five of them and asked the army personnel to kill them. Two of them were killed in the hand of Pakistanis, the rest three were released. These five had been campaigning against him during the provincial election held under Pakistani army junta

ABM Khalek Majumder
 

ABM KHALEK MAJUMDER, son of Abdul Majid Majumder, Village: Dohatta, thana : Haziganj, District: Comilla. He was office secretary of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, Dhaka city unit, during the 1971 liberation war. Now he is not so active in politics. He helped the Pakistani forces as per his party belief during the war and he also killed many a people by his own hands. He had served as a commander of the Al Badar Bahini of the Jamaat during the war. He is charged with the intellectuals' murders.
On December 14 evening, he along with his associates forcibly picked up the then joint-editor of daily 'Sangbad' and noted litterateur Shahidullah Kaiser from 29 Kayet Tuli. Kaiser did not returned, even his body was yet to be recovered. Shahidullah's wife Saifunnahar alias Panna Kaiser, Nasir Ahmed, husband of Shahidullah's youngest sister, younger brother Zakaria Habib and his wife Neela Jakaria witnessed the incident.

According to their witnesses account, due to the war a number of Kaiser's relatives took shelter at his home. On the December 14 evening, Zakaria along with some others had been trying to listen to the 'Sawdhin Bangla Betar Kendro' (A radio station operated by the freedom fighters) programme. The entire area darkened due to blackout. At that time someone knocked loudly the outside door. Zakaria rushed to first floor. Shahidullah Kaiser was taking tea at the drawing room at that time, Neela was accompanying him. Informing that someone came at the door, Zakaria came down. Gripped by fear, Kaiser's sisters and other switched on all the lights on the ground and first floor. Kaiser was trying to make a phone call, but the intruders entered breaking the door inside. They first knocked Obaidullah (younger brother of Shahidullah) down by the rifle butt. The masked-men went up to Shahidullah's bedroom. Identifying himself, Shahidullah wanted to know the reason for their coming.

Getting Shahidullah's identity, one of the masked-men exclaimed saying "Mil gaya" (we got him) in Urdu and hold him by his hair. The others caught him by shirt, by hand and dragged him out. At that time wife Panna Kaiser, sister Shahana Begum and brother-in-law Nasir tried to rescue him from the cluster of the abductors. At one stage, Shahana tore one of the mask-men and everybody known him. Later, during identification of Khalek Majumder in the court they said this man had gone to abduct Shahidullah Kaiser on the evening of December 14.
As the abductor was identified on the spot, he kicked Shahana and forcibly dragged out Shahidullah and Jakaria Habib. Shahidullah tried his best to resist the abductors, but failed. Finally, the abductors released Zakaria on the road but took away Sahaidullah by a waiting jeep. Khalek Majumder was also the inhabitant of the area. He used to live at 47, Agamosi Lane.

Imam of the Kaet Tuli Mosque Ashrafullah who now works for the Banani graveyard said, on December 14, 1971 afternoon Khalek Majumder wanted to know when Shahidullah Kaiser was available at his home. In response, Ashrafullah told him that he did not know. He even did not know that Majumder was looking for Kaiser to kill him. On that night, the Imam had been watching that Kaiser was trying hard to resist the abductors and was screaming 'help, save me'. And a number of people were picking up in a jeep. On December 17, Ashrafullah informed it to Nasir Ahmed and Zakaria Habib.

On December 14 night, Nasir Ahmed informed about the abduction to Kotowali police station, but no service could be provided due to a lack of police administration at that time. After the country was freed from the occupation forces on December 16, Nasir Ahmed was looking for Khalek Majumder and filed a case with Kotowali thana.

Khalek Majumder fled from his home fearing reprisal for his activities. Nasir Ahmed, Zakaria Habib and others went to his home. But he was not there. They found a revolver loaded with bullets, plenty of important documents with names of military officers and members of the Al Badar forces. These evidences were handed to the investigation commission formed to find out the culprits of intellectuals' killing. In fact: Nasir Ahmed along with a number of freedom fighters from Sector-2 had been looking for Khalek Majumder to get Shahidullah Kaiser back. Finally, Majumder was arrested from one of his relative's home in Malibagh. The case proved that he abducted Shahidullah Kaiser to kill him and the court in its verdict on July 17 (1972) awarded Khalek Majumder seven years of rigorous imprisonment and a fine of taka 10,000. As Khalek was convicted based on specific charges, he was out of the purview of the general amnesty announced by the then Prime Minister Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

But with the changed political scenario, Khalek Majumder got acquitted from the case on appeal to the High Court on April 29, 1976 during the Ziaur Rahman's regime.

