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Thursday, November 29, 2012

Re: [chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs



Mr. Khan, Congratulations for your very honest and spirited few lines about our country and the leadership. I would pray that our younger generation dig into forgotten history which will
show them the path to follow.Afterall,like the manipulated history of Palassay, present history is also being written by those who are the agents of outsiders and in particular enemy of the majority people of Bangladesh.It is proved by science that if the foundation is 
wrong the fruits cannot be good.Alas, we are in such situation and only the youger generation can save us!

On Thu, Nov 29, 2012 at 8:50 PM, Mir Khan <mir786111@yahoo.com> wrote:
 

To All.

We all have defeated mentality as Muslim.Muslim World still under colonial rule and ruled by puppets and agents.Who ever wants to break that rules vanishes from the earth.Zia of Bangladesh was an independent minded and was a good Muslim.He fought against Indian Army in 1995.He was an officer who was courageous enough to command his troops not staying behind but stay ahead of the troops towards enemy front line.
So was the situation during 1971.I was about 16 years old and was the supporter of united Pakistan.Still at our village we were collecting materials for democratic alliance forces to fight against Pakistani Army due to the leadership vaccuam in East pakistan.During those chaotic situation a simple Army Major Ziaur Rahman declared "We revolt".He was no Agent of India.Where as Many pro independence people including Mujibur Rahman confessed that they were the Agent of India since 1948 to break Pakistan.So on their own confession they should be tried and prosecuted as traitor.Those descendent of Traitors now demands that Bangladesh is their own personal property .Zia was a Patriot and was a Good Muslim with good Iman(believe).He was a Myrtyr(Shaheed).He was also Gazi.Unfortunately his immediate family and his political party BNP are not following Zia's legacy of patriotism and honesty.
Jamati's are opportunists but at present time if they opt to resistance against oppressors I shall feel optimist for a change towards good.
Peace to All.
Regards,
Mir Dost Mohammad Khan
(Founding Ge.Secy.of JCD,Ctg.City)
A Denver resident,USA

--- On Tue, 11/27/12, fameelectronics <fameelectronics@gmail.com> wrote:

From: fameelectronics <fameelectronics@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Date: Tuesday, November 27, 2012, 11:27 PM

 



Who will answer to all these ????

On one side, Zia's followers call him the PRO CLAIMER OF INDEPENDENCE  but on the otherside Pakistanis call him a true  MUSLEM  ...what for, is it for Proclamation  ??? who will answer.

The true is that Zia had no capacity /position to declare the INDEPENDENCE OF A COUNTRY.
AND one should  understand the truth. Those who goes for controversy regarding proclamation of independence, should know who can & can not, under what capacity one can proclaim....

We all know it well but do not admit  & agree with the fact.

This is shame for our nation and our leaders.

Z.A.

****************

On Wed, Nov 28, 2012 at 1:00 AM, Debasish Barua <gorba196138@yahoo.com> wrote:
 


It is interesting Pakistanis find Zia to be great MOSLEM and AL some one who separated a Moslem Country..Well Zia fans cannot have it both way as it is claimed ZIA's Legacy is claim to fame of DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF BANGLADESH..well was that not separating Pakistan by a so called MOSLEM..
Well no wonder Zia, Subhash Bose speech are similar and written by a Pak army man ..tied to a Jew..

From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, November 27, 2012 12:37 AM
Subject: [chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs

 
Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs



Hamid Mir

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is a villain for many Pakistanis. One sided history books tell us that Mujib was a traitor who broke Pakistan with the help of India. We read in our history books that All India Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1906 but, we don't know why the Pakistan Army surrendered to Indian Army on December 16, 1971, in Dhaka?

We tried to cover the black spots of our history with lies but the The Unfinished Memoirs of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have negated all the official history books taught in our schools and colleges.

This autobiography reveals that the traitor Mujib was actually an active worker of Pakistan movement since his school days. He wrote the truth about himself in his memoirs. He never hid his role for the creation of Muslim League in his hometown Gopalganj in 1939.

He even accepted that at one point the Bengali leader Fazlul Haq refused to submit to the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1941. At this stage the Muslim League started a campaign against Fazlul Haq and Mujib was part of that campaign. He was with Jinnah, not with Fazlul Haq. He was among those young workers of the Muslim League who used to sell a Pro-Pakistan weekly newspaper Millat on the streets of Dhaka.

It is important to note that he wrote this book when he was imprisoned in Dhaka jail during a dictatorial regime under General Ayub Khan. He narrated some important events of the Pakistan movement very honestly. He also exposed the dishonesty of Viceroy Lord Mountbatten, whom, he wrote, was helping the congress party covertly in all sorts of ways against the Muslim League.

He was in the jail of a military dictator at that time but he never tried to please the Congress which was ruling India in those days.

This book is a first-hand account of politics in Pakistan from 1947 to 1955 which was full of intrigues and conspiracies. I think this book is a great source of history for the young generation of Pakistan. It tells us about the communal violence that broke out after the division of India in 1947. One day Sheikh Mujibur Rahman saw that hundreds of Hindus were attacking a Mosque. He cried out "Pakistan Zindabad" with some other young Muslims and started resisting the Hindu mob by throwing bricks.

Why then did this soldier of Muslim League leave the party of Muhammad Ali Jinnah immediately after the creation of Pakistan?

Young Sheikh Mujib was very disappointed when the then prime minister of Pakistan declared in the legislative assembly that people of East Pakistan must accept Urdu as their State language. Young Mujib came out on roads on March 11, 1948, against this declaration.

He was not opposing Pakistan. He was only defending his language which was his political right but he was arrested. Mujib was released on January 21, 1949. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was no more and Mujib left the Muslim League.

He joined the newly formed Awami Muslim League under the leadership of Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy. Within five years Awami League swept Muslim League from East Pakistan and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman won the election from Gopalganj in 1954, taking oath as the provincial minister for Agriculture.

The Muslim League government in centre never accepted its defeat and dismissed the United Front Government in Dhaka. Sheikh Mujib was again arrested.

His memoirs are unfinished but we must accept some historical realities as the ultimate truth in our own interest.

I will not quote any Bangladeshi or Indian writer to point out some historical realities. I will quote only Pakistani writers. When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested in 1954, Army Chief General Ayub Khan was preparing his officers for a military coup. The first Chief of General Staff of Pakistan Army Sher Ali Patudi wrote in his autobiography that Ayub wanted to interfere in politics and had once stated to him: "The bloody politicians and civilians were useless, corrupt and inefficient."

Legislative assembly asked GHQ to increase the recruitment of Bengalis in army. Patoudi tried to implement the orders of assembly but Ayub was not interested. When Mujib was writing his memoirs in jail, the former Chief Justice of Pakistan Muhammad Munir was the law minister of the Ayub regime.

He wrote a book From Jinnah to Zia in 1979 claiming that Ayub Khan had suggested that he should talk about separation with some influential Bengali leader. One day the Law Minister Munir spoke to a Bengali Minister Ramizudin. His reply was prompt and straight. He asked me whether I was suggesting secession. I said yes or something like confederation or more autonomy. Ramizudin said: "Look here we are the majority province, and it is for the minority province to secede because we are Pakistan."

