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Monday, November 26, 2012

[chottala.com] Daily Star: Home minister's legal notice, our reply



Home minister's legal notice, our reply

On behalf of Home Minister Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, Legum Consultants has sent a legal notice to The Daily Star, protesting a report headlined "A strange invitation" published in this newspaper on November 13. Following is the notice along with our reply:

Legum Consultants
Advocates, Barrister and Law Consultants
Legal Notice
[Registered with A/D]
November 20, 2012

To,

1. Mr. Mahfuz Anam
Editor and Publisher

The Daily Star, an English Daily
229, Tejgaon Industrial Area
Dhaka.

2. Mr. Julfikar Ali Manik
Correspondent,
The Daily Star, an English Daily
229, Tejgaon Industrial Area
Dhaka.

3. Mr. Kailash Sarkar
Correspondent,

The Daily Star, an English Daily
229, Tejgaon Industrial Area
Dhaka.

---- Notice Receivers

From:

Kazi Akhtar Hosain
LL.B. (Hon's), LL. M (1
st Class) DU

Advocate
Supreme Court of Bangladesh

---- Notice Giver

For and on behalf of:

Dr. Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir
Son of Late Ashek Ali Khan
Hon'ble Minister
Ministry of Home Affairs
Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh

Dear Sir,

Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir, Hon'ble Minister, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh is our client. Upon appraisal of the papers, documents referred to us by our client and upon his instructions, we serve this legal notice upon you as under:

1. That our client Dr. Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir is a veteran public servant and a politician of the country. He is Presidium Member of Bangladesh Awami League. Earlier he held the post of Chairman of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Undertakings and Public Accounts. He was State Minister of the Ministry of Planning during the last Awami League Government. During the said period, he was also Minister in charge of the Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism and of Science and Technology. Currently he is holding the post of the Hon'ble Minister for the Ministry of Home Affairs.

2. That the notice receiver No. 1. is the Editor and Publisher of The Daily Star, an English Daily, having its office at 229, Tejgaon Industrial Area, Dhaka and the notice receiver No. 2 and 3 both are the correspondents of the said daily newspaper.

3. That you, the notice receivers published a report in The Daily Star dated 13.11.2012 in the heading "A Strange Invitation?" regarding alleged visit by the members of the law enforcing agency to the house of one Delwar Hossain, former Secretary of the Anti Corruption Commission at his residence in Ashulia area. In the said report you have added false stigma stating that the police asked the said Delwar Hossain to immediately meet our client which is absolutely a false and baseless story. There is no statement in the said report neither from the police nor from the said Delwar Hossain to the effect that our client sent police force or in any way involved in the allegation as leveled against our client, rather Mr. Delwar Hossain said, as appears from the said report, "a minister does not call any citizen this way to meet him" which clearly transpires that the statement made in the said report that the police asked Mr. Delwar Hossain to meet the Home Minister is absolutely false, fabricated and baseless story.

4 That from a careful perusal of the report, it transpires that you the notice receivers, have published the said report very purposely and cunning fully entangling our client though he has got no nexus, only to harm the reputation of our client. Besides though the report could not make out any nexus of our client, you have published a cartoon of our client with the said report which is disrespectful and disgraceful to our client and is absolutely a defamatory act punishable under section 500/501 of the Penal Code, 1860.

5. That the report dated 13.11.2012 published by you in The Daily Star is absolutely libelous and scandalous and a sheer example of harassment and above all is defamatory to our client. Our client has sustained unbearable loss to his social and political life which may be counted to the tune of Tk 50 crore which you the notice receivers are liable to pay to our client.

6. That the report published by you, the notice receiver, is nothing but a glaring example of yellow journalism and devoid of all customs and norms of fair journalism. You, the notice receivers, have published the said report without any basis and have taken an isolated incident as a means of victimizing a public figure and a veteran politician of the country. Therefore you are liable to be dealt with in accordance with law for publishing defamatory statements falsely involving our client.

7. That due to the said report published by you the notice receivers our client has been mentally upset and socially and politically harassed and humiliated and therefore you the notice receivers are under legal obligation to seek unconditional apology from our client to this effect. You are also liable to publish a rejoinder in this respect in the front page of you newspaper.

In view of the above facts and circumstances, we on behalf of our client, request you, the notice receivers, to seek unconditional apology to our client for publishing false and baseless report entangling our client with his cartoon and publish a rejoinder in this effect on the front page of the said newspaper within three days from receipt of this notice failing which we have clear instructions from our client to proceed with legal proceedings, both civil and criminal, against you in the appropriate court of law and in that event, you, the notice receivers, will be held liable for all costs and incidentals.