In his book "shikol Pora Dingulo' Khalek himself admitted that he was the secretary of Jamaat office of Siddique Bazar. His party was against the independent war in 1971. They had been assisting the Pakistani forces by mobilising Razakar and Albadar forces and directly involved themselves in genocide, rape, arson, torching etc. He admitted that due to his loyalty to the party he had to implement those things. He also admitted that he was well know with the other war criminal Matiur Rahman Nizami and operation in charge of intellectuals' killing Chowdhury Moinuddin. It was also learnt from his book that he maintained very good relations with the Pakistan army. In his book that came out 14 years after the independence, he expressed his hatred to the Bangladesh's freedom. When seventy million people were expressing their joys with the victory on December 16, 1971, the writer of the book was feeling frustrated saying "Alas! Everybody was surprised ….on that very morning one Jamaat leader sent me to the Jamaat office in a hurry… my mind was disappeared with disappointment listening to the news. …" (Shikol Pora Dinguli, page 10). He continued writing "I was not certain about my future. But I did not feel well. The day was ended with a long breath of frustration. The night fell down with all its darkness. The fortunate star bade good-bye from our sky etc."

 

Charmonai Piir (Divine): Maulana SM Fazlul Karim

Maulana Fazlul Karim runs a residential madrasa (A Jesuite style institute) in Charmonai, southern part of Bangladesh. During the war hundreds of Bengali women went for shelter to his madrasa to escape the mass rape and murder by the Pakistani troops. They thought as a holy man the maulana would save them from the bestiality unleashed by  the occupation forces. 

But the so-called maulana and his colleagues declared those hapless girls as commodities of war (and hence as per Islamic law consumable by the Muslim soldiers) and as such supplied them to the Pakistani soldiers. The dead bodies of those raped girls were flung into the nearby river or buried in the mass grave behind the madrasa. The maulana is also alleged to have slain many Hindus and freedom fighters in his own hand (like the head Imam of Mymensingh did as described by Taslima Nasrin in Nirbachita Columns) and threw the dead bodies to the river after slitting their bellies so that they don't float.

Moinuddin Chowdhury

The chief executioner of the Al-Badr and Al-Sams forces. The key person behind the brutal murder of hundreds of progressive Bengali intellectuals in 1971. Moinuddin and his cohorts picked the enlisted intellectuals from their residences between 12-14 December,1971 and killed them at Rayer bazaar and Mirpur. It is said that those who were still alive after being shot by Moinuddin's henchmen, Moinuddin himself used to slit their throats in his own hand like slaughtering bulls for Korbani. 

Moinuddin was the mastermind  among his criminal peers as nothing much has been found against him. One of his razakar mate said he saw Moinuddin taking away all the money and important documents from the Al-Badr head office in Dhaka after the victory of Bangladesh. Presently Moinuddin is a British citizen and the special editor of the Jamat publication- the weekly Dawat. He is expatriate Bangladeshi elite and travels to Bangladesh frequently. 

Ashrafuzzaman Khan

One of the chief al-Badr  (Jamai Death squad in 1971) executioners. It has been clearly proved that he himself shot to death 7 teachers of Dhaka university in the killing zones at Mirpur. A certain Mofizzuddin, who drove the vehicle that carried those hapless victims to Mirpur, has clearly identified Ashrafuzzaman as the "chief killer" of the intellectuals. 

After Liberation, Ashrafuzzaman's personal diary was recovered from his residence, 350 Nakhal Para. Two pages of his diary registered names and residential addresses of 19 teachers as well as the name of the medical officer of Dhaka University. Of those 20 persons, 8 were missing on December 14: Munier Chowdhury (Bengali), Dr. Abul Khair (History), Ghiasuddin Ahmed (History), Rashidul Hasan (English), Dr. Faizul Mohi (IE R)  and Dr. Murtaza (Medical Officer). 