Why did Ayub dislike Bengalis? Because Bengalis supported Fatima Jinnah against Ayub in the presidential election in early 1965. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the chief polling agent of Fatima Jinnah in Dhaka.

The fact is that it was not Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who wanted to break Pakistan. He only demanded provincial autonomy in 50s and 60s, but our military regime tried to silence his voice by throwing him in jail. He never abandoned the political struggle and participated in the first general elections of Pakistan in 1970. Awami League emerged as a majority party but the military regime of General Yahya Khan refused the transfer of power to Awami League. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and a military operation was started.

What happened in this operation? I will quote only few lines from the book A Stranger in My own Country by Major General(R) Khadim Hussain Raja who served in Dhaka between 1969 and 1971. He wrote that on March 10, 1971, Lieutenant General Niazi spoke to senior officers in operations room of Dhaka.

Niazi became abusive and started talking in Urdu. He said: "Main iss haramzadi qaum ki nasal badal donga. Yeh mujhey kia samajhtey hain?" He threatened that he would let his soldiers loose on their womenfolk. The next morning a Bengali officer Major Mushtaq went into the bathroom at the command headquarter and shot himself in the head.

I can quote more books by other Pakistani writers who accepted that our soldiers not only massacred Bengali Muslims in big number, but they also followed the orders of General Niazi and raped women. I will stop here.

I just want to say that the Unfinished Memoirs of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the historical evidence that Bengalis never broke Pakistan but they actually created Pakistan.

In fact political intrigues and blunders of military dictators broke Pakistan. We forced Bengalis to take arms in their hands to defend their women. It's time now to apologise officially from people of Bangladesh.

Remember that only brave people accept their mistakes. It's time to show some bravery by accepting our mistakes and apologising to Bangladeshis. Our apology will not weaken Pakistan but will strengthen Pakistan.

The writer is Executive Editor, Geo TV Pakistan. He read this paper in the launching ceremony of The Unfinished Memoirs held in Islamabad, November 21.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=258887






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[chottala.com] পর্যবেক্ষক রাষ্ট্রের মর্যাদা পেলো ফিলিস্তিন



UN upgrades Palestinian status, bolstering statehood claim.
Please read the full story here:
 
http://www.real-timenews.com/newsdetail/detail/8/40/55391
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
           










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[chottala.com] Re: [KHABOR] তাজরীন ফ্যাশনের মালিক মির্জা আজমের ঘনিষ্ঠ ব্যক্তি, গত নির্বাচনে তার পক্ষে কাজ করেন



Gender Change in Bangladesh ...........
 
In USA and other countries are legalizing gay marriage. Recent research found that more than 80% of AIDS infected people are GAY. Now you can say what about the remaining 20%.... it is like CANCER ... if you smoke, your possibility of having CANCER highly
 
So, in Bangladesh, we started to say BIRODHI DOL NETA for both Male and Female. We do not say NETRI... Very soon, we will start uisng FILM ACTOR for both Female and Male.
 
I do not know AWARD NOMINATION will work in that case like OSCAR goes to xyz for ACTOR AND ACTRESS ..............?
 
But good news is we have award only one person, not both. I do not know people related to film insdustry will like it or not.
 
So, all leaders think about what you are doing just by supporting these TWO STUPID LADIES
 
Naymul .... VA
 


--- On Wed, 11/28/12, Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com> wrote:

From: Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com>
Subject: [KHABOR] তাজরীন ফ্যাশনের মালিক মির্জা আজমের ঘনিষ্ঠ ব্যক্তি, গত নির্বাচনে তার পক্ষে কাজ করেন
To: "bangladeshi googlesgroups" <bangladeshiamericans@googlegroups.com>, "khabor" <khabor@yahoogroups.com>, "alochona" <alochona@yahoogroups.com>, "mokto mona" <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>, "chottala yahoogroups" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Wednesday, November 28, 2012, 1:12 PM

 
 

তাজরীন ফ্যাশনের মালিক কে এই দেলোয়ার! : মির্জা আজমের ঘনিষ্ঠ ব্যক্তি, গত নির্বাচনে তার পক্ষে কাজ করেন

