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Friday, November 30, 2007

Re: [chottala.com] This very intersting debate between Mr Minar Rashid & Mr Abdur Nur Tushar is proving that really our country leaders as well as we the supporters are not real demcratic minded & we have no quality knowledge to understand what does mean by democracy....An enjoyable debate between Minar Rashid and Abdun Noor Tushar

Hi dear all
This very intersting debate between Mr Minar Rashid & Mr Abdur Nur Tushar is proving that really our country leaders as well as we the supporters are not real demcratic minded & we have no quality knowledge to understand what does mean by democracy.
Therefore it is now very essential to think & to ask the present CTG to establish a system of education for providing nation wide quality education to all for making them quality educated skilled persons in their respective working fields before conducting fair & neutral election..

abdurrakib67 <abdurrakib67@yahoo.com> wrote:

A very interesting debate between Minar Rashid and Abdun Noor Tushar
in Jai Jai Din .Such intellectual debate will bring out the truth and
enrich our democracy. Everybody must read this two article:

http://www.jaijaidin.com/details.php?nid=43340

Tushar wrote on 26th november in Jai Jai Din. Minar Rashid mentioned
about Dr. Jamir Chy of chottala groups.


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[chottala.com] Celebrating the month of victory - and a note for Barrister Rafiqul Islam

Celebrating the month of victory - and a note for Barrister Rafiqul Islam

The month of December this year should be a month when the nation take some time to introspect and restropect, to make sure that we as a nation celebrate our success and correct our failures.

The best brains has either been killed by the collaborators of Pakistani Army during our 1971 Liberation War. At the very end of our nine month war, the collarborating forces did the worst crime of the last century. The gathered a great number of living intellectuals and killed them in a planned way so the new born nation can not stand upright. The intellectuals carry the burden of concious of a nation and that burden is very high when a nation has come out of a long armed struggle and where many of the best people have been killed in war.

Those who did kill our intellectuals - did it with a very conscious mind. The deserved to be prosecuted without mercy at the end of the war, they deserve so today. However, we know that is something that we as a nation owe to our liberation war heros. No question about it.

With that background, we want to highlight one single issue today. It is not only the loss of our greatest minds, that caused our current situation. There is another side of the story. What good brains we were left with, they did not do their job. They are not doing their job. We want to highlight one such example today. Many of you may disagree with this viewpoint. We are also sending this article out hesitantly - with a hope that this may trigger something good. Sometimes a good brain need some teaser to act. Hopefully, we are doing exactly that.

While watching a biographical programme on the life of Barrister Rafiqul Islam, it seems that he has some share in almost all the important things that our nation has gone through. Some of those roles will make us proud, but many others would give us a feeling which are not so proud. However, he, it seems, has been a witness to most of the important ups and downs of the legal history of our country.

Right now, he is involved in something that one day might prove to be a low point of his career. After being part of many of the important legal proceedings, he was rightfully saying that he wants to retire from the legal profession after finishing the current assignments.

We would like to humbly suggest one thing to this living legend.

Almost all the misgivings of our nations history can be traced back to the great loss of our greatest sons of the land. Intellectuals who can guide the nation was killed - cowardly.

Then there was another set of intellectuals - who did not do their job. You generation failed to do the right thing. You did not punish those cowards - you did not have the time to prosecute the culprits.

Would you come out public and advise the nation (instead of advising the corrupts) about how to proceed about prosecuting the unpunished criminals of 1971?

That would be a service that nation would remember you for.

You do things when Hasina tells you to do, you do things when Khaleda tells you to do.

Would you volunteer your legal advise to the nation about how to proceed in trying the criminals of 1971? Certainly, you would not get money (in disguise) earned through corruption, in this case. Or a share of illicit power which you so cheerfully described - off course, you are good in sugar coating your stories. But try this one this time. Do it out of good conscious. A good chance to prove your critics wrong.

If you thought some of the ideas are worth of your reading time, please forward it to others. If you have an ear to the columinsts in regular traditional media, please forward it to them. If you have an ear to the journalists and news editors of the electronic media, discuss it with them. Hope they would look at the suggestions and give due diligence.

Thanks for your time,

Innovation Line

==================================================================================================

Note: This is a freelance column, published mainly in different internet based forums. This column is open for contribution by the members of new generation, sometimes referred to as Gen 71. If you identify yourself as someone from that age-group and want to contribute to this column, please feel free to contact. Thanks to the group moderator for publishing the article.

We have not seen the Liberation War, but we know if we can free the country from corruption first, we will eventually get to other dreams soon. Because of corruption, we could not even get into information highway for years, let alone other dreams!

This is the kind of article for which we started this column. Because of ongoing mess, a gift from our older generation, we often get diverted. Now that it seems some sanity is returning in Bangladesh, we would try to go back to our original plan.