Mofizuddin
confessed that Ashrafuzzaman himself shot all of them. As per Mofizuddin's description, the decomposed bodies of those unfortunate teachers were recovered from the swamps of Rayer Bazar and the mass grave at Shiyal Bari at Mirpur. There were also other names in the diary including Dr. Wakil Ahmed (Bengali), Dr. Nilima Ibrahim (Bengali), Dr. Latif (IE R), Dr. Maniruzzaman (Geography), K M Saaduddin (Sociology), AMM Shahidullah (Math), Dr. Sirajul Islam (Islamic History), Dr. Akhtar Ahmed (Education), Zahirul Huq (Psychology), Ahsanul Huq (English), Serajul Islam Chowdbury (English), and Kabir Chowdhury (English). 

Another page of his diary recorded the names of 16
collaborating teachers of Dhaka university. Apart from that there were also names of Chowdbury Moinuddin, the chief of operation for elimination of the intelligentsiaand Shawkat Imran, a member of the central Al-Badr command, and the head of Dhaka Al-Badr forces. 

The diary also contained names and addresses of several other prominent
Bengalis. All of them lost their lives at the hands of  Al-Badr forces. On a small piece of paper the name of the member finance of the Pakistan Jute Board, Abdul Khalek, was written down. On December 9, 1971, the Al-Badr forces kidnapped Mr.  Khalek from his office. They demanded Taka 10,000 as ransom. They saw Mrs. Khalek for ransom money. But at that time she was unable to pay the kidnappers more than  450 taka. She promised that she would give them the rest of the money later, and begged them her husband's life. But Mr. Khalek never came back

Ashrafuzzaman has also been implicated in the murder of some journalists. It was Ashrafuzzaman who kidnapped the shift-in- charge of the Purbadesh, and the literary editor, Mr. Golam Mustafa. 

Ashrafuzzaman Khan, was a member of the Central
Committee of the Islami Chhatra Sangha. After liberation he went to Pakistan and worked for Radio Pakistan. Recently Ashrafuzzaman has moved to New York and presently heads the Queens branch of Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA)

Dr Syed Sazzad Hossain
 

Prof Syed Sazzad Hossain was the vice chancellor (VC) of Rajshahi University earlier in 1971 and was appointed the VC of Dhaka University in May 1971. His role during the war was to hail the Pak occupation army for the great job they were doing for the country such as cleansing the country of the infidel (Hindus). His other role was to inform the army intelligence about the whereabouts of his secular minded colleagues. Dr Sazzad was such a smug that he, as the chairman,  forced the students of English dept of Dhaka university to wear formal dress (full sleeves shirts and jackets in hot summer days) and promoted bureaucratic attitude in the name of scholarship which was in reality nothing but an intellectual pretension based on mimicked linguistic difference.

The Dainik Bangla reported on 10 January 1972: Dr Sazzad made a trip to overseas to propagate against the indepence of Bangladesh within a few days following Yahya's attack on the people of Bangladesh. One of his letters hailing the Pak army act ivies in Bangladesh was published in London times. The letter goes like this: It was not right what is being told to have happened in Bangladesh. Sazzad took the side of the Pakis by saying that Paki troops were not responsible for the massacre in the Dhaka university campus on 25 March 1971. Sazzad said the students and teachers were killed because they were fighting with each other. Sazzad was such a son of a bitch that he did not mind licking the damn asses of the Pakis while his colleagues and even classmates were killed in the massacre.

A letter with his signature published in the Dainik Bangla on 10 January 1972 is still being considered as one of the evidences of Sazzad's collaboration with the Pakis. Sazzad wrote: according to the office order of the Pakistani embassy in London, I should be paid at the following rate: a. 50% DA from June 24 to July 1 £25.25 per day b. £150 cash. My hotel fare should be paid latter.

Dr Sazzad was the leading signatory of a statement by 55 academics, writers and journalists denouncing the liberation war. The joint statement was published on 17 May 1971 and it condemned the liberation war which they argued is an Indian mission to break up the Muslim state, Pakistan. Sazzad also criticized the activists of Swami league branding them "extremists" who have turned the movement for autonomy into a war of independence: we are frustrated with the demand…….we had been expressing our grievances within the one state structure…….we never wanted such happening, as a result we become very sorry and frustrated with the developments.

Ironic, but true, Dr Sazzad was the chair of  the PEN (Poets, Essayists and Novelists) chapter in Bangladesh.
 