A copy of this notice is kept in our office for future reference.

Yours faithfully

Kazi Akhtar Hossain)
LL.B. (Hon's), LL. M (1st Class) DU
Advocate
Supreme Court of Bangladesh
For: "Legum Consultants"

Our Reply

We publish the legal notice sent to us by a lawyer on behalf of Home Minister Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir. Usually, we only publish the main points of such a notice. But in this case, we are printing the full text both as a mark of respect for the minister and also to share with our readers the full content and nature of the notice.

Our intention behind publishing the report was to bring to the notice of the public and of the authorities, especially to the home ministry/minister, that ex-secretary Delwar Hossain, a former secretary and former rector of Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre (BPATC), was being harassed by law enforcers of, not just one but two police stations, for unspecified reasons and without any legal document or formal complaints.

What attracted our attention and made us doubly concerned was these police officials, uniformed and plainclothes, were using the name of the honourable home minister as an excuse to harass and intimidate him. We have Delwar's complaint on record and the full text of what transpired between him and the police.

Our sense of public service and protecting a citizen's rights made us duty bound to publish it, especially in view of recent disappearances which circumstantially implicated the law enforcement agencies.

In our story we never attributed the activities of the police to the home minister and never said the home minister was in any way involved in the incident. We added quotes from the complainant and the police officials who admitted to visiting Delwar's house. Our story clearly shows we tried to contact the minister, as the comments of his PS amply prove.

It was our hope that the home minister or his ministry would immediately take up the matter, meet or talk to Delwar, either directly or by phone, and find out why police were visiting his house, on what grounds they were questioning him, etc, as it now appears that the minister's name was being improperly used.

Did the home minister or any officer from the ministry try to talk to Delwar? The legal notice provides no evidence of any such communication. One simple phone call would have clarified the matter and indicated to the minister or his office that police officials were using his name to harass an honourable citizen who is held in high esteem by his peers.

We dare say it was our expectation that the minister would be thankful to the press that we have brought to his notice this fact of police misusing his name; otherwise the incident would never have come to his notice.

Is it better that the police misuse his name and he never knows about it, or that we publish and make him aware? Asking the police will only bring forth a denial as their intention will be to protect themselves. How can the truth be found if only the police, not the victim, are questioned?

Instead of appreciation, we have a legal notice that does not address the facts published, but castigates us, accuses us of "yellow journalism" and threatens us with dire consequences if we do not retract and apologise. The threat of both civil and criminal legal action is nothing short of trying to intimidate the press and prevent us from reporting against ministers or other high officials. Defamation is a civil offence in democracies, but we are threatened with criminal offence, indicating the desire to punish us rather than to seek the truth.

On receiving the legal notice we further checked and double checked all facts connected with our story. We visited the spot of the incidents to check further concerning our report about the police visits to Delwar's home at Sripur of Ashulia.

Inhabitants of the area and Delwar's neighbours reconfirmed that police went to his house twice (on November 8 and 12). Both times there were police, some uniformed and some in plainclothes. Some of the neighbours also overheard conversations between the police and Delwar Hossain on both occasions. These people have reconfirmed the veracity of our report.

About the use of a cartoon/caricature, it is a normal journalistic practice, used to illustrate a story of public importance. Caricatures are never meant to defame or insult any public figure. This is a global practice and is evidenced by cartoons of all global leaders published every day in every democratic country of the world.

Our story in no way attributes the actions of the police to the home minister. We reiterate that our story was meant to alert the home minister that his name was being used to harass citizens. In publishing the story we feel that we have served the public interest and also helped the government to carry out its task. We conclude by appealing to the home minister that a simple independent inquiry, not by the very police who took part in the harassment, would reveal the truth to him.

A free and independent media is always an ally of an accountable government and democracy, never an enemy. We have played, and will continue to play, that role of an ally.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=258954

----------

A strange invitation?

Cops press ACC's ex-secy during army-backed drive for meeting home minister; Savar police show domestic issue as reason

Police have suddenly become very curious about Delwar Hossain, the man who played a key role in launching the military-backed caretaker regime's anti-graft drive in 2007 as the Anti-Corruption Commission secretary.

They went to Delwar's Ashulia residence on the outskirts of the capital around 3:30pm yesterday and asked him to immediately meet Home Minister Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir.

Replying to his queries, the police officials told him that they had no complaint or arrest warrant against him.

The home minister had asked the former bureaucrat to visit his office or residence, Delwar told The Daily Star over phone.