===================================================================================================

 

 

 

 

 

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[chottala.com] Fwd: [banglaart] Fwd: The Price of Priceless Objects



arham chowdhury <arhamhch@yahoo.com> wrote:
To: arhamhch@yahoo.com
From: arham chowdhury <arhamhch@yahoo.com>
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2007 14:32:12 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [banglaart] Fwd: The Price of Priceless Objects



Shahidul Alam wrote:
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2007 18:55:25 +0600
From: "Shahidul Alam" <shahidul@driknet>
To: shahidulnews@drik-amsterdam-01.drik.net
Subject:  The Price of Priceless Objects

Stop Press: Ten crates containing rare archeological treasures of
Bangladesh have been bundled out of the national museum and are said
to be bound for Guimet Museum in Paris, via flight AF 6731 (dep: 1205
Saturday 1st Dec 2007). Preparations had been made to secretly remove
the items through a shipment order by the French Embassy made to
Homdbound Packers and Shippers. Trucks and forklift arrive secretly in
museum in early hours of morning. But the news leaked and media
professionals and protesters gathered outside the musuem. Under heavy
police presence Homebound vehicles (Dhaka Metro Umo 11-0814, pho 11
3634, U 14 0187) and Fork lift trucks all bearing "Save The Children
Cyclone and USAID Sidr Emergency Relief " signs were used to remove
the priceless items.

Protesters clashed with police. Shekhar Shashwata was arrested, and
some media professionals roughed up. Eventually protesters were able
to get Shekhar released. Police officer Morshed who made the arrest,
claimed he "knew nothing about what was happening across the road."

The lack of transparency surrounding the exhibition has led to huge
controversies where leading citizens have demanded that the government
and the French Museum allow experts to inspect the items being taken
away. Past allegations of art objects (in 1958 and 1962) having been
taken to France and never returned have increased the suspicion.

While the government has appointed an expert committee to investigate
the matter, in an unprecedented move, government and French Embassy
officials have, without informing members of the committee or the
media, taken the items out of the museum in what resembled a police
conducted museum robbery.

Protesters are asking international media to disseminate the news, and
prevent the artifacts from being taken away in this manner. Bangladesh
is under emergency rule where protests and gatherings of any form are
illegal, and police have wide ranging powers. After a recent unrest at
the universities arrest warrants were issued against 8,300 largely
unnamed people. Teachers arrested after the event are yet to be
released. There have been accusations of torture in custody.

-----------

This was breaking news. Shishir Bhattacharjee, Nisar Ahmed and Rahnuma
were racing against the clock. The pukur churi (daylight robbery,
lit:pond stealing) had to be stopped. Bangladesh is awash with
conspiracy theories and I needed to be convinced that something
irregular was really taking place. A major exhibition of Bangladeshi
heritage in a well-known western museum seemed a good thing. I wanted
hard facts. Facts emerged, and eventually tumbled out.

The issue in question was a proposed exhibition at the Musée National
des Arts Asiatiques - Guimet, in Paris, where some of the most prized
archeological objects collected from the five major museums would be
on display in an exhibition announced on the Museum website as
"Masterpieces of the Ganges delta. Collections from the Bangladesh
Museums." The only suggestion that things might not be going entirely
as planned came from the notice "dates to be confirmed." The France
Guide still lists the original dates: 24/10/2007 to 03/05/2008.

Doubts had been raised about the transparency of the process through
which the exhibition had been arranged. With leading national experts
calling for a stay order and the court requiring the government to
demonstrate that due process had been maintained, things were getting
murky. A hastily called press conference by the French Embassy landed
them in further trouble. The Ambassador was promptly withdrawn.
Unconnected some say, but unusual in a country where the departure of
western ambassadors is generally accompanied by considerable fanfare.

"Some Bangladeshis who want to improve the image of Bangladesh abroad
have been supporting the exhibition", the new ambassador stressed. The
suggestion that the Bangladeshi experts who had questioned the
intentions of this prestigious museum and the French government
itself, and even had the audacity to suggest that the French might
possibly have intentions not entirely in keeping with Bangladeshi
interests, were unpatriotic, was perhaps unintentional.

Not a hair on Sita's head was singed as she had walked through the flames.
But she had been doubted, and she felt only the test of fire could
prove her innocence and her loyalty. Who is loyal to Bangladesh is now
the question. Protagonists of the proposed exhibition at Guimet
promptly dismissed the ones who demanded transparency, as Talibans and
enemies of the state. My beard didn't help.

The fact that these very experts had over the years been the mainstay
of collecting, creating and nurturing these collections, didn't appear
to affect the French argument. Given Kwame Opoku's recent statement
"Musée Guimet in Paris which incidentally also holds thousands of
stolen/illegal objects from China and the rest of Asia," one would
have expected the French to be more concerned with damage control. Or
was this an attempt to gain what they could before the cat got out of
the bag? Els Van Der Plas, the director of the Prince Claus Fund in
the Netherlands, held Guimet in high regard and had respect for the
director. June Rollinson of the British Council in Dhaka, also spoke
highly of the Guimet. Mark Haworth-Booth, former senior curator of the
Victoria and Albert Museum in London, was an old friend and had been a
guest teacher at Pathshala. He fully supported museums lending work to
each other but felt a shared copyright of the photographs (the
contract gave Bangladesh no rights over the images of the artifacts)
would have been the normal practice.

However it was Mark's comment "I do not think that professionally-run
museums would lend an object if it had no accession number." that got
me going. The appendix listing the items, obtained by court order, was
a farce. The number of items varied in different reports. We managed
to obtain the French internal listing which had 20 more items than the
Bangladeshi list. These had been obtained in a joint excavation
(France and Bangladesh) in Mahasthangar, and were all marked
'reserved'. Items had been clumped together without individual listing
(eg.'93 punch-marked coins'). Insurance value was sometimes missing.
The basic documentation of a normal museum inventory, like period,
condition and markings were missing. A large number of items had no
accession numbers. And this was a listing of the most precious items
belonging to Bangladesh, many of which Bangladeshis themselves had
never had the opportunity of seeing! Not even the nation's leading
scholars, researchers historians or archeologists. Certainly, it was
the Bangladeshi side that should have provided these details, but with
UNESCO stressing 'due diligence' on the part of the borrower, to
accept such a precious consignment on the basis of such flimsy
documentation, was fishy. More importantly, there was no way in which
even the most diligent officials could verify that the objects lent,
were indeed what had been returned.