আলাউদ্দিন আরিফ
     
নিশ্চিন্তপুরে স্মরণকালের ভয়াবহ অগ্নিকাণ্ডে ১২৪ শ্রমিকের লাশ হওয়ার মৃত্যুপুরী তাজরীন ফ্যাশন লিমিটেড নামের গার্মেন্টটি তোবা গ্রুপের আওতাভুক্ত একটি প্রতিষ্ঠান। তোবা গ্রুপের মালিক ও ব্যবস্থাপনা পরিচালক দেলোয়ার হোসেন। তিনি আওয়ামী লীগ সমর্থক একজন প্রভাবশালী ব্যবসায়ী। তৈরি পোশাক মালিকদের সংগঠন বিজিএমইএর বিগত নির্বাচনেও তিনি আওয়ামী সমর্থিত প্যানেলের পক্ষে জোরালো ভূমিকা পালন করেছেন। দেলোয়ার হোসেন জামালপুর-৩ আসনের (মেলান্দহ-মাদারগঞ্জ) আসন থেকে নির্বাচিত এমপি ও জাতীয় সংসদের হুইপ মির্জা আজমের ঘনিষ্ঠ ব্যক্তি।
জামালপুরের মেলান্দহ উপজেলার স্থায়ী বাসিন্দা হলেও বর্তমান ঠিকানা ধানমন্ডিতে। কানাডার দ্য গ্লোব অ্যান্ড মেইল নামের একটি পত্রিকার অনলাইনে প্রকাশিত তথ্যমতে তিনি কানাডার নাগরিক। তিনি পরিস্থিতি সামাল দেয়ার জন্য আবার কানাডায় চলে যাওয়ার সুযোগ খুঁজছেন। সরকার ও বিজিএমইএ নেতারা তাকে আড়াল করে রাখছেন।
বাংলাদেশের ইতিহাসের সবচেয়ে বড় ও ভয়াবহ দুর্ঘটনার পরও তদন্ত কমিটি ছাড়া তিনি জনসমক্ষে আসেননি। অজ্ঞাত স্থান থেকে টেলিফোনে সাংবাদিকদের জানিয়েছেন, গার্মেন্টটি পুড়ে তার ২০০ কোটি টাকার ক্ষতি হয়েছে। গতকালও তিনি মোবাইল ফোন রিসিভ করলেও সাংবাদিক পরিচয় পেয়ে ব্যস্ততার কথা বলে এড়িয়ে যান।
দেলোয়ার হোসেন সম্পর্কে অনুসন্ধানে জানা গেছে, জামালপুর জেলার মেলান্দহ উপজেলার ফুলকোচা ইউনিয়নের হাজরাবাড়ি বাজারের অদূরে ব্রাহ্মণপাড়া গ্রামের স্থানীয় বাসিন্দা এই দেলোয়ার। তার বাবার নাম মো. আনিসুর রহমান। ভাইবোনদের মধ্যে সবার বড় দেলোয়ার নিজ এলাকায় স্বল্প সময়ে একজন ধনী শিল্পপতি হিসেবে ব্যাপক আলোচিত ব্যক্তি। ঢাকায় তিনি শ্বশুর মোবারক হোসেনের সহযোগিতায় প্রতিষ্ঠা করেন তোবা গ্রুপ। এই গ্রুপের ১৩টি সহযোগী প্রতিষ্ঠানের মধ্যে কমপক্ষে ৭টি গার্মেন্ট শিল্প প্রতিষ্ঠান রয়েছে। দেলোয়ার হোসেনের ছোট ভাই লুত্ফর রহমানও তোবা গ্রুপের ব্যবসা দেখাশোনা করেন। তার পরিবারের অন্য সদস্যদেরও ঢাকায় নিয়ে এসে নিজের ব্যবসা প্রতিষ্ঠানে উচ্চ বেতনে ও উচ্চপদে নিয়োগ দেন।
দেলোয়ার হোসেনের নিজ এলাকা মেলান্দহের ফুলকোচা ইউনিয়নের চেয়ারম্যান মিন্নাতুল বারী সোহেল আমার দেশকে জানান, তোবা গ্রুপের মালিক দেলোয়ার হোসেন বাড়িতে যান খুব কম। ঈদে বা কোনো উপলক্ষে বাড়িতে যাওয়া হয় তার। এলাকায় কিছু সামাজিক কাজ করেছেন। সেগুলো উদ্বোধন কিংবা দেখাশোনা করেন তিনি। সক্রিয়ভাবে রাজনীতি না করলেও আওয়ামী লীগের সমর্থক।
মেলান্দহ পৌরসভার বাসিন্দা হাবীবুর রহমান জানান, বিগত নির্বাচনে দেলোয়ার হোসেন মহাজোটের প্রার্থী বর্তমান জাতীয় সংসদের হুইপ মির্জা আজমকে সমর্থক ও আর্থিক সহযোগিতা করেন। মির্জা আজমের নির্বাচনী ব্যয়ের বড় একটি অংশ দেলোয়ার বহন করেছিলেন বলেও জনশ্রুতি রয়েছে। বিগত পৌরসভা নির্বাচনেও আওয়ামী সমর্থক প্রার্থীকে সহযোগিতা করেছেন বলে মেলান্দহের বাসিন্দারা জানিয়েছেন।
কোম্পানির একটি ওয়েবসাইট ছিল, সেখানে তাজরীন ফ্যাশন্সের নিরাপত্তার মান নিয়ে ক্রেতার সতর্কবাণীর কথাও লেখা ছিল। আগুন লাগার পর সেই ওয়েবসাইটটি বন্ধ করে দিয়েছে মালিক পক্ষ। গতকাল বহু দফায় ওই ওয়েবসাইটটিতে প্রবেশের চেষ্টা করা হলে লেখা আসে ব্যান্ডউইথ মিমিট এক্সসেপটেড। দ্য সার্ভার ইজ টেমপরারির আনঅ্যাবল টু সার্ভিস ইউর রিকোয়েস্ট ডিউ টু দ্য সাইট ওনার রেইসিং। প্লিজ ট্রাই অ্যাগেইন লেইটার।
মালিকের স্বীকারোক্তি মতে, তোবা গ্রুপের আওতাধীন ৭টি বড় কারখানা রয়েছে। তাজরীন ফ্যাশন ছাড়াও তোবা ফ্যাশন, তোবা গার্মেন্ট, তোবা টেক্সটাইল নামে বিশাল কয়েকটি শিল্প প্রতিষ্ঠান রয়েছে। তোবা ফ্যাশনের অফিস উত্তর বাড্ডার ফুজি ট্রেড সেন্টারে। কারখানা বাড্ডার আনন্দ নগর এলাকায়। তোবা গার্মেন্ট ও তোবা টেক্সটাইলের প্রধান কার্যালয় ৫০, গুলশান সাউথ এভিনিউর হাবীব সুপার মার্কেটে। গতকাল ওই অফিসে খোঁজ নিয়ে জানা গেছে, নিশ্চিন্তপুর ট্র্যাজেডির পর থেকে মালিক দেলোয়ার হোসেন অফিসে যাননি। তবে ফোনে অফিসের ও অপর কারখানাগুলোর খোঁজখবর নিয়েছেন।
অনুসন্ধানে জানা গেছে, তোবা ফ্যাশন ও তোবা গার্মেন্টেও দীর্ঘদিন থেকে শ্রমিক অসন্তোষ চলছে। টানা তিন মাস বেতন ও ঈদ বোনাস না পাওয়ায় গত ৯ আগস্ট তোবা গার্মেন্টের শ্রমিকরা বাড্ডায় রফিকুল ইসলাম বীর উত্তম সড়ক অবরোধ ও বিক্ষোভ করেন। পরে দেলোয়ার হোসেন বেতন ভাতা পরিশোধের আশ্বাস দিলে শ্রমিকরা অবরোধ তুলে নেন।