Neighbours told him Thursday night that police had come and waited for him for about an hour when he was not home. He spent the night and the following day thinking that police would come again.

Later, two teams from Savar and Ashulia police stations showed up yesterday afternoon and pressurised him till 5:15pm to meet the minister.

Delwar told police that they could arrest him if they had warrant.

"I was not sure whether the home minister really wanted me to meet him," he said. "A minister doesn't ask any citizen this way to meet him."

"Why should police come with such an unofficial invitation? If I go with police and anything happens to me, who would take the responsibility?" he said.

Despite repeated attempts, The Daily Star could not reach MK Alamgir. According to his PS, his mobile phone was switched off as he was at the dinner in honour of the Belarusian prime minister last night.

Although police officials at Delwar's residence said they had no complaint against him, Officer-in-Charge of Savar Police Station Mohammad Asaduzzaman told this paper, "We have complaint that despite having wife and children, he lives here [Ashulia] after marrying a young girl."

Replying to a question, the OC said they had only verbal complaint but did not say who had lodged it. "There is a problem in disclosing the matter."

Asked why his men went to Delwar's house which is under Ashulia Police Station, Asaduzzaman hung up his phone and could not be reached anymore.

Delwar, who has been staying alone at a rented house at Sreepur village in Ashulia for the last six years, rejected the allegation of marrying again.

"I live alone in Ashulia due to personal problems. But there is no question of getting married again," he said. "If police or anybody else can show evidence of my second marriage, they are welcome."

Second Officer Sazzad Rumon led the team from Savar Police Station.

Contacted last night, he first denied going to Delwar's house. But later he admitted it when told that the OC confirmed this.

He, however, declined to say anything beyond what the OC had said.

When told that there were discrepancies between the statements of the OC and Delwar, the second officer said, "It doesn't matter what Delwar said; our OC's version is correct."

Ashulia Police Station OC (Investigation) Mostofa Kamal said they sent their men as Savar police had sought their cooperation without specifying the purpose.

Contacted, Delwar's wife Roushan Ara Begum, who lives with her two daughters and a son at a house in the city's Mohammadpur, said she did not file any written or verbal complaint against her husband.

Delwar, 58, went on voluntarily retirement as a rector at Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre in 2011. Just before this job, he served as the land secretary.

He was made the secretary of the Anti-Corruption Commission in January 2007, when posts of the chairman and members of the commission were vacant.

Delwar, as secretary of the ACC, announced names of many bigwigs as corruption suspects as per the decision of the then military-backed caretaker government. He had also issued notices to many of them asking for wealth statements.

MK Alamgir, who was on the first such list of 50, submitted his wealth statement from prison after being detained along with other graft suspects.

After Awami League-led grand alliance came to power, Alamgir on many occasions criticised the 2007 ACC drives and activities of the caretaker administration.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=257282



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[chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs



Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs



Hamid Mir

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is a villain for many Pakistanis. One sided history books tell us that Mujib was a traitor who broke Pakistan with the help of India. We read in our history books that All India Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1906 but, we don't know why the Pakistan Army surrendered to Indian Army on December 16, 1971, in Dhaka?

We tried to cover the black spots of our history with lies but the The Unfinished Memoirs of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have negated all the official history books taught in our schools and colleges.

This autobiography reveals that the traitor Mujib was actually an active worker of Pakistan movement since his school days. He wrote the truth about himself in his memoirs. He never hid his role for the creation of Muslim League in his hometown Gopalganj in 1939.

He even accepted that at one point the Bengali leader Fazlul Haq refused to submit to the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1941. At this stage the Muslim League started a campaign against Fazlul Haq and Mujib was part of that campaign. He was with Jinnah, not with Fazlul Haq. He was among those young workers of the Muslim League who used to sell a Pro-Pakistan weekly newspaper Millat on the streets of Dhaka.

It is important to note that he wrote this book when he was imprisoned in Dhaka jail during a dictatorial regime under General Ayub Khan. He narrated some important events of the Pakistan movement very honestly. He also exposed the dishonesty of Viceroy Lord Mountbatten, whom, he wrote, was helping the congress party covertly in all sorts of ways against the Muslim League.

He was in the jail of a military dictator at that time but he never tried to please the Congress which was ruling India in those days.

This book is a first-hand account of politics in Pakistan from 1947 to 1955 which was full of intrigues and conspiracies. I think this book is a great source of history for the young generation of Pakistan. It tells us about the communal violence that broke out after the division of India in 1947. One day Sheikh Mujibur Rahman saw that hundreds of Hindus were attacking a Mosque. He cried out "Pakistan Zindabad" with some other young Muslims and started resisting the Hindu mob by throwing bricks.