This was what the French press release had insisted was 'complete
documentation'.

When Jos van Beurden sent me his soon to be published article
"Diplomats and smuggling of art" providing extensive and well
documented instances of how majority world countries had their art
objects stolen by wealthier ones via diplomats, it seemed as if it is
the image of France and not of Bangladesh that needs rescuing.

With some juggling of schedules, I was able to combine a trip to Paris
to show a newly made film, with the possibility of a trip to the
Guimet.
Musée du quai Branly, the museum inviting me, was also on the 'wanted'
list put together by Opoku and others. I needed no further convincing.
I was off to Paris.

Quai Branly had sent a car to pick me up from Charles de Gaulle
airport, and it was with considerable curiosity that I asked the
driver what he thought of the Guimet Museum. Xavier had never heard of
the place. I must have been unlucky with my driver, for Michel
Philpott of Le Monde du, who had invited me, did indeed know the
Guimet. It was perhaps not amongst the finest in the world, but still
an important museum. It was also within walking distance.

The following morning, my Armenian photographer friend Ruben and I
decided to pay the Guimet a visit. I had my HDV video camera with me.
I had done a few other things in preparation too, like writing to the
press officer Helene Lefevre, asking for an appointment. She did
respond to my mail, but no appointment had been granted. I had been
concerned that the Bangladeshi government had no rights over the
photographs taken by the French photographer, but a mail to him also
failed to elicit a reply. So Ruben and I were taking our chances. With
my own work having been shown at the Centre Georges Pompidou fifteen
years ago, I thought I had the credentials as an artist. I also had my
press pass.

Crossing the Seine on a sunny Paris day, looking back at the Eiffel
Tower, walking through the manicured pathways with Parisians striding
by in their haute couture, I could picture Doisneau photographing the
famous kiss.

Finding the museum in the busy Paris map was not easy. Tucked away in
the edge of a roundabout in Avenue D'Iena, was our famous Musée
Guimet. Two homeless people had camped outside on the footpath, and
children were having lunch on the short staircase. This represented
the reality in all our countries but is distant from the image the
establishment generally tries to provide.

I felt at home as I walked through the small entrance. This was far
less pretentious than our own national museum. The informality of the
place was comforting. The elderly gentleman beside us as we stood at
reception overheard me asking about the Bangladeshi exhibition.
Speaking with an American accent he remarked on what a fine show it
would be. "It was taking time, but it would definitely be there."

I was in journalist mode, and having discovered that he was Ambassador
Dean and a board member of Guimet, gently led him on to the sort of
work the museum was known for. He pointed out that the museum had just
restored the head of a Cambodian statue to its body after 500 years.
"Where was this statue?" I asked in as innocent a tone as I could
muster. "Right here in this museum" was the proud board member's
reply. The head that was France's gain, was presumably Cambodia's
loss.

I was lucky. Both the director of Guimet Jean-Francois Jarriage and
the curator of the show Vincent Lefevre, were available that day, and
didn't appear to have any appointments at that time. I handed over my
card, and spoke to Anna the director's secretary, over the phone. She
hadn't seen my card then, but when I explained over the phone that I
was from Bangladesh, I could sense a chill. Suddenly everyone clammed
up. Neither the director nor the curator was able to see me, and no
one in the museum would make any comment. Perhaps it was years of
colonialism that had shaped our behaviour, or our rustic mannerisms of
hospitality. I couldn't help wondering how a visiting journalist who
had arrived at the doorstep of any of our museums, would have been
drowned with cups of sweet tea laced with condensed milk by the time
the director had come over.

It was only a month ago when I had walked through the national museum
at Siem Reap, aghast at the rows of ancient Cambodian statues whose
heads were missing. One wonders where the heads have landed up.
Ambassador Dean's quest for restoration might just result in Guimet's
acquisition of the remainder of the bodies.

"Masterpieces of the Ganges delta." France's gain, Bangladesh's loss?




--
Shahidul Alam
Drik Picture Library Ltd.
http://shahidul.wordpress.com
www.drik.net


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[chottala.com] Fwd: Resist sending artefacts to France (more...)



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[chottala.com] Fwd: [banglaart] Resist sending artefacts to France



arham chowdhury <arhamhch@yahoo.com> wrote:
To: arhamhch@yahoo.com
From: arham chowdhury <arhamhch@yahoo.com>
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2007 14:14:41 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [banglaart] Resist sending artefacts to France

 
Committed to PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO KNOW
Saturday, December 1, 2007 04:03 AM GMT+06:00  
   
Front Page

Art connoisseurs said yesterday they would continue to resist the lending of valuable artefacts from the country to an exhibition in Guimet Museum in France.

The group of prominent artists and archeologists at a press conference held at Chitrok gallery in the city reiterated their opposition to the exhibition.

The artists say that there are enough reasons to fear the country might lose at least some of these very ancient and valuable artefacts forever if they are lend abroad.

