Banner Advertise

Tuesday, May 26, 2009

[chottala.com] Iajuddin mentally sick: wife



Iajuddin mentally sick: wife

Staff Correspondent

New Age

Professor Anwara Begum, wife of former president Iajuddin Ahmed, on Tuesday claimed he had been physically and mentally sick.
   She said this in a statement explaining his joining a programme aired by private television channel Banglavision on May 24.
   In the signed statement, she said two Banglavision officials, accompanied by Iajuddin's former student Dr Kabir Hossain Talukder, had visited Iajuddin's house at Gulshan and wanted to interview Iajuddin as an 'educationist.'
   'I expressed his inability as Dr Iajuddin Ahmed is physically and mentally sick,' Anwara Begum said.
   Iajuddin Ahmed is undergoing treatment under retired colonel Dr Nurul Azim as he has been 'physically and mentally sick for last two months,' she said.
   'We went to the Banglavision office after their [Banglavision officials and Kabir Hossain Talukder's] request and I was waiting outside [the office],' she said. 'During this time, the former president was intentionally