Why then did this soldier of Muslim League leave the party of Muhammad Ali Jinnah immediately after the creation of Pakistan?

Young Sheikh Mujib was very disappointed when the then prime minister of Pakistan declared in the legislative assembly that people of East Pakistan must accept Urdu as their State language. Young Mujib came out on roads on March 11, 1948, against this declaration.

He was not opposing Pakistan. He was only defending his language which was his political right but he was arrested. Mujib was released on January 21, 1949. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was no more and Mujib left the Muslim League.

He joined the newly formed Awami Muslim League under the leadership of Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy. Within five years Awami League swept Muslim League from East Pakistan and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman won the election from Gopalganj in 1954, taking oath as the provincial minister for Agriculture.

The Muslim League government in centre never accepted its defeat and dismissed the United Front Government in Dhaka. Sheikh Mujib was again arrested.

His memoirs are unfinished but we must accept some historical realities as the ultimate truth in our own interest.

I will not quote any Bangladeshi or Indian writer to point out some historical realities. I will quote only Pakistani writers. When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested in 1954, Army Chief General Ayub Khan was preparing his officers for a military coup. The first Chief of General Staff of Pakistan Army Sher Ali Patudi wrote in his autobiography that Ayub wanted to interfere in politics and had once stated to him: "The bloody politicians and civilians were useless, corrupt and inefficient."

Legislative assembly asked GHQ to increase the recruitment of Bengalis in army. Patoudi tried to implement the orders of assembly but Ayub was not interested. When Mujib was writing his memoirs in jail, the former Chief Justice of Pakistan Muhammad Munir was the law minister of the Ayub regime.

He wrote a book From Jinnah to Zia in 1979 claiming that Ayub Khan had suggested that he should talk about separation with some influential Bengali leader. One day the Law Minister Munir spoke to a Bengali Minister Ramizudin. His reply was prompt and straight. He asked me whether I was suggesting secession. I said yes or something like confederation or more autonomy. Ramizudin said: "Look here we are the majority province, and it is for the minority province to secede because we are Pakistan."

Why did Ayub dislike Bengalis? Because Bengalis supported Fatima Jinnah against Ayub in the presidential election in early 1965. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the chief polling agent of Fatima Jinnah in Dhaka.

The fact is that it was not Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who wanted to break Pakistan. He only demanded provincial autonomy in 50s and 60s, but our military regime tried to silence his voice by throwing him in jail. He never abandoned the political struggle and participated in the first general elections of Pakistan in 1970. Awami League emerged as a majority party but the military regime of General Yahya Khan refused the transfer of power to Awami League. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and a military operation was started.

What happened in this operation? I will quote only few lines from the book A Stranger in My own Country by Major General(R) Khadim Hussain Raja who served in Dhaka between 1969 and 1971. He wrote that on March 10, 1971, Lieutenant General Niazi spoke to senior officers in operations room of Dhaka.

Niazi became abusive and started talking in Urdu. He said: "Main iss haramzadi qaum ki nasal badal donga. Yeh mujhey kia samajhtey hain?" He threatened that he would let his soldiers loose on their womenfolk. The next morning a Bengali officer Major Mushtaq went into the bathroom at the command headquarter and shot himself in the head.

I can quote more books by other Pakistani writers who accepted that our soldiers not only massacred Bengali Muslims in big number, but they also followed the orders of General Niazi and raped women. I will stop here.

I just want to say that the Unfinished Memoirs of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the historical evidence that Bengalis never broke Pakistan but they actually created Pakistan.

In fact political intrigues and blunders of military dictators broke Pakistan. We forced Bengalis to take arms in their hands to defend their women. It's time now to apologise officially from people of Bangladesh.

Remember that only brave people accept their mistakes. It's time to show some bravery by accepting our mistakes and apologising to Bangladeshis. Our apology will not weaken Pakistan but will strengthen Pakistan.

The writer is Executive Editor, Geo TV Pakistan. He read this paper in the launching ceremony of The Unfinished Memoirs held in Islamabad, November 21.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=258887


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[chottala.com] Wal-Mart’s connection to firetrap Bangladesh factory



Wal-Mart's connection to firetrap Bangladesh factory

By Natasha Lennard

Wal-Mart's connection to firetrap Bangladesh factory
A Bangladeshi police official walks past row of burnt sewing machines in a garment factory in the Savar neighborhood in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Sunday (AP Photo/ khurshed Rinku)

Wal-Mart conducted a review last year of the Bangladeshi factory in which a fire on Saturday led to the death of 112 people. Despite the retailer determining the factory to be a high fire risk last year, Wal-Mart said this week that  it did not know whether it was still buying products made in the Tazreen Fashions Ltd. plant, where there were no emergency exits and workers were forced to jump out of windows to escape from the blaze.