Among the alleged controversies surrounding this deal has been the unavailability of the exact number of items going out to the exhibition abroad. The artists yesterday said that the government officials from the Ministry of Culture involved in this transaction are not cooperating with the experts' committee formed to investigate the matter.

They said that there are too many irregularities in the entire transaction altogether.

Pointing out to a report published in a local daily recently the artists said that its been reported that 10 of these artefacts, which are extremely valuable, have already gone missing.

Observing these facts Professor Sirajul Islam Chowdhury said, "It is hard to believe even the government officials involved in the lending cannot say exactly what number of artefacts are being sent to Paris." He said, "I believe the artefacts would not be returned once they go abroad."

Professor Sirajul Islam also said, "The image of Bangladesh is already very bright abroad, if anybody truly wants to see these artefacts, they can come here and see them." He added, " He said that the government could arrange exhibitions here in Dhaka rather than sending the artefacts to Paris.

The speakers said at the press conference, the country has faced similar situations in the past when valuable art works lent abroad through government deals were not returned to the country again.

Renowned artist Rafiqunnabi pointed out that in the past when the government had send some 30 art works of artist Mohammed Kibria to Yugoslavia, they were never returned to the country.

"So our stand is clear, we will not support the allow lending of these invaluable artefacts," he said.

Around 200 pieces of antiquities, including 128 life-size ancient statues, terracotta and copper plaques, Prajna Paramita scriptures and coins from the Pala, Sen, Gupta and Mayurya dynasties had been selected for the exhibition at the famous Guimet Museum by French archaeologists.

Under a deal signed between the French and Bangladesh governments, the exhibition at the famous Guimet Museum in France was scheduled to have been be held in Paris on October 23 this year.

But several art connoisseurs filed a writ petition to the High Court and the court issued a two-month stay order on the lending. Later, the French ambassador said at a press conference that the exhibition might not be held.

The government has since formed an experts' committee to review the whole process.

Nasir Hossain, assistant professor of the Institute of Fine Arts read out a written statement at the press conference. Professor Sirajul Islam Chowdhury, eminent archeologist AKM Zakaria, Professor Sanjida Khatun, artist Rafiqunnabi, architect Rabiul Hossain and artist Sishir Bhattachariya were present amongst others at the press conference.
 

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[chottala.com] Re: [Dahuk]: RAW analyst described 1971 as ‘Civil War’ in 2003

It is nothing new. It happened in past too, even during 1971 and after 1972 too!

 

One Paki Jamat Dalal (MBI Munshi) holds & backs - another Indian 'Jamat', 'Dalal'.

 

Many Indiana Bureaucrats, political & social leaders, businessmen, lobby group opposed our liberation war during liberation war and many act against interest of Bangladesh after 1972 till today.

 

But due to strong positive role of late Indira Gandhi & other handful & few Indian honest leaders (friendly & well wishers of Bangladesh) and also due to patriotic & unyielding political leaders of Bangladesh leadership - those vast anti Bangladesh Indian leaders Bureaucrats, businessmen, lobby group were not successful all the time.

 

For detail, read many (not one or two) practical articles published in books, news paper on real facts, incidents described, witnessed by late M R A Mukul, Abdul Gaffar Choudhury, late SASM Kibria, Moinul Islam, Dr. Muntasir Mamun, Dr. Momen & others.

 

Patriotic & unyielding political leaders of Bangladesh (like Bangabandhu, Sayed Nazrul, Tajuddin Ahmed, Sheikh Hasina & few others but not like Zia - Ershad-Khaleda.

 

Sayed Nazrul-Tajuddin Ahmed govt did not yielded to any unjust demand, plan of India during 1971.

 

Bangabandhu also did not make any compromise to the greater & long term interest of Bangalee & Bangladesh to any country (including India, USA, Pakistan, KSA etc) any interest of Bangladesh until his death.

 

Same was practised by Sheikh Hasina (Farakkah water treaty, Ctg HT peace treaty, Natural gas export to India etc)

 

But Zia (so called guardian of Islam in BD) put down the big and all the bill boards with holy statement of the Qur'an & Hadith in the city of Dhaka before the visit of Indian Prime Minister.

 

Similarly Khaleda Zia forgets to discuss the Farakkah issue (a burning issue) with her Indian Counter part during her state visit to India.

 

Ershad-Zia-Khaleda never raised our demands on our legal & owing share outstanding to Pakistan during any meeting with Pakistani counter part.

 

I can also cite many such incidents, facts & example (from the writings of late M R A Mukul, Abdul Gaffar Choudhury, late SASM Kibria, Moinul Islam, Dr. Muntasir Mamun, Dr. Momen & others)

 

That is why, I told one Paki Jamat Dalal (MBI Munshi) holds & backs - another Indian 'Jamat', 'Dalal'   to divert our attention to wrong matters and from burning issue of the present time - trial & punishment of war criminal of 1971.
 
 
"Sustha thakon, nirapade thakon ebong valo thakon"

Shuvechhante,

Shafiqur Rahman Bhuiyan (ANU)
NEW ZEALAND.

Phone: 00-64-9-828 2435 (Res), 00-64-0274  500 277 (mobile)
E-mail: srbanunz@gmail.com

N.B.: If any one is offended by content of this e-mail, please ignore & delete this e-mail. I also request you to inform me by an e- mail - to delete your name from my contact list.