 The list of top collaborators of 1971 and their present whereabouts 


A. Members of the Central Peace Committee
1. Khwaja Khairuddin, Leader of the Pakistan Muslim League. 
2. AGM Shafiqul Islam Advocate, Lahore High Court. Runs business in Bangladesh.
3. Golam Azam Former Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami. Retired last year conferring party leadership to his worthy associate Nizami, head of death squad in 1971.
4. Moulana Syed Mohammad Leading member of the central Majlis of the Bangladesh Ittehadul Ummah.
5. Mahmud Ali state minister for social welfare, government of Pakistan.
6. MAK Rafiqul Islam No information. 
7. Abdul Jabbar Khaddar Deceased.
8. Yusuf Ali Chowdhury (Mohan Miah) Had a natural death during the liberation war.
9. Abul Kashem Had a natural death after liberation.
10. Gulam Sarwar: Leader of the Jamaati organization in London, the Dawatul Islam; Director of the London based Islamic institute.
11. Syed Azizul Huq:(Nanna Miah)Leader of the Jatiyo Party, and member of Parliament.
12. ASM Solaiman: Chairman, Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Party.
13. Peer Mohsenuddin:(Dudu Miah)Vice Chairman, Bangladesh Democratic League
14. Sharq Rahman: Chairman, Islamic Democratic League
15. Major (Rtd) Afsaruddin:Convener, Bangladesh Ganatantra
Bastabayan Parishad; Chairman, National Democratic Party; former presidential candidate.
16.
Syed Mohsin Ali:Industrialist; former Chairman Stock
Exchange; former Director, IFIC bank.
17.
Fazlul Huq Chowdhury: Had a natural death after liberation
18.
Mohd. Sirajuddin: Industrialist; Chairman of the Dhaka City
Muslim League.
19.
AT Sadi: Retired advocate of Bangladesh Supreme Court
20.
Ataul Huq Khan: Vice Chairman, Bangladesh Muslim
League.
21.
Maqbulur Rahman: Businessman. 
22.
Mohammad Aqil: Acting Chairman, Bangladesh Nezam e Islam.
23.
Principal Ruhul Quddus: Member of the central working
committee, Jamaat e Islam.
24.
Nuruzzaman: Industrialist; Director Islamic Development 
bank.
25.
Moulana Miah Mafizul Huq: Member, central Majlis, Bangladesh Ittehadul Ummah.
26.
Abu Salek: Senior Advocate, Bangladesh Supreme
Court.
27.
Abdun Naim Had a natural death after liberation
28.
Moulana Siddique Ahmed:Member, central Majlis, Bangladesh Ittehadul Ummah.
29.
Abdul Matin:Secretary general, Bangladesh Muslim League.
30.
Barrister Akhtaruddin Ahmed Resident in Saudi Arabia
Adviser Saudi International Law
31.
Toaha Bin Habib Industrialist; member, Central Majlis e Shura, Bangladesh Khelafat Andolan.
32.
Irtezaur Rahman Akhunzada: Deceased
33.
Raja Tridev Roy A Pakistani citizen. Runs  business at Karachi.
34.
Faiz Bakhsh Chairman, Bangladesh Muslim League

B. Leaders of the Central Peace and Welfare Council
1.
Moulana Farid Ahmed Disappeared immediately after liberation.
2.
Nuruzzaman Former director Imam Training Course, Islamic 
Foundation. 
3.
Moulana Abdul Mahnan Former Minister for Religious Affairs.
4.
Julmat Ali Khan Vice Chairman, BNP
5.
AKM Mujibul Huq Industrialist.
6.
Firoz Ahmed No information.