দেলোয়ার হোসেনের দাবি অনুযায়ী তোবা গ্রুপের বড় একটি ফ্যাক্টরি ছিল তাজরীন ফ্যাশন। এখান থেকেই তার সমুদয় রফতানি পণ্য শিপমেন্ট হতো। তাজরীন ভবনকে গোডাউন হিসেবেও ব্যবহার করতেন দেলোয়ার। প্রাপ্ত তথ্য মতে, এই ফ্যাক্টরির অধিকাংশ উচ্চপদস্থ কর্মকর্তা ছিল দেলোয়ার হোসেনের নিজ এলাকার ও তার কাছের এবং দূর সম্পর্কের আত্মীয়স্বজন। আগুনে তাদের কেউ হতাহত হওয়ার খবর পাওয়া যায়নি। কারণ আগুন লাগার পর কলাপসিবল গেট আটকে শ্রমিকদের ভেতরে রেখে তারা নিরাপদেই নেমে চলে গেছেন বাইরে।
দেলোয়ার হোসেন কয়েক বছর আগে সপরিবারে রাজধানীর বাড্ডা এলাকায় থাকতেন। বিয়ে করেছেন নিজ এলাকা মেলান্দহ উপজেলার আদ্রা গ্রামের মোবারক আলীর কন্যাকে। কয়েক বছর আগে শ্বশুর মোবারক হোসেন দেলোয়ারের দুই সন্তানকে নিয়ে গাড়িতে স্কুলে যাওয়ার পথে সন্ত্রাসী হামলার শিকার হন। সন্ত্রাসীরা দেলোয়ারের কাছে মোটা অংকের চাঁদা দাবি করেছিল। চাঁদা দিতে অস্বীকার করায় মগবাজার এলাকায় ওই গাড়িতে হামলা চালিয়েছিল তারা। সন্ত্রাসীদের গুলিতে মোবারক হোসেন গুরুতর আহত হয়ে পরে হাসপাতালে মারা যান। ওই হামলার সময় দেলোয়ার গাড়িতে না থাকায় ওই যাত্রায় প্রাণে বেঁচে যান। এরপর আতঙ্কিত দেলোয়ার বাড্ডার বাসা ছেড়ে ধানমন্ডিতে বাসা নেন।
তাজরীন ফ্যাশন লিমিডেটের শ্রমিকরা জানান, তাজরীন ফ্যাশনের আগুনের ঘটনা পরিকল্পিত। কারণ এই প্রতিষ্ঠানটির নামে প্রায় ৫০ কোটি টাকা ব্যাংক ঋণ রয়েছে। শ্রমিকদেরও বেতন ভাতা বকেয়া রয়েছে বিশাল অংকের। শ্রমিকদের বেতন ভাতাও নিয়মিত পরিশোধ না করায় প্রায়ই শ্রমিক অসন্তোষ দেখা দিত। বরাবরই বিক্ষোভ করে তাদের বেতন ভাতা আদায় করতে হতো শ্রমিকদের। আশুলিয়ার মূল সড়ক থেকে বেশ দূরে ও গ্রাম সাইডে হওয়ায় পত্রপত্রিকায় শ্রমিকের ওইসব বিক্ষোভের খবর তেমন একটা আসত না।
একটি সূত্র জানিয়েছে, তৈরি পোশাক মালিকদের সংগঠন বিজিএমইএর পরামর্শ ও সরকারের ঊর্ধ্বতন মহলের ইশারায় দেলোয়ার হোসেন এখনো আড়ালে রয়েছেন। দফায় দফায় বৈঠক করে চলেছেন নেতাদের সঙ্গে। গতরাতে যখন এই রিপোর্ট লেখা হচ্ছে তখনও তিনি বিজিএমইর শীর্ষ নেতাদের সঙ্গে কথা বলছিলেন। বিজিএমইএ ও বিকেএমইএ নেতাদের পক্ষ থেকে তাকে মিডিয়ায়ও কথা বলতে নিষেধ করা হয়েছে বলেও জানা গেছে। কারণ বিজিএমইএর প্রধান কৌশল হলো যেকোনো দুর্ঘটনার পর মালিককে রক্ষা করা। নানা কৌশল করে বিজিএমইএ সব সময়ই অত্যন্ত সাফল্যের সঙ্গে মালিকদের রক্ষা করে ঘটনার দায়দায়িত্ব এড়িয়ে গেছেন। এখনও তারা সেই চেষ্টায় আছেন। চেষ্টা করছেন দেলোয়ারকে বিদেশে পাঠিয়ে ঘটনা ধামাচাপা দিতে।
সূত্র আরও জানায়, মালিক দেলোয়ার, তার পরিবারের লোকজন ও তাজরীন ফ্যাশনের কর্মকর্তাদের রক্ষা করার জন্য উঠে পড়ে লেগেছে বিজিএমইএর একটি অংশ। এ কাজে বিজিএমইএকে সর্বাত্মক সহায়তা দিয়ে আসছে সরকার। জাতীয় সংসদের হুইপ, ক্ষমতাসীন আওয়ামী লীগের প্রভাবশালী নেতা ও জাতীয় সংসদের হুইপ মির্জা আজমের এলাকার বাসিন্দা ও তার ঘনিষ্ঠ ব্যক্তি হওয়ায় সরকারের বিভিন্ন মহলে দেলোয়ারকে রক্ষা করার জন্য তদবির করছেন তিনি। মূলত তার তদবিরের কারণেই পুলিশ, র্যাব বা অন্যকোনো গোয়েন্দা সংস্থা দেলোয়ারের টিকিটিও স্পর্শ করতে পারছে না।
গত সোমবার প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনা জাতীয় সংসদে বলেছেন, তাজরীন গার্মেন্টের র্ঘটনা পরিকল্পিত। স্বরাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রীও গত মঙ্গলবার ঘটনাস্থলে গিয়ে বলেছেন নাশকতার কথা। বিজিএমইএ সংবাদ সম্মেলন করেও ষড়যন্ত্রের কথা বলেছে। এসব কথাবার্তায় অনেকটাই স্বস্তিতে আছেন তোবা গ্রুপের মালিক পক্ষ ও তাজরীন ফ্যাশনসের কর্মকর্তা-কর্মচারীরা। ১২৪ শ্রমিকের মর্মান্তিক মৃত্যুর দায় তাকে নিতে হচ্ছে না। কারণ নাশকতার আগুনে পুড়ে কেউ মারা গেলে মালিকের দায় অনেকাংশেই কমে যায়। নাশকতা ঠেকাতে তার করারও কিছু থাকে না।
গতকাল তার মোবাইল ফোনে কল দেয়া হলে রিসিভ করেন তার ভাই লুত্ফর রহমান। তাজরীন ফ্যাশনের বিষয়ে জানতে চাইলে তিনি বলেন, এ বিষয়ে আমার ভাই বিজিএমইএ নেতাদের সঙ্গে কথা বলছেন। তার সঙ্গে কথা বলতে চাইলে কিছুক্ষণ পরে যোগাযোগ করেন। লুত্ফর রহমান জানান, তাজরীন ফ্যাশনে ৩৫০ জনের মতো শ্রমিক ছিল। শ্রমিকদের যাবতীয় নথিপত্র পুড়ে ধ্বংস হওয়ায় কারা বেঁচে আছে কারা নেই এ বিষয়ে নিশ্চিত হওয়া যাচ্ছে না।