 

 



On 12/1/07, MBI Munshi <MBIMunshi@gmail.com> wrote:
In relation to the controversy surrounding the 1971 events being
described as a 'civil war' a similar assessment had been made by
senior RAW analyst Dr. Subhash Kapila back in 2003 which did not
arouse any hostility in Bangladesh at the time. Could someone please
explain why the recent mention of the words 'civil war' in relation to
1971 aroused such animosity and anger most recently?

Is this a case of double standards being applied by some hired
intellectuals to simply foment trouble around the war criminals issue.

The following is the relevant quotation from the article by Dr.
Subhash Kapila titled 'BANGLADESH-CHINA DEFENCE CO-OPERATION
AGREEMENT'S STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS: An Analysis  and published on SAAG
on January 14, 2003 –

"The civil war in Pakistan that commenced in March 1971 ended in
December 1971 and Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation state
thereafter."

The criticisms that appeared in the Bangladesh media recently on the
issue suggested that anyone claiming 1971 as a civil war does not
accept it as a liberation war and is against the ideals of the nation.
According to this analysis it would appear our Indian benefactors did
not view 1971 as a war of liberation either but as a civil war and so
this must logically raise the question of how they perceive Bangladesh
today – as a sovereign nation or a vassal state although superficially
independent?

I am sure that the 'patriotic citizens' who raised a 'hue and cry'
over the civil war remarks in Bangladesh will denounce Indian analyst
Dr. Subhash Kapila for making exactly the same statement and demand an
apology.

In my view I think that the issue had been blown out of all proportion
in Bangladesh merely to create a controversy that would inevitably
favour a political party. Some of the activities and statements of the
Chief Election Commissioner and Chief Advisor seems also to point in
this direction.

Should we be concerned that the purposes behind which the emergency
was called in January 11, 2007 is being hijacked by a particular
quarter and that now political events in Bangladesh are part of a
larger conspiracy hatched from overseas as suggested by Amar Desh
recently?  I think we must be vigilant about the course the nation is
taking in the next few weeks and months and not create unnecessary
controversies that will divide us.


[Disclaimer: Dahuk is not liable for the opinions, comments or ideas
contained in the mails other than those from its management.]
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[chottala.com] The nation that is India Part 1 by Irfan Habib

 
The nation that is India

Irfan Habib

Mixed media by JYOTI BHATT

When Benedict Anderson published his Imagined Communities in 1983, with the subtitle Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism, the text was widely hailed as an unanswerable critique of the claims to nationhood by peoples outside Western Europe. Very few readers of Anderson apparently had the patience to reflect that too much was perhaps being read in the new word 'imagined'. Earlier writers had used words like 'consciousness', 'belief', 'consider' (the last in Seton-Watson, quoted by Anderson himself), to indicate that a nation comes into existence when large numbers become convinced that they form one. But in this respect, the nation is no different from any other 'community' or association, whether a religious community or family or tribe or caste or even profession. It is only in our 'imagination' that a fellowship in faith, or a common ancestry, or a similar way of doing things makes us see some of us as a community or a class. Indeed, it is our 'imagination' that makes us so different from animals.

If there is a point in Anderson's book, of which a reminder would be useful, it is that consciousness of nationhood is of comparative recent origin: for the world at large, outside Western Europe, it is mainly a post-French Revolution (1789) phenomenon. But this was not, unlike what Anderson tells us, simply because the exciting ideas of the French Revolution first caught the imagination of ambitious individuals in Latin America, starting with Simon Bolivar. The crucial basis for emerging nationhood was provided by colonialism, which was no imagined phenomenon either for Latin America, or for Asia and Africa. Colonialism was ruthlessly exploitative, and it could be opposed only if people, who were oppressed, were brought together on the largest scale possible. The 'nation' provided precisely such a unifying platform.

Colonialism was also an unconscious agency for a momentous transfer of ideas. Based in Europe (and the United States), its economic framework rested on the capitalist economy of the metropolitan countries. It was necessary for colonialism itself that parts of capitalist infrastructure, such as railways, processing factories, and some technology, should reach the colonies; and that certain numbers of colonial populations should learn the languages of the rulers for convenience of governance. These steps opened the doors to the transmission of ideas and knowledge from Europe. Marx described this as a source of 'regeneration' of the exploited people (he was speaking in 1853 with reference to India), in contrast to the 'destructive' role that colonialism had simultaneously played in the sphere of economy and society of the colonial peoples.

This notion of a dual process of destruction and regeneration was challenged by Edward Said in his Orientalism, the first edition of which came out in 1978. Despite his disclaimers in the 'Afterword' appended to the 1995 edition, Said clearly argues in his main text that European studies of eastern countries and peoples fundamentally distorted the pictures of the latter's true cultures. Soon, one began to hear of 'colonial discourse' and even 'colonial knowledge.' In Imagining India, first published in 1990, Ronald Inden asserted that "the agency of Indians, the capacity of Indians to make their world, has been displaced in these [Orientalist] knowledges (the plural shows that we are now in the framework of post-modernist 'knowledge'!) on to other agents." Edward Said concedes in his Afterword that he did not wish to deny the 'technical' achievements of the 'Orientalists.' He should, however, have paused to examine what these technical aspects amount to. In essence, these flow from the assumption that non-European peoples can be studied by the same methods and criteria as the European. The concept of the 'other', the initial point of colonial discourse, was thus continuously undermined by the universality of the scientific method that the Orientalist needed to be committed to. That is often why the prejudices and aberrations of one generation of Orientalists were exposed and rejected by the next.