As the AP reported:

Tazreen was given a "high risk" safety rating after a May 16, 2011, audit conducted by an "ethical sourcing" assessor for Wal-Mart, according to a document posted on the Tuba Group's website. It did not specify what led to the rating.

Wal-Mart spokesman Kevin Gardner said online documents indicating an orange or "high risk" assessment after the May 2011 inspection and a yellow or "medium risk" report after an inspection in August 2011 appeared to pertain to the factory.

The August 2011 letter said Wal-Mart would conduct another inspection within one year.

Gardner said it was not clear if that inspection had been conducted or whether the factory was still making products for Wal-Mart.

In their Sunday statement Wal-Mart stressed that it was taking measures to improve fire safety in the Bangladesh apparel industry and has already stopped working with 50 Bangladeshi factories in recent months.

The retail giant is not the only U.S. company linked to deadly factory fires in Bangladesh. In December 2010, the Wall Street Journal noted, a fire at a factory that supplied to companies including J.C. Penney Co. and Gap Inc. killed 29 people. The WSJ reported that Saturday's factory fire — believed to be caused by a short circuit — took place in a plant which manufactured clothing for Hong Kong-based sourcing giant Li & Fung, which is a buyer for retailers Target Corp. as well as Wal-Mart.

Thousands of workers and their supporters in Bangladesh have taken to the streets with rage following the blaze, as the WSJ reported, "Workers demanding justice were blocking the streets of a Dhaka suburb in a protest that turned violent at times. The workers threw stones at factories, smashed vehicles and blocked a major highway in the area, according to garment workers' groups."

Agence France-Presse added that in response to the demonstrations, "Ashulia's more than 500 factories who make apparel for top global retailers such as Walmart, H&M and Tesco declared a wild-cat 'holiday", fearing that the protests could worsen and turn into large-scale unrest."

However, according to the WSJ, the deadly fire and the following protests likely won't have a significant impact on Li & Fung's sourcing businesses. "With a sizable sourcing network, Li & Fung can swiftly source the goods that it needs from other factories for its clients," Kenny Tang, general manager at asset management company AMTD Financial Planning Ltd told the WSJ.

Bangladesh has some 4,000 garment factories, many without proper safety measures.

UPDATE: Despite Wal-Mart's claim that it did not know whether it was still buying garments made at the Tazreen plant, the Nation's Josh Eidelson Monday was provided with photographs from the fire's wreckage which appear to show clothing with Wal-Mart's exclusive Faded Glory label in the factory. The photos were taken after the fire by the Bangladesh Center for Worker Solidarity and were provided to the Nation by the International Labor Rights Forum.

According to Workers Rights Consortium executive director Scott Nova, Wal-Mart's culpability in the fire goes beyond the presence of their garments in the factory. The retailer's business model, Nova told Eidelson, created the conditions for tragedy:

Wal-Mart's "culpability is enormous. First of all they are the largest buyer from Bangladesh" and so "they make the market." Nova said Bangladesh has become the world's second largest apparel supplier "because they've given Walmart and its competitors what they want, which is the cheapest possible labor costs."

"So Wal-Mart is supporting, is incentivizing, an industry strategy in Bangladesh: extreme low wages, non-existent regulation, brutal suppression of any attempt by workers to act collectively to improve wages and conditions."

Images appear to show Faded Glory garments, via the Nation:

Photos appear to reveal Wal-Mart brand garments in the factory where a fire killed 112 on the weekend.
Close

Natasha Lennard is an assistant news editor at Salon, covering non-electoral politics, general news and rabble-rousing. Follow her on Twitter @natashalennard, email nlennard@salon.com.

http://www.salon.com/2012/11/26/wal_marts_connection_to_firetrap_bangladesh_factory_is_unclear/


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[chottala.com] India: Dream for secular republic unfulfilled



India: Dream for secular republic unfulfilled

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

The terror attack on Mumbai in the night of November 26th was an attack on India killing innocent people but it also confirmed the weakness of Indian state in tackling the communal agenda.  The police and administrative set up were communalized and Muslim became more isolated in this propaganda war. Isolation of Muslims in India is defeat of the vision of our constitutional forefathers.