C. Members of the Malek Cabinet
1.
Abul Kashem Deceased
2.
Nawazish Ahmed Chairman, Bangladesh Muslim League.

D. The Central Committee of the Islami Chhatra Sangha (The Al-Badr High Command) 
1. Matiur Rahman Nizami, (All-Pakistan Chief) 
Assistant General Secretary, Jamaat-e-Islami. 
2. Ali Ahsan Mohd Mujahid(East Pakistan Chief); Ameer of Dhaka City, Jamat-e-Islami; Manager of the Weekly Sonar Bangla. 
3. Mir Kasem Ali: (He was at first head of the Chittagong district, then was ranked third in the line of command of Al-Badr); Deputy Amecr of Dhaka City Jamaat-e-Islami; Manager, Rabet-e-Alam (Bangladesh); Member (Administration) Ibn-e-Sina Trust. 
4. Mohd Yunus: Member of the Central Jamaat-e-Islami;
Director-General, Majlis-e-Shura, Bangladesh Islami Bank; Director, Islami Social Welfare Association; Chairman, Muslim Business Society. 
5. Mohd Kamruzzaman: Chief organizer of AI-Badr; Press Secretary, Jamaat-elslami; Editor,Sonar Bangla. 
6. Ashraf Hussain: (Founder of the AI-Badr and head of the Mymensingh District Al-Badr, runs business in Dhaka. 
7. Mohd Shamsul Huq, Member of the Central Majlis-e-Shura, (head of the Dhaka City AI-Badr), Jamaat-e-Islami. 
8. Mustafa Showkat Imran, Disappeared immediately after liberation. One of the leaders of Dhaka City AI-Badr
9. Ashrafuzzaman Khan: Member of the Dhaka City AI-Badr High Command, and "Chief Executor" of the intellectuals; serving in Saudi Arabia. 
10. A. S. M. Ruhul Quddus: One of the leaders of the Dhaka City AI-Badr; Member of the Majlis-e-Shura, Jamaat-e-Islami 
11. Sardar Abdus Salam: Head of the Dhaka District AI-Badr; 
Secretary, Training, Jamaat-e-Islami. 
12. Khurram Jha Murad: Resident in London; Jamaat leader; active in organizing Jamaatis internationally. 
13. Abdul Bari: Chief of the Jamalpur AI-Badr; Serving in Dhaka. 
14. Abdul Hye Farooki: Chief of the Rajshahi District AI-Badr; runs business in Dubai. 
15. Abdul Zahir Mohd Abu Neser: Chief of the Chittagong District AI-Badr; Personal Assistant at the Saudi Embassy in Dhaka and Librarian. 
16. Matiur Rahman Khan: Chief of the Khulna District AI-Badr;  
Serving in Jeddah. 
17. Chowdhury Moinuddin: Operation in-charge in killing of the intellectuals; Special Editor of the London based weekly, Dawat; leader of the London-based Jamaat organisation, Dawatul Islam. 
18. Nur Mohd Malik: One of the leaders of the Dhaka City AI-Badr; whereabouts unknown. 
19. A. K. Mohd Ali: One of the leaders of the Dhaka City AI-Badr; 
whereabouts unknown. 
20. Mazharul Islam; Head of the Rajshahi District Al-Badr; Whereabouts unknown. 

E. Collaborating Academics:

a. The Education Reform Committee Formed by Tikka Khan
1. Dr. Syed Sajjad Hussain (Vice-Chancellor Rajshahi University) 
Former Professor, King Abdul Aziz University, Saudi Arabia; At present residing in Bangladesh. 
2. Dr. Hasan Zaman, Dept of Political Science, DU 
Died in Saudi Arabia. 
3. Dr. Mohar Ali, Dept of History, DU, Serving in Saudi Arabia. 
4. A. K. M. Abdur Rahman, Professor, Dept of Mathematics, DU. 
5. Abdul Bari, Vice-Chancellor, RU; Chairman, University Grants Commission; Member, Governing Body of the Islamic Foundation. 
6. Dr. Safiuddin Joardar: Deceased. 
7. Dr. Makbul Hussain: Living a retired life. 

b. Other Teachers of Dhaka University who were given compulsory leave after being charged with collaboration
1. Begum Akhtar Imam, Provost, Rokeya Hall. Bengali Dept. Living a retired life in Dhaka. 
2. Dr. Qazi Din Mohd: Dept of Arabic 
1. Dr. Mohammad Mustafizur Rahman: Serving at Dhaka University. 
2. Dr. Fatima Sadeque, Dept of Political Science 
1. Dr. Golam Wahid Chowdhury: Owns a Garment Industry in Dhaka. 
2. Dr. Rashiduzzaman: Employed in the U. S. A. (**)
3. Dr. AKM Shahidullah, Serving at Dhaka University. 
4. AKM Jamaluddin Mustafa. Dept of Sociology, runs business in Dhaka. 
5. Md. Afsaruddin, Dept of Psychology (DU)
6. Dr. Mir Fakhruzzaman, Dept of Physics Deceased. 
7. Dr. Md. Shamsul Islam, Dept of Pharmacy (DU) 
8. Dr. Abdul Jabbar, Dept of Statistics (DU) 
9. Dr. Mahbubuddin Ahmed, doing business in London 
2. Md. Obaidullah, Playwright; writes for Bangladesh Radio TV. 