Several nations have been created, such as the United States, Ecuador, Bolivia or Congo, which had no previous existence as countries; but such instances belong to areas where for one reason or another there was no preceding accepted concept of country. Where such concepts have existed since pre-modern times, the country already existing in the popular mind becomes a natural candidate for nationhood. It is clearly for this reason that Ba'athist or Nasserite Arab nationalism has found it
so difficult to replace the separate nations of Egypt, Syria and Iraq with one, single, indivisible 'Arab nation'

It is in fact the concept of universality that is of particular importance in the transmission of ideas from the West to the East. 'Liberty', 'Constitution' and 'Nation' were not just principles suited to Europe, but were applicable, under similar circumstances, to all of mankind. Countries in the East could also, therefore, become 'nations'. When Raja Rammohun Roy, in an 1830 letter, asserted that India was not a nation because Indians were "divided up among castes," he implicitly accepted that India could become a nation if its people shifted their primary loyalties from caste to country. In 1870, Keshav Chandra Sen was already looking forward to this prospect in the light of India's educational development and social reform. By the very name that the moderate Indian leaders gave to the organisation they founded at Bombay in 1885 — the Indian National Congress — the proposition that India is a nation was widely proclaimed.

But why was India chosen as the nation, and not individual territorial divisions within it? Perhaps it was because India alone was seen as a country. Several nations have been created, such as the United States, Ecuador, Bolivia or Congo, which had no previous existence as countries; but such instances belong to areas where for one reason or another there was no preceding accepted concept of country. Where such concepts have existed since pre-modern times, the country already existing in the popular mind becomes a natural candidate for nationhood. It is clearly for this reason that Ba'athist or Nasserite Arab nationalism has found it so difficult to replace the separate nations of Egypt, Syria and Iraq with one, single, indivisible 'Arab nation'. The existence of India as a country had long preceded British rule. It was due undoubtedly in part to facts of geography, with the Indian peninsula separated by mountains and the sea from the Eurasian continent. Within the limits so set, cultural affinities had developed which led people to distinguish those in India from the rest of the world. Many of these affinities appear as aspects of the Hindu tradition. That the caste system and Brahmanical ideas and rituals were important among the culturally shared elements is undeniable. But it can be shown (as I have tried to do in a couple of essays) that the concept of India as a country is stronger in writers like Amir Khusrau ( d.1325) or Abu'l Fazl (d.1603), writing in Persian, than in any identifiable preceding writer in Sanskrit. This is surely because the cultural affinities were not exclusively religious. Tara Chand, in his Influence of Islam on Indian Culture , observed that extensive political structures like the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal Empire helped to generate larger political allegiances, and so made the consciousness of the country's unity still stronger. Even in the eighteenth century, when he had lost all power, the Mughal emperor was seen as the natural sovereign of Hindustan. And when the rebels of Avadh, in the name of Prince Birjis Qadr, penned their defiant reply to Queen Victoria's Proclamation of 1858, they spoke of the wrongs that the British had done to the princes of Hindustan, referring to both Tipu Sultan of Mysore and Maharaja Dalip Singh of the Punjab. In their words, it was "the army and people of Hindustan" that had now stood up to challenge the British. The 1857 rebels thus saw India very clearly as their country, and its people, their natural reserve of supporters. If the India of their perception was still not a nation, it was only because they did not yet have any notion of establishing a single state over the country — and a unified political entity is the crux of nationhood.

The unification of the country on an economic plane by the construction of railways and the introduction of the telegraph in the latter half of the nineteenth century, undertaken for its own benefit by the colonial regime, and the centralisation of the administration which the new modes of communications and transport made possible, played their part in making Indians view India as a prospective single political entity. Modern education (undertaken in a large part by indigenous effort) and the rise of the press disseminated the ideas of India's nationhood and the need for constitutional reform. A substantive basis for India's nationhood was laid when nationalists like Dadabhoy Naoroji ( Poverty and UnBritish Rule in India, 1901) and R.C. Dutt (Economic History of India, 2 vols., 1901 and 1903) raised the issues of poverty of the Indian people and the burden of colonial exploitation, which was felt in equal measure throughout India.


In the earlier stages, one strand of nationalism also played with religion: it could supply a source of mass mobilisation when other instruments were lacking. Tilak's agitations in the 1890s against the Age of Consent Bill and plague inoculation, together with his espousal of the Shivaji cult, offer classic illustrations of this tendency. Aurobindo Ghosh provided simultaneously the theoretical basis
for a 'Hindu Nationalism'

We see, then, that three complex processes enmeshed to bring about the emergence of India as a nation: the preceding notion of India as a country, the influx of modern political ideas, and the struggle against colonialism. The last was decisive: the creation of the Indian nation can well be said to be one major achievement of the national movement.

The idea once propounded had to be defended against numerous critics. The Simon Commission Report (1930) pointed to India's cultural diversities, its religious divisions and the multiplicity of its languages. One could retort by citing the classic example of Switzerland, a land of Catholics and Protestants and four languages. But beyond these technical quibbles was the stake that the people could be persuaded to see in a unified, free India. The real answer to the Simon Commission was, therefore, the Karachi Resolution of March 1931, in which the Congress spelt out the political, social and economic contours of the future free India in which the state would ensure 'fundamental rights' to all. The Indian state, it was pledged, would observe 'neutrality in regard to all religions', and the cultures and languages of 'the different linguistic areas' would be protected.