Today is a landmark date of Indian Republic as on this day in 1949 our constituent Assembly settled for the current constitution of India. With different divergent views, India finally adopted a Republican Democratic Constitution despite the tragic and disastrous accidents due to partition in which thousands lost their lives for no fault of their own and millions were displaced.


Paradoxically, the same day on November 26th, 2008, terrorists stuck the financial capital of India and bled it in full force in an open defiance to republican common sharing dream of a united India. Hundreds of innocent lost their lives and many their whole world. The incident changed the total perception of people in India and forced the governments to adopt more such strategies which actually were anti-democratic and against the basic preamble of our constitution. In the name of fight against terrorism, innocent Muslim youths were arrested in different parts of the country and thousands of them are still languishing in jails waiting for their trial to take off.


Therefore, it is time for introspection as where our republic failed and why? It is a well-known fact that despite partition in the name of religion, Indian leadership chose to adopt a secular constitution which means despite our prejudices we still attempted to overcome those through constitutional measures. For a country which bore the brunt of partition in the name of religion, it was a huge compliment and challenging task. While the leadership which fought for the nation was by and large secular at least till Nehru was there at the helm of affair, it started appeasing Hindu fundamentalists more and more subsequently after his demise in 1964. The country had seen communal disturbances in number of places and almost all the inquiry commissions had pointed the involvement of RSS in the communal riots. Meerut, Moradabad,, Aligarh, Kanpur, Bhivandi, Malegaon, Jabalpur, Mumbai, Coimbatore, Hyderabad saw communal riots in different phases which bled the nation.


In 1975 Mrs. Indira Gandhi imposed emergency on the country and suspended all our rights including freedom of expression and right to peaceful assembly. All the political leaders were arrested and newspapers were not allowed to publish news items which were against the 'interest' of the government. She lost in 1975 resulting in the formation of first non-Congress government of Janata Party under the leadership of Morarji Desai which undemocratically used its power and dismissed 7 congress ruled government immediately without allowing them to complete their terms. The argument was that they have lost their mandate. It was naked dance of dictatorial leadership who were elected in the name of democracy. Indira Gandhi repeated it when she returned to power in 1980 by dismissing the Janata governments in the states.


1980s was a tumultuous phase in Indian democracy when power started slipping out of the brahmanical domination and Congress played shamelessly though, the Hindu card in Jammu and Kashmir and later in Punjab. The results were disastrous. To counter the demand of more powers to the state raised by the Akali Dal, Indira Gandhi promoted Bhindaranwale who used the opportunity to establish himself as the biggest leader of the Sikh Panth. The Sikh Hindu divide grew in Punjab resulting in the disastrous decision of the government to raid the golden temple in June 1984 under code name 'Operation Blue Star'. It hurt the Sikh psyche tremendously and government did nothing to remove them. They were isolated. Every Sikh became a suspect in the eye of others. This was one of the most uncertain periods of Indian republic. They were deeply hurt with the turn of events at the Golden Temple where huge number of militants had gathered. The mix of religion and politics could be best seen in Punjab and Akali Dal was no less responsible as it was they who used it to the best and Congress was only trying to consolidate the non Jats as well as Hindus in the state. The dirty game of the political parties created an unbridgeable divide.


On October 31st, 1984 Mrs. Indira Gandhi was brutally assassinated by her own security staffs who happened to be Sikhs. The entire country saw the violence against Sikh community and each one of them were considered as a threat to the country. The national capital took the lead in violence against the Sikhs and the might Indian state did not do anything. Instead, it used the opportunity to consolidate the Hindu vote bank further which resulted in the massive mandate to Rajiv Gandhi in 1985 when elections were held in the country. It is essential to examine the 1985 electoral mandate to Rajiv Gandhi where he became the symbol of Hindu nationalism and the Sangh Parivar openly came in his support. He used those symbols too to consolidate his position yet he also initiated different political processes in various parts of the country including Punjab and Mizoram. The results were positive yet Rajiv lost in 1989 because he was surrounded by the coterie which enjoyed his innocence. With a massive mandate in his pocket, he ignored President Jail Singh who was loyal to his mother and sworn him as a prime minister without even waiting for the Congress Party formally electing him as leader.


Rajiv and his close associate Arun Nehru continued to play the Hindu Card which resulted in opening up the lock of Babari Mosque for Hindus. The government never challenged the local court order further to appease the Hindus. At the same time when Muslim fanatics raised the issue of Shahbano, the government over turned the Supreme Court order on the rights of a Muslim woman who is divorced. The congress as usual wanted a win-win situation for all the fundamentalists in the country and hence it covers extra miles to appease every one without addressing their social economic issues. The Ayodhya issue and Shabano case actually gave the Hindu fundamentalists a big handle to brow beat Muslims in the country. Under lot of corruption charges, Rajiv lost the next election resulting in the formation of another non Congress government under V.P.Singh which was supported from outside both by the left and the right.