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Re: [chottala.com] Case Niko: Ottawa’s corruption test case




I have been to Comilla and visited MOINAMOTI  the archaeological site that was supposedly some kind of Buddhist Institution..then their is BOGORA Their is also a Buddhist Archaeological Buddhist site..The construction of those cites will remind you of RED BRICK mentioned in Dhaka City Construction as famed by who else LOUIS I KHAN..surprisingly I do  not think you will find many work of LOUIS I KHAN in Israel..they are in USA ..

Well their is the other part of story..the way The Twin Towers of 9/11 was designed..it is understood to build that high building it is significantly less expensive then the RED BRICK DESIGN..

Here is a name despised of an ITALIAN ENGINEER name CARLOS PONZI..it is that name used to describe PONZI SCHEME..Guess what at our house hold playing with DECK of CARDS we also used to make PYRAMID..well PONZI design is what is that ..

More on it..



From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
To:
Sent: Thursday, November 29, 2012 1:30 AM
Subject: [chottala.com] Case Niko: Ottawa's corruption test case

 
Case Niko: Ottawa's corruption test case

GREG MCARTHUR/ THE GLOBE AND MAIL

By Bangladeshi standards, the red-brick compound of A.K.M. Mosharraf Hossain is a country estate. A four-foot wall encircles the property in the capital city of Dhaka. The only way inside is past a guard booth and a metal gate that leads to the politician's roundabout driveway. But there was no problem gaining admission on May 23, 2005, when two representatives from Niko Resources , a Canadian natural gas company, arrived at the gate. They were waved through with a brand-new, shiny gift—a black Toyota Land Cruiser. The two Niko officials, both Bangladeshi, stood by while the car keys were handed over to Hossain's driver.This sort of thing is a routine transaction in many Third World countries—yet this one would go down in legal history.
This past June, slightly more than six years after the delivery of that $190,000 vehicle, lawyers for Niko stood before an Alberta Court of Queen's Bench judge and, on behalf of the company, pleaded guilty to bribing Hossain, then Bangladesh's state minister for energy and mineral resources.
The $9.5-million fine Niko agreed to pay was heralded as the arrival of a new era in white-collar law enforcement. The RCMP had officially waded into the shadowy intersection of big business and foreign powers, and enforced the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, enacted in 1998. Canadian multinationals were put on notice—just because you are overseas doesn't mean you aren't being watched. "Canada and Alberta will not stand by and let this happen," Steven Johnston, head of Alberta's special prosecution branch, told Mr. Justice Scott Brooker at the hearing.
But, for about a decade, that's exactly what government did. The two-hour hearing was a long-fated collision of three dynamic forces—an ambitious and daring company; one of the most corrupt countries in the world; and the international movement to crack down on payoffs.
Still, the hearing only revealed a smidgen of the evidence that the RCMP unearthed. It took the Justice Department and the Mounties a long time to start seriously enforcing Canada's foreign bribery laws, but once they started digging, it took them to some surprising places—including Parliament Hill.
**********************************************
Niko Resources was built on one thing—the gumption of its two controlling minds.
In a crowded space like oil and gas exploration, where behemoths like Royal Dutch Shell , Exxon and BP control the global sandbox with an iron fist, lesser players can only thrive where others dare not venture. In Niko's case, that meant not being shy about exploring countries renowned for corruption and governmental red tape.
The company's founder, Robert Ohlson, spent the early 1990s combing just such a country, India, for opportunities. Profiles of Ohlson in the media portrayed the University of British Columbia graduate as an adventurous soul, a 6-foot-3 engineer bopping around crowded Indian roads on a moped. (Ohlson passed away in 2004.)
Niko's executive other half, CEO Ed Sampson, is also tall, with the perpetual dark rims under his eyes that are typical of can-do entrepreneurs. He grew up in rural Melfort, Saskatchewan, launched his own furniture store at the age of 24, and later expanded his small-business empire with a Smitty's Pancake House franchise. But after dabbling in some local oil and gas plays—investments that connected him with Ohlson—he caught the energy bug.
Around 1995, Sampson sank $10 million into Ohlson's overseas vision. At the time, Niko was struggling to maintain its listing on the Alberta Stock Exchange. But Sampson's bold bet would eventually transform him from a small-town retailer into one of Canada's highest-paid executives, as well as one of its wealthiest citizens.
Thanks to the success of Niko's Indian gamble, the company's stock has skyrocketed from about $1 per share to highs of $114 over the past 15 years. As the first North American company to drill in India, a mushrooming economy with one billion potential customers, Niko's leadership seemed visionary. In a 2005 interview, Sampson summed up the secret of his success: "I think the key is never say 'never.' You've decided it's the right way to go, you put your shoulder to the wall and, no matter what negativity might come, if you're comfortable you're doing the right thing, you just keep pushing."
But with its next venture, Niko's interpretation of "doing the right thing" would become the subject of much scrutiny.
In the late 1990s, the discovery of a massive gas deposit in Bangladesh, India's poorer neighbour to the east, attracted scores of oil and gas players, including majors such as Mobil and Chevron. Though still relatively unknown, Niko competed alongside the majors for the attention of the Bangladeshi government, then formed by the centre-left Awami League. In 1998, Ohlson told The Globe and Mail that he regularly dropped $10,000 in expenses during each of his frequent trips to Dhaka. Yet these entreaties did not persuade the Bangladeshis. The company was disqualified from bidding on access to gas fields on technical grounds in the late '90s.
But by 2002—just before Niko was applauded as the biggest gainer on the TSX—the political winds had changed considerably. The recent election of the centre-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party, led by Khaleda Zia, the widow of a former Bangladeshi leader, offered Niko a second chance.
So in April, 2002, Ohlson was back in Dhaka. By design, his visit coincided with a trade mission by a delegation of Canadian politicians. Among them was Liberal MP Mac Harb, a colourful and quirky politician who was a long-time supporter of then-prime minister Jean Chrétien. Harb, a former Ottawa city councillor, had a reputation for speaking his mind, a mind that contained some unusual ideas—including the belief, which he once declared on a talk radio show, that human clones had been created and were walking among us.
Ohlson urged Harb and the rest of the delegation to support a joint-venture agreement between Niko and Bangladesh's state-owned gas company, BAPEX, to start drilling near a village called Tengratila.
Perhaps Harb was keen on helping a Canadian company deliver a modicum of prosperity to a land of such vast poverty. Perhaps Harb and Ohlson bonded over their shared backgrounds as engineers. Whatever the appeal, the politician soon took a keen interest in the company.
In the autumn of 2003, Harb and Niko both received good news. Chrétien was stepping down as prime minister, but before he did, he made Harb's long-rumoured appointment to the Senate a reality. And on the other side of the world, the government of Khaleda Zia came around and handed Niko a joint venture agreement with BAPEX. Times were flush: That same year, Ohlson and Sampson landed on a list of Canadian executives with the most generous stock-option packages, each receiving $5.1 million worth.
But the spell of good luck in Bangladesh ended with a bang.
On Jan. 7, 2005, just eight days after the company plunged its first drill bit into one of its fields near Tengratila, the morning sky lit up with fiery orange flames. The ground exploded with such force that it left a crater the size of a baseball field.
Nobody was killed—luckily, the blast occurred before the start of the day at a nearby school. But the village was evacuated, parts of the school were condemned and the fire burned for weeks, wasting millions of dollars' worth of gas.
**********************************************
Geographically, Bangladesh is cursed. Situated on the largest delta in the world, the country is fertile but flood-ravaged. Every year, the Ganges' waters sweep over 25% of the country's land mass, destroying infrastructure, spreading disease and setting back its impoverished masses—a population of more than 160 million.
Corruption in the government is as much a given as spring flooding—and the government of Khaleda Zia, which gave drilling rights to Niko, was more corrupt than most. Zia's son, Tarique Rahman, was known throughout Dhaka's coffee shops and slums as "Mr. 10 Per Cent." His notorious racketeering spawned a small industry of middlemen and lobbyists—mostly his friends—all boasting of access to the Prime Minister's office and all looking for a cut of the action.