Religious divisions undoubtedly undermined this notion of a secular, single nation of India. That a divide-and-rule policy was of advantage to colonialism may be taken for granted. Such a policy could not, however, succeed if the seeds for division did not exist. The same new conditions, notably the rapid means of communications and the press, which had so helped the nationalist cause, also provided platforms for communalist propaganda, both Hindu and Muslim, on a scale and of a type no one could have imagined in the pre-1857 period. In the earlier stages, one strand of nationalism also played with religion: it could supply a source of mass mobilisation when other instruments were lacking. Tilak's agitations in the 1890s against the Age of Consent Bill and plague inoculation, together with his espousal of the Shivaji cult, offer classic illustrations of this tendency. Aurobindo Ghosh provided simultaneously the theoretical basis for a 'Hindu Nationalism'. Tilak's senior contemporary Jamaluddin Afghani similarly propounded the doctrine of pan-Islamism to unite all Muslim peoples against European colonial powers — the unifying factor was again religion. Afghani's exclusion of India from his scheme did not mean that the vision once propounded would not exert any influence on Indian Muslim minds.

 

 
Irfan Habib, an eminent  historian, is known for his signal contribution to the study of medieval India and the making of the modern Indian state. He lives in Aligarh
     

 

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[chottala.com] RAW analyst described 1971 as ‘Civil War’ in 2003

In relation to the controversy surrounding the 1971 events being
described as a 'civil war' a similar assessment had been made by
senior RAW analyst Dr. Subhash Kapila back in 2003 which did not
arouse any hostility in Bangladesh at the time. Could someone please
explain why the recent mention of the words 'civil war' in relation to
1971 aroused such animosity and anger most recently?

Is this a case of double standards being applied by some hired
intellectuals to simply foment trouble around the war criminals issue.

The following is the relevant quotation from the article by Dr.
Subhash Kapila titled 'BANGLADESH-CHINA DEFENCE CO-OPERATION
AGREEMENT'S STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS: An Analysis and published on SAAG
on January 14, 2003 –

"The civil war in Pakistan that commenced in March 1971 ended in
December 1971 and Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation state
thereafter."

The criticisms that appeared in the Bangladesh media recently on the
issue suggested that anyone claiming 1971 as a civil war does not
accept it as a liberation war and is against the ideals of the nation.
According to this analysis it would appear our Indian benefactors did
not view 1971 as a war of liberation either but as a civil war and so
this must logically raise the question of how they perceive Bangladesh
today – as a sovereign nation or a vassal state although superficially
independent?

I am sure that the 'patriotic citizens' who raised a 'hue and cry'
over the civil war remarks in Bangladesh will denounce Indian analyst
Dr. Subhash Kapila for making exactly the same statement and demand an
apology.

In my view I think that the issue had been blown out of all proportion
in Bangladesh merely to create a controversy that would inevitably
favour a political party. Some of the activities and statements of the
Chief Election Commissioner and Chief Advisor seems also to point in
this direction.

Should we be concerned that the purposes behind which the emergency
was called in January 11, 2007 is being hijacked by a particular
quarter and that now political events in Bangladesh are part of a
larger conspiracy hatched from overseas as suggested by Amar Desh
recently? I think we must be vigilant about the course the nation is
taking in the next few weeks and months and not create unnecessary
controversies that will divide us.


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[chottala.com] Create resume URL

Friends!

Create resume and get URL of your resume for accessing it from any where in the world. 100s of multinational companies who might pick your resume here. Give your self a chance

http://www.124resume.com

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Thursday, November 29, 2007

[chottala.com] An enjoyable debate between Minar Rashid and Abdun Noor Tushar

A very interesting debate between Minar Rashid and Abdun Noor Tushar
in Jai Jai Din .Such intellectual debate will bring out the truth and
enrich our democracy. Everybody must read this two article:

http://www.jaijaidin.com/details.php?nid=43340

Tushar wrote on 26th november in Jai Jai Din. Minar Rashid mentioned
about Dr. Jamir Chy of chottala groups.

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[chottala.com] Fwd: Aid Bangladesh on the Development Gateway homepage



Note: forwarded message attached.


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[chottala.com] Re: NetZero M. Anwar - How about other mistakes of Zia?

 
 
 
 
Mr. M. Anwar
 
You said :"Yes Zia's joining to BKSAL was a mistake."
 
Are you  trying to rectify Zia's mistakes by your Bakshal-Bashing?
 
How about other mistakes? He hanged Col. Taher. Was that justified?
 
Zia  hanged upto 1200 ordinary soilders including few totally innocent due to
"name confusion" in 1979. Do you thing that was justified?
 
You say "many in Bangladesh compelled to join BAKSAL unwillingly to save their government job.  " , which is a total fabricaton of the fact - a belligerent lie.
Zia joined BAKSAL voluntarily to get into  the nake-nozar of Mujib and get promotion. 
As matter of fact, less than 100 government officers joined BAKSAL. 
 
President Zia's is Mass Execution of ordinary soilders in the name of descipline
is one of the biggest en-block execution of ordinary soilders in South Asia so far. 

Thanks

SA

"mohiuddin@netzero.net" < mohiuddin@netzero.net> wrote:


Mr . Aminul Islam,

Yes Zia's joining to BKSAL was a mistake.