In 1990, the prime minister announced acceptance of Mandal Commission Report giving opportunity to OBCs to share power. This was one of the biggest events of post independent India which shook the Indian power structure.  It developed a deep hatred towards the then prime minister V.P.Singh in the Indian middle classes. The forces of Hinduva felt the danger of OBC assertion and their alliance with Dalits for the hegemony of the upper caste in socio-political life of our country. They could not afford to openly oppose the Mandal commission reports yet clandestinely fomenting trouble in Delhi against the government decision.  After much thought, they launched the Ram Temple movement and under the grand design engaged the Shudra communities in it. They created an enemy in the form of Muslims and isolated them politically. The anti-Muslim feelings were created under the Ram Temple movement turning them the main villain. The Congress and the mainstream parties did not take them openly. In fact, Congress was in competitive mode for this Hindu communalism which resulted in more isolation of Muslims. The biggest casualty of this communalization process in India was the Hindutvaisation of administrative set up particularly police and administrative bodies. Unfortunately, media too became victim of it. In the post 1990s, media used all the propaganda of the Hindutva forces and actively supported by the police and intelligence services to defame and isolate Muslims further.  It culminated in violence against Muslims and systematic onslaught on their places of worship with demolition of Babari Mosque on December 6th, 1992. The then prime minister Narsimha Rao promised to the nation that the Babari Mosque but instead no political party including the secular ones dare to say that Babari Mosque should be rebuilt to bring it the status quo level. No culprit of that heinous crime against Indian constitution and secular ethos of the country ever went to jail except for one day symbolic punishment to Kalyan Singh who wanted to use this opportunity to garner their votes further.


Ram Mandir movement legitimized the communalization of the Hindutva brigade and brought them to power. It exposed the parties and outfits which claims to be secular and yet became part of so-called National Democratic Alliance. The culprit of the Babari demolition became senior minister and presided over the same ministries which were supposed to file cases against them.  Lal Krishna Advani became the Home Minister of the country and further communalized the entire bureaucracy.  Murli Manohar Joshi was made Minister for Human Resource Development and he shamelessly pursued the brahmanical agenda in education particularly in the school text books.


In Mumbai, the award of the communal riots in 1993 with active support of the Shiv Sena goons resulted in their attaining power in Maharastra when it went to polls, while in 2002, Narendra Modi outdid what Rajiv and his Congress had done to Sikhs in Delhi in 1984. The Muslims were the victims of Modi's hate agenda as he wanted to teach them a 'lesson' and finish their voices completely. Gujarat became the biggest laboratory of Hindutva and brahmanical forces. Despite all our war cries against him, Modi continue to become more powerful in the absence of a credible secular alternative. This further marginalized and isolated Muslims in Gujarat.


On November 26th, 2008 the terrorists from Pakistan attacked Mumbai. The country suffered and like all, many Muslims were also killed with other citizens of the country. The war against terrorism became a war against 'Muslims'. This was suitable for the Hindu right wing which always wanted to get legitimized in the din of 'war against terror'. Muslim and terrorism became synonymous terms with media actively participating in it and became propaganda machinery of the state for the same. It is ironical that while in all other matters particularly on the issues of corruption, the media never bothered about the state version but on the issue of Muslims, they became voice of the state and were thoroughly communalized.


Thousands of Muslims youths are languishing in Indian Jails in the name of 'war against terror'. Many of them have not even been brought to trial. It is shameful that a 'secular' administration and the state could do nothing. It is the biggest blot to Indian state that it has selectively made the state apparatus anti-Muslims. While identity politics has become hall mark of Indian political system, Muslim identity has become a drawback for the community. Any formation of political front in the name of Muslims will be out rightly termed as communal while the Hindutva-isation of our political set up is complete.  The Muslims youths are being detained for no fault of theirs.  It is not just state of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh where Muslim youths are in jail without any trials. It is tragic a state of Uttar-Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Tamilnadu and Andhra Pradesh where state government claims to be 'secular'.


War against terrorism cannot be won by putting innocents in the jail just because of their religious identity of being a Muslim. It is proved beyond doubt how the Hindutva forces are operating in the country and communalizing the government apparatus and media. Our republic cannot hope to achieve its dreams of a secular socialist India when its 'second majority' suffers the fate of being 'foreigner' and 'suspect' for every act of terror which is the case of individuals or politically motivated terrorist groups. As we do not blame all the Hindus for the fault of Hindutva organizations and their misdeeds similarly, it is time when the media should stop branding every Muslim as terrorist for the act and misdeeds of these unlawful outfits whose agenda is to ferment trouble in India.  The state apparatus will have to be developed in a secular way so that they do not suffer from prejudices. As long as we have political leaders without facing any trial for their involvement in hate propaganda and instigating communal violence, we will continue to have act of terror.

 

As long as the Muslim youths are arrested without their involvement for the troubles created by the terrorist outfits, we will not be able to bring peace in the country. The answers to today's problems are more engagement of the community in administration, social and political life. The day, Indian society become inclusive and our administration and judiciary secularized, the political goons using religious identity as a tool to climb up the ladder and become leader would be isolated. Communalism of all variety is dangerous for the country and can be tackled both with greater administrative reforms including secularization of it as well as a wider public debate on the issue of democracy and secularism so that fringe elements everywhere is  isolated. If the Muslims, Dalits, Aadivasis in this country do not get justice, it would be difficult for democracy to survive and then we will have nobody to blame but to ourselves and our faulty political system which is unfortunately strengthening status quo. The dreams of our constitutional forefathers remain unfilled as the shortsightedness of our current political class and legitimization of the communal organisations as 'nationalist' political parties .


--
Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Visit my blog at
www.manukhsi.blogspot.com

For information on the issues, movements and priorities of Scavenger community in India please log on to
www.swachchakar.blogspot.com

For information on civil society initiatives on Muslims in UP please log on to
www.rehnumaa.blogspot.com


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[chottala.com] Re: Chittagong flyover contractors...






Full Story:
http://www.prothom-alo.com/detail/date/2012-11-27/news/308672




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[chottala.com] Wikiapedia edited history, some critical views, and declared forgiveness of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mojibur Rahman



Dear Bangladeshi and Bangladesh sympathizer friends, 

Here are the some critical extracts from Wikiapedia edited history,  some critical views,  and declared forgiveness of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mojibur Rahman (references and extracts are high lighted in bold letters as given below:). Professional historians, journalists, newsmen, and biography writers should thoroughly explore,  investigate, and incorporate, to the best of their abilities, the correct and factual history of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mojibur Rahman, the father of the nation of Bangladesh.
Yours sincerely,
Golam F. Akhter, Bangladesh-USA Human Rights Coalition Inc.
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Reference 1. : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheikh_Mujibur_Rahman#BAKSAL

Reference 2. Correction , if any , contact process: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Contact_us
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"BAKSAL

Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.[20] Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.[24] Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.[19] A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture — the mainstay of the economy.[3] Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.[20]BAKSAL was protested by different groups but they were punished by Mujibur Rahman. It was known that Mujibur Rahman never accepted any criticism against him. Mujib was widely accused for the responsible of 40000 killings by his Rakkhi Bahini.[25]

The 1974 famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance,[26] while political unrest gave rise to increasing violence. During the famine, 70000 people were reported as dead.[25] In response, he began increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties. Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary powers.[19][27] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, theBangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL.[3] The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country. Members of Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini were granted immunity from prosecution and other legal proceedings.[27][28] The militia known as RakhiBahini and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population, Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights"

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"Governing Bangladesh

Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmad following a controversial intra-party power struggle that had occurred during Mujib's incarceration.[citation needed] The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on March 17.[8] Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women. The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economyhad immensely deteriorated by the conflict.[citation needed] There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.[citation needed]

After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement.[citation needed] He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.[8] He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel.[18] Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,[19] strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. But the Indian government did not remain in close cooperation with Bangladesh during Mujib's lifetime.[19]

He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalismsecularismdemocracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism."[19] Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.[20]Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented.[21] A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and electionswere held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority.[3] He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[22]

Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct.[23] He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups.[23] Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent.[23] In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims. He also declared a common amnesty to the suspected war criminals in some conditions to get the support of far right groups as the communists were not happy with Mujib's regime. He declared, " I believe that the brokers, who assisted the Pakistanis during the liberation war has realized their faults. I hope they will involve themselves in the development of the country forgetting all their misdeeds. Those who were arrested and jailed in the Collaborator act should be freed before the 16 December 1974.".[23]

In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 1.5 million Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent against Mujib's government. Bangladeshi people feel ashamed, insulted and demoralised as a nation for this famine that was not due to a food crisis but, according to Amartya Sen, but due instead to the lack of governance and democratic practices."

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