(This rampant corruption has not deterred aid organizations. The country ranks amongst the largest recipients of funding from the Canadian International Development Agency, which, in addition to promoting neonatal health care, fair elections and transparent government, also handed Niko a $67,000 grant in 2001 for helping the Bangladeshi economy to grow.)
Given their low standard of living and dismal prospects, the villagers of Tengratila were not in a mood to forgive and forget when a Western company backfired so spectacularly on their home ground. When Niko's Canadian executives visited the blast site, they were greeted by mass protests and vociferous demands in the press for compensation.
It was in this hostile climate that Zia's government was tasked with deciding how Niko should compensate the villagers. It only took a month for it to determine that the blowout was due to the "faulty and negligent operation of Canadian company Niko Resources" and that the government had the power to order payments. The decision about how much, however, would be heavily influenced by the say of one man, shortly to be the owner of a new Land Cruiser—Energy Minister A.K.M. Mosharraf Hossain. Hossain was also an important voice in an ongoing dispute between Niko and the government over a gas purchase and sale agreement.
Less than two weeks after he received Niko's gift in May, 2005, Hossain checked into a Calgary hotel to attend an oil and gas exposition. Accompanying him was his friend, a man he described as his "brother," Selim Bhuiyan. At the time, Bhuiyan was the manager of the Dhaka Club, an exclusive hangout for the city's elites. The job immersed him in the milieu surrounding the Prime Minister's son.
Niko paid for the men's flights and their rooms, as well as subsequent side trips Hossain made to New York and Chicago to visit family. However, the company's largesse never had an impact on his decision-making, Hossain insists.
In an interview conducted at his home in Dhaka, about a year before Niko formally admitted in court that it tried to bribe him, he denied being influenced. Seated directly under a large oil portrait of himself, Hossain chain-smoked and offered a rambling response as to whether he had ever accepted any benefits from the company. "Do you think they are such fools that they will offer me directly? If they had offered, if they wanted to offer, they would offer indirectly," he said, before issuing an emphatic denial. "I have not been offered indirectly by…Niko, or Niko agents or anybody," he said.
Later on, though, he allowed that, perhaps, he received something. "Niko…maybe, at times helped me in some way or other. Say for instance when I was in Canada. Maybe they have looked after me..…That is hospitality. But not financially," he said. "I've not taken a single pie from anybody."
**********************************************
Ever since the United States prohibited its companies from paying foreign bribes in 1977, the merits of the law have been hotly debated. The complaints from industry are many: The law will never end bribery because the practice is innate and as old as business itself; it has placed Western companies at a disadvantage to Russian and Chinese multinationals that can bribe with impunity; the law's primary purpose is to help accountants, lawyers and other "specialists" in corruption-fighting to accumulate billable hours.
Supporters of the law counter that bribery undermines the rule of law, erodes trust and enables political leaders to hoard proceeds that should be spread among the masses—practices that the world's leading democracies cannot allow their corporations to facilitate.
If there is common ground, it's that if foreign bribery is illegal, the law needs to be universally enforced.
A key figure in the push for universality is Peter Clark, a former official with the United States Department of Justice who spent the 1990s trying to persuade the other member nations of the OECD to follow the lead of the United States and ban foreign bribery. It was a process that Clark describes as "faster than watching grass grow, but slower than golf."
By 1997, he had garnered enough support, including a vote from Canada, to pass the OECD's anti-bribery convention and force laggard Western countries to catch up. And on Dec. 7, 1998—just four days before Niko's shares started trading on the Toronto Stock Exchange—Canada's Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act quietly passed through Parliament.
For a tiny group of Canadian trade lawyers who had been clamouring for such a law, it seemed like the dawn of a new era. But almost before they had a chance to celebrate, they were told to lower their expectations.
Milos Barutciski, a regulatory expert who advised the government on the drafting of the law, quickly arranged a professional conference concerning the new prohibition. Afterward, over a meal with a senior lawyer from the Department of Justice and several other colleagues, Barutciski pressed the federal official, whom Barutciski declines to identify by name. How many police officers and prosecutors was Ottawa going to devote to this new international effort?
"We're not dedicating any resources," he says he was told.
"It was disheartening," says Barutciski, now a partner at Bennett Jones. "At the same time the government was issuing press releases out of Foreign Affairs about how Canada was doing the right thing…these guys were saying, 'That's it. We're not doing anything more.'
"I was blown away. If you're not dedicating resources to it, then you effectively have no law."
Canadian officials have never explained why Ottawa did not take the convention more seriously in its early days. In an interview, one federal government lawyer theorized, "It was an international political convention and it probably sailed through cabinet without skin off anyone's nose.…Why did it take so long [to enforce] If you're suggesting that there wasn't enough attention put to it, I can't argue with that."
But if the federal government believed it could shirk its obligations, it underestimated the will of the OECD and the power of public shaming.
While other member nations were dedicating investigators and prosecutors to the anti-bribery cause, and racking up staggering fines against major corporations along the way, Canada largely did nothing. In 2007, at a Washington, D.C., conference of anti-corruption lawyers, Canada was included in a list of countries dubbed the "coalition of the unwilling." Transparency International, the anti-corruption group, routinely ranks Canada alongside countries like Bulgaria and Greece for its poor performance. As part of the OECD convention, each member country is graded on its efforts, and Canada's reviewers have repeatedly expressed dismay about how a country that is home to so many international mining and oil giants has garnered only one conviction.
(Even that conviction was not the product of government initiative. An energy service company called Hydro Kleen pleaded guilty to bribing a U.S. immigration inspector in 2005. Almost all of the evidence was collected by a private investigator who had been hired by one of Hydro Kleen's competitors.)
As recently as May, the chair of the OECD anti-bribery group was still chastising Canada. "It's quite astonishing that, having so many operations in such difficult areas, one has not more cases," said Mark Pieth, a Swiss lawyer who has overseen the OECD group since its inception in 1990. "What I have to say to Canada is, wake up to your responsibilities. And be what you're actually assuming to be, and that's an economic superpower—a G7 superpower. That brings obligations with it."
The message had in fact resonated, even if it had yet to produce results. By April, 2008, the RCMP had hand-picked 15 officers, at a cost of $3.1 million annually, to exclusively investigate cases of foreign bribery by Canadian companies.
On the other side of the world, the corruption of Zia's government became too much for Bangladesh to bear. In a quasi-coup, the country's military disbanded Zia's regime and began arresting all of her son's associates, as well as Minister Hossain, extracting confession after confession. (The crackdown went right up to the Prime Minister's office, and included the 2007 arrest of Zia herself. She has since been released, but her son remains in exile in the United Kingdom.)
What they had to say would lead investigators to suspect that it was more than just steely resolve that landed Niko its Bangladeshi foothold.
**********************************************
Before rousing Giasuddin al Mamun from his prison cell, the soldiers waited until the sun was dropping from Dhaka's smoggy skies. It was always wise to conduct videotaped interviews after the work day, when the city's intermittent blackouts finally subsided.
It was Nov. 1, 2008, a tense time. The military was still in power. Officially, al Mamun had been found guilty of weapons possession. Unofficially, he was guilty of being friends with Tarique Rahman, Mr. 10 Per Cent.
Al Mamun was delivered to a nondescript house in an affluent neighbourhood. He could be forgiven for thinking that whatever waited for him inside would be deeply unpleasant. Instead, he was greeted by two affable, middle-aged Canadians with buzz cuts and dark suits.
The one with the big smile was Corporal Lloyd Schoepp, an RCMP officer who had quit a career as a retail banker in Banff to pursue a lifelong dream of being a cop. The other, Corporal Kevin Duggan, was an expert in recovering the illicit profits from drug dealing.