We have to  understad the realilty, and understand what circumstance he had to to join BKSAL.

Like many in Bangladesh compelled to join BKSAL unwillingly to save their government job.

I hope such situtaion won't come agin in our lifetime.

Thanks.

Mohiuddin Anwar

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[chottala.com] FOOD FOR THOUGHT - INDISCRIMINATE LABELLING

Hi everybody,

Still awaiting to rise from my unconsciousness, no clarification came from any end ( especially from  Engr Anu)  and now observe another copycat in the name of Arif Ahamed surfaced.

I salute and admire Engr Anu for his integrity. A man is a true man when stands steadfast in his / her views and beliefs. The way he defended now defunct BAKSHAL truly shows his belief in fascism / autocracy and the culture "My people, my country" ( Mujibbad) and indeed he is a bold man to declare such in this hype market of democracy. Even the pole bearers of his beloved party discarded BAKSHALISM but he wants to be the true torch bearer ( Good luck Sir).


I would polite ask Engr Anu and his peers not to label others / us as Jamat / Razakar / Anti Bangladeshi when others / we don't dance with your tunes. Not believing in dogma of AL is not necessarily equate to anti Bangladesh  / Jamat or Razakar. Life / politics / social interaction is not always black and white its indeed gray at times.

To Engr Anu:

Your stats on New Zealand is somehow irrelevant in the context of Bangladesh (Socio Economic situation is not even remotely same) Quoting you -

Number of daily newspaper is not the measure stick or the quantity of democracy - Unquote. You are absolutely right here. One can country can have hundreds of propaganda / mouthpiece newspaper for the fascist regime  and merely one independent voice ( newspaper) may be sufficient for promulgating democracy. The point is however here is the banning, suspending my right of printing / writing / and publishing which is simply barbaric and undemocratic.


I am really confused by the nature of your posting at times its diabolic ( apology ). Your posting at times reflects you are the champion of democracy at times autocratic. You seem very patriotic and concerned about the country but you have a adopted country now ( like Gaffar Chowdhury - your elitist writer and columnist). You have studied in the most prestigious institute in Bangladesh ( Govt subsidized which means on tax payer money) but in return you are serving in your adopted country ( am not sure about your nature of migration whether you are economic / political / migrant or refugee / asylum seeker).

However am still interested in your research on Zia's misdeeds and his damages to Bangladesh ( especially Bangalee)


Here are some foods for thought for you - may come handy in your research

 - All bangalees are not Bangladeshi and likewise all Bangladeshi's are not Bangalee
-  http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/bdtoc.html - its a link to Library of Congress of United States Country Studies. Please read Birth of Bangladesh Chapter.

OPEN QUESTION TO ALL

Why we do not see any protest from so called intellectuals regarding the misdeeds of India against Bangladesh?
such as:
Printing counterfeit currencies ( with same number) just after liberation.
Supply of Phensydyl from India. All Indian Phensydyl are caught in Bangladesh territory nothing in India. BSF is so strong that they can shoot an innocent cow grazer but cannot stop Phensydyl smuggling.
Banning of Bangladeshi TV Channels in India.
Why AL sympathizer's always react to  anything against India but label the accuser as Razakar and Pro Paki
Is this geographically possible for Pakistan to invade and again occupy Bangladesh?
Which country has most potential to colonize ( economically / culturally or politically) Bangladesh?
When we all Bangladeshi ( sorry should have said citizen of Bangladesh) will understand that we need an unquestioned / non-contested identity to establish ourselves.

We talk about empowerment ( women empowerment, empowerment for poor people to eradicate poverty) but I believe nation as a whole needs empowerment.

Apologise for my lengthy mail and to all if it hurts ( nothing personal please)

Bye


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[chottala.com] A Must Read Article

dear all,
i found an interesting article on present political
situation in Bangladesh and Pakistan with some
important references, pls click here (daily naya
diganta 28 nov. 2007)

http://www.dailynayadiganta.com/2007/11/28/fullnews.asp?News_ID=54395&sec=4
and have a look
bye
hasan

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Wednesday, November 28, 2007

[chottala.com] 71 er Golpo 2007 (Cloth Drive) Saturday, December 1, 2007 at 5 PM for Victory Day

Upcoming Event – This Saturday

 

71'er Golpo 2007

History, Heritage, and Honor

 

Cloth Drive for Cyclone Sidr Victims at the show!!!

Please donate your unwanted clothes!!!

 

Cultural Show, Fashion Show, Photo Exhibition, Film Screening, Personal Stories about the Liberation War, and much more!

 

71'er Golpo is an initiative that seeks to promote awareness about Bangladesh's history and rich cultural heritage among today's youth. 

 

Please bring your friends and family to celebrate Victory Day!

 

Saturday, December 1, 2007 at 5 PM

 

George W. Johnson Center (Johnson Theater)

George Mason University - 4400 University Dr., Fairfax, VA

 

Each year, the proceeds from Ekattur'er Golpo events are used to support Bangladeshi initiatives that empower people and make a difference. Previous beneficiaries include an Orphanage in Dhaka, Bangla School of Washington DC, and Prothom Alo Acid Victim's Fund. This year's proceeds will be donated to the Cyclone Sidr Victims Fund, Liberation War Museum, and a project that ensures food security for 300 families in Bangladesh.

 

Contact:  info@71ergolpo.com or 703-728-3676

 

P.S.  Updated Flyer Attached



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