c Institute of Educational Research 
1. Md. Habibullah, resident in Pakistan. 
2. Abdul Kadir Miah, Employed at Dhaka University. 
3. Dr. Shafia Khatun: Former minister and member Public service commission; employed at Dhaka University 

d. Physical Education Center 
1. Lt Col (Retd) Matiur Rahman, Dept of Journalism 
2. Atiquzzaman Khan, Dept of Urdu and Persian, deceased.
3. Dr. Aftab Ahmed Siddqui, resident in Pakistan. 
4. Dr. Fazlul Kader,  Dept of Law, no information. 
5. Nurul Momen, Dept of Islamic History, living in Dhaka. 
6. Dr. SM Imamuddin, Dhaka University Caretaker, resident in Pakistan 
7. SD Daliluddin, Dept of Botany (DU), deceased. 
8. Mohd Mahbubul Alam Jalaluddin, Serving in Pakistan. 

Several of those collaborating teachers were involved in the killing of the intellectuals. Many of their names were found in the diary of Ashrafuzzaman Khan, the Chief Executioner of the Al-Badr forces. 

e. Institute of Educational Research 
1.Nasir Ahmed, Upper Division Assistant, Chief Engineer Office 
2.Painter Zahir Khan, Engineering Office 
3.Peon Shahjahan, Salimullah Hall 
4.Peon Mohammad Mustafa. 

f. Teachers of Rajshahi University who were given compulsory leave after being charged with collaboration. 
1. Dr. Abdul Bari, Vice-Chancellor, Chairman, University Grants Commission. 
2. Dr. Golam Saqlain, Reader Professor, Dept of Bengali, Rajshahi University. 
3. Azizul Huq, Associate Professor, Dept of Bengali, Rajshahi University. 
4. Shaikh Ataur Rahman, Associate Professor, Dept of Bengali, Rajshahi University. 
5. Abdur Rahim Joardar, University Registrar, retired 
 
g. Teachers of Rajshahi University who were arrested on charges of collaboration. 
1. Mukbul Hussain, Professor, Dept of Commerce (RU) 
2. Ahmed Muhammad Patel, Chairman, Dept of Geography. Resident in Pakistan. 
3. Solaiman Mondol, Chairman & Professor, Dept of Economics (RU). 
4. Unman Bari Baghi, Associate Professor, Dept of Psychology. 
Resident in Pakistan 
5. Zillur Rahman, Reader, Dept of Law, Law Faculty, RU. 
6. Kalim A Sasrami, Associate Professor, Dept of Languages. 
(RU). 

h. Those who were charged with collaboration and fled away after independence
1. Ahmed Ullah Khan,  Associate, Professor English Dept (RU). 
2. Ebne Ahmed One of the deputy registrars, former registrar, Islami University, Kushtia. 

(Dainik Bangla, October 3, 1973).

 

Maulana Dawood

"....Also intact: the alliance between Raza and Maulana Dawood, who had accompanied the Hyders to Karachi and who, once he was installed in the official residence of the new minister, at once distinguished himself by launching a vociferous public campaign against the consumption of prawns and blue-bellied crabs, which being scavengers, were as unclean as any pig, and which, although understandably unavailable in far-off Q., were both plentiful and popular in the capital by the sea. The Maulana was deeply affronted to find these armored monsters of the deep freely available in the fish markets, and succeeded in enlisting the support of urban divines who did not know how to object. The city's fishermen found that the sales of shellfish began to drop alarmingly, and were therefore obliged to rely more than ever on the income they gained from the smuggling of contraband goods. Illicit booze and cigarettes replaced blue crabs in the holds of many dhows. No booze or cigarettes found their into the Hyder residence, however. Dawood made unheralded raids on the servant's quarters to check that God was in charge.

Shame: Salman Rushdie

 

Reference:

  1. Liberation Museum

  2. Killers and Collaborators of 1971: An Account of Their Whereabouts, compiled and published by the Center for the Development of the Spirit of the Liberation War

  3. Commission on War Criminals of Bangladesh

  4. Saiduzzaman Raushan: Speeches and Statements of Killers & Collaborators of 1971

Source:
 
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