Over the next two days, with breaks for rest and Domino's pizza, al Mamun gave the RCMP officers a crash course in Third World corruption.
Al Mamun's candid interviews with the Mounties, as well as other evidence gathered by the RCMP during their trip to Dhaka, have been detailed in a 72-page affidavit filed in Alberta court by Corporal Duggan. The police officer's sworn statement—which he filed in support of an application to access banking records—had been sealed by court order, until The Globe and Mail launched a court challenge to have the material released. After a six-month legal battle with the Crown Attorney's office and Niko, Mr. Justice William Tilleman agreed to release a heavily redacted version.
Al Mamun told the police officers that his introduction to Niko came in 2002 when someone—whose name has been redacted from the affidavit—dangled an offer of $1 million if al Mamun could land drilling rights for the Canadian company. As an appetizer, al Mamun said he was given a retainer of about $10,000. But he was ultimately unable to make the deal happen on his own. As a mere buddy of the Prime Minister's son, there was only so much he could do. "My power is 50%," he said.
During Schoepp and Duggan's time in Dhaka, the military handed over all documents requested by the Mounties, including a signed confession made by Selim Bhuiyan—the same social-club manager who travelled with Minister Hossain to Calgary, at Niko's expense, for the energy exposition.
After sitting in a jail cell for four days, Bhuiyan had been hauled before a magistrate, where he made an admission similar to al Mamun's: Someone—whose name has also been redacted from Duggan's affidavit—offered him more than $1 million if he successfully helped land the gas fields for Niko.
After Niko was handed drilling rights, more than $500,000 (U.S.) appeared in Bhuiyan's bank account, the confession stated. From there, Bhuiyan said he dispersed some of the money to the cast of characters surrounding Prime Minister Khaleda Zia—including al Mamun. A portion of the payment, Bhuiyan believed, would go to al Mamun's friend, the Prime Minister's son. Hossain, the former minister who would not take "a single pie" from anyone, received a total of $102,000, the confession alleged.
Niko begs to differ. "We have consistently denied that any bribes were paid on Niko's behalf to secure the Agreement," the company said in a recent statement. "This matter was fully investigated by the authorities and no charges were laid against Niko in relation to those allegations."
For their part, the Mounties were able to corroborate parts of the confession: Al Mamun confirmed that he had been paid a retainer of at least several thousand dollars; they followed some of the money flows through bank records; they even negotiated a meeting with Bhuiyan in Montreal in a failed bid to persuade him to become an informant. (In Duggan's affidavit, he stated that Bhuiyan confirmed most of his confession, except that he said some of the bank transfers were actually a "series of loans between friends." Bhuiyan also claimed he confessed under the duress of torture.)
The evidence was sufficient for Duggan to state in the same court filing that he had "uncovered information that [Niko]used bribes to influence [Bangladeshi]public officials in order to secure the Joint Venture Agreement." But when Niko's day in court arrived this past June, it made no admissions about any impropriety concerning its drilling rights. (Indeed, lawyers for Niko claim that Bhuiyan later recanted his confession on that score in a Bangladeshi court filing.) The guilty plea strictly related to Hossain's luxury SUV and vacation, which were given to mitigate damage from the blowout. And, as is standard with most plea agreements, the RCMP agreed to end its investigation of the company's Bangladeshi operations in return for the admission of guilt.
So why didn't the police pursue the other charges?
For one thing, gathering evidence in Bangladesh is a challenge. Alleged recipients of graft never make the most credible witnesses, and an unfettered security apparatus complicates life for even the most capable prosecutor. When word got out that the military was rounding up interview subjects in Dhaka for the Canadian police, at least two people on the RCMP's wish list simply fled the country.
Then there's the logistics of getting Bangladeshi witnesses before a Canadian court. "How are you going to get them into court for trial? Are you going to use a video link? All sorts of problems kick in," Duggan says. "We play to win.…With what we had, we had them dead-to-rights. So, if the investigation went on forever, could we prove everything bad that was ever done? Yeah, we could. Maybe. Maybe. But eventually you've got to draw a line in the sand."
That line has not been drawn for Senator Harb, whose relationship with Niko is being probed by the RCMP as part of a criminal breach of trust investigation.
As the Mounties combed through diplomatic cables and interviewed former Canadian high commissioners, they learned that, after being appointed to the Senate, Harb returned to Bangladesh at least four times between 2004 and 2006 to help Niko navigate the fallout from the explosion. Foreign Affairs officials were keeping their distance from Niko because of concerns it might have paid bribes. Yet Harb, against the wishes of the diplomatic corps, advocated for the company with Bangladeshi ministers. He was paid $65,000 for acting as a consultant in a private capacity, Niko said in a statement.
Senators are allowed to accept employment outside of their duties in the Red Chamber, and many work for law firms and sit on corporate boards, but they are forbidden from using their title as a public office holder for private gain. Duggan has alleged in that same affidavit that Harb's trips to Bangladesh, which he made on his special green passport reserved for public officials, were "contrary to the bona fide interests of the Canadian public."
The senator was repeatedly warned by Foreign Affairs to cease his lobby efforts, Duggan's affidavit shows. On one of his final trips to Dhaka, the then-Canadian high commissioner to Bangladesh was so incensed that she confronted the senator at his hotel. In an interview with the Mounties, she said that she was "not happy" Harb "had actually met with the [Bangladeshi] Minister of Foreign Affairs at his home, at night without me, and without me being aware of the meeting."
The senator has issued a statement saying he has never used his office for personal gain and that his work for Niko was cleared by the Senate ethics officer. However, he has not said what he told the ethics officer about the work he was doing in Bangladesh. Nor has he explained why a well-paid senator needed to actively solicit work from a corporation (Niko chief Sampson has said that the relationship began with Harb approaching the company). Duggan's affidavit, however, provides a hint.
As part of their probe, the Mounties scrutinized the senator's finances and learned that, during the years he worked for Niko, he had 26 active credit facilities—including more than a dozen credit cards—and was carrying a debt load of more than $560,000. That total does not appear to include a mortgage.
Harb was questioned by investigators in early 2011, but the Mounties will say nothing about where their investigation is headed. In his statement, Harb has said he is confident he will be cleared of any wrongdoing.
As for Niko, the former stock market darling has seen a precipitous drop in its share price. It was fluctuating between $60 and $70 as of late July, a decline of about 40% from a year ago, shedding $1.7 billion from its market capitalization. Though the descent started long before the bribery admission, Niko's new criminal record will do nothing to ingratiate it with investors and analysts. Institutional investors may remain wary, at least while Niko wears what the sentencing judge, Mr. Justice Brooker, called a "dark stain."
"Difficult headlines like this will lead to companies suffering some pain in the currently weak equity markets," Nathan Piper, an analyst with RBC Dominion Securities, said shortly after the guilty plea.
Sampson, who in 2010 became the highest-paid CEO in Canada by one calculation, remains optimistic. In the company's annual report, he highlighted Niko's newest explorations in Trinidad and Tobago, as well as a deepwater drill in Indonesia. "Two thousand and twelve could prove to be Niko's most exciting year," he said in the report.
Next year promises to be equally exciting for the RCMP's international anti-corruption unit. The force has said that it is investigating more than 20 cases of alleged overseas bribery.
During their trip to Dhaka, the Mounties discussed the anti-bribery law, and what good it might do in the world, with their military helpers. "Everyone saw how important this is. This was good for Bangladesh," Corporal Duggan says.
But there is at least one naysayer in the country's elite. During the interview at his home, former minister Hossain offered a meandering diatribe against the "lies" and "conspiracy" that landed him in jail for two years.
"Corruption is there everywhere in the world. Corruption was there, is there, will be there."
With research by David Montero in Bangladesh. Research assistance provided by the PBS program Frontline .





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[chottala.com] Re: Famous Scientist - Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman


I guess no one will take anything away from the achievements of these..Scientist except for in the foot notes..it is interesting Venkat Raman studied in Presidency college in Madras and taught in Calcutta Presidency College. I would be surprised some where their is Bose Connection as he mentions friends..and their is out side possibility my father who studied also in Calcutta Presidency College  came across some of them. He used to stay with his aunt that is The famed Jyotirmala..who was also incapable to bear child. I think they used to stay in Calcutta Apartment..of DAL HOUSY SQUARE..it is interesting why he left from their and moved to MEDINI POOR to stay with his cousin..an used to work in a Ration Shop. He fails BA ( geography major ) from Calcutta Board..he then returns to Chittagong and appears for BA exam again and passes....It is from that Ration Job earnings he bought part of a Land in Calcutta with his cousin, the oldest brother of all that reside in Panditiya Residence..just to give hint why He went to Medini Poor who else Dhiman Dr Hounding him..thus one clue is case is in Medinipoor..may be some Ration Shop employees..

In addition ..where this states..of.Tamil Nadu, may not believe it is one of the cause of 40 year war between Tamils and Sinhalese..as Gunomeju was from Sri Lanka.. interesting invokes Optics and some kind of seems like RAY GUN, The way I understand it..it is the simple experiment in PHYSICS lab Taught in my high school..that covers deflection of LIGHTS..it is light source in one end and lenses on clam..as the light passes thru the Lenses..it takes a concentrated form...well it is the same principal this RAY GUN if any..difference is the rays are being passed thru a Metal TUBE with lenses being able to be adjusted..in strange way Light source, lenses all in one track like railway..

Debasish Barua





From: SyedAslam <syed.aslam3@gmail.com>
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Thursday, November 29, 2012 12:58 AM
Subject: Famous Scientist - Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman

Famous Scientist - Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman

1901
2012
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The Nobel Prize in Physics 1930

Sir Venkata Raman

Biography

Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman was born at Trichinopoly in Southern India on November 7th, 1888. His father was a lecturer in mathematics and physics so that from the first he was immersed in an academic atmosphere. He entered Presidency College, Madras, in 1902, and in 1904 passed his B.A. examination, winning the first place and the gold medal in physics; in 1907 he gained his M.A. degree, obtaining the highest distinctions.

His earliest researches in optics and acoustics - the two fields of investigation to which he has dedicated his entire career - were carried out while he was a student.

Since at that time a scientific career did not appear to present the best possibilities, Raman joined the Indian Finance Department in 1907; though the duties of his office took most of his time, Raman found opportunities for carrying on experimental research in the laboratory of the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science at Calcutta (of which he became Honorary Secretary in 1919).

In 1917 he was offered the newly endowed Palit Chair of Physics at Calcutta University, and decided to accept it. After 15 years at Calcutta he became Professor at the Indian Institute of Science at Bangalore (1933-1948), and since 1948 he is Director of the Raman Institute of Research at Bangalore, established and endowed by himself. He also founded the Indian Journal of Physics in 1926, of which he is the Editor. Raman sponsored the establishment of the Indian Academy of Sciences and has served as President since its inception. He also initiated the Proceedings of that academy, in which much of his work has been published, and is President of the Current Science Association, Bangalore, which publishes Current Science (India).

Some of Raman's early memoirs appeared as Bulletins of the Indian Associationfor the Cultivation of Science (Bull. 6 and 11, dealing with the "Maintenance of Vibrations"; Bull. 15, 1918, dealing with the theory of the musical instruments of the violin family). He contributed an article on the theory of musical instruments to the 8th Volume of the Handbuch der Physik, 1928. In 1922 he published his work on the "Molecular Diffraction of Light", the first of a series of investigations with his collaborators which ultimately led to his discovery, on the 28th of February, 1928, of the radiation effect which bears his name ("A new radiation", Indian J. Phys., 2 (1928) 387), and which gained him the 1930 Nobel Prize in Physics.

Other investigations carried out by Raman were: his experimental and theoretical studies on the diffraction of light by acoustic waves of ultrasonic and hypersonic frequencies (published 1934-1942), and those on the effects produced by X-rays on infrared vibrations in crystals exposed to ordinary light. In 1948 Raman, through studying the spectroscopic behaviour of crystals, approached in a new manner fundamental problems of crystal dynamics. His laboratory has been dealing with the structure and properties of diamond, the structure and optical behaviour of numerous iridescent substances (labradorite, pearly felspar, agate, opal, and pearls).

Among his other interests have been the optics of colloids, electrical and magnetic anisotropy, and the physiology of human vision.

Raman has been honoured with a large number of honorary doctorates and memberships of scientific societies. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society early in his career (1924), and was knighted in 1929.
From Nobel Lectures, Physics 1922-1941, Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1965
This autobiography/biography was written at the time of the award and first published in the book series Les Prix Nobel. It was later edited and republished inNobel Lectures. To cite this document, always state the source as shown above.
 
Sir Venkata Raman died on November 21, 1970.
 
Copyright © The Nobel Foundation 1930
TO CITE THIS PAGE:
MLA style: "Venkata Raman - Biography". Nobelprize.org. 28 Nov 2012 http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/physics/laureates/1930/raman-bio.html
C.V. Raman
Initially, the IACS was able only to give free public lectures. Nevertheless, these were well-attended by the public. Scientists like J.C Bose & Fr. Lafont gave lectures. But M.L. Sircar was disappointed that young people did not come forward to do real research.
In 1907, a 19-year old officer in the Accountant General's department walked into the IACS premises, wanting to do some research in physics. A.L. Sircar, who was then the head there, enthusiastically accepted him. This was CV Raman, who went on to win the Nobel Prize in 1930.
Though Raman was appointed a professor in 1917 in the University of Calcutta, he preferred to do his research in IACS. And it was there; in 1928 that he discovered the famous Raman Effect.

In the beginning, CV Raman had no good instruments. He used sunlight as a source of light, and his own eyes as a detector. Yet he got his results published in Nature, the world's most prestigious scientific journal. Impressed, the industrialist GD Birla bought him a spectrograph.
CHANDRASHEKAR VENKATA RAMAN (1930) 
Nobel Prize for Physics
Born at Thiruvanaikkaval in Tamil Nadu, Raman studied at Presidency College, Madras. Later, he served as Professor of Physics at Calcutta University. C.V. Raman won the Nobel Prize for an important research in the field of optics (light). Raman had found that diffused light contained rays of other wavelengths-what is now popularly known as Raman Effect. His theory explains why the frequency of light passing through a transparent medium changes. 

HARGOBIND KHORANA (1968) 

The Nobel Prize for Medicine
Dr. Khorana was born in Raipur, Punjab (now in Pakistan). He went abroad to get his doctorate in Chemistry and later settled there. It was his study of the human genetic code and the role it plays in protein synthesis that got him the Nobel Prize. 
http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1968/khorana-bio.html

SUBRAMANIAN CHANDRASHEKAR (1983) 

The Nobel Prize for Physics
Dr S. Chandrashekar, is an Indian-born astrophysicist (a branch of astronomy or the study of space). After studying at the Presidency College in Madras, Dr. Chandrashekhar went to the United States for work and settled there. He has written many books on his field Astrophysics and 
Stellar Dynamics. He developed a theory on white dwarf stars forecasts the limit of mass that dwarf stars can have. This limit is known as the Chandrashekar Limit. His theory also explains the final stages of the evolution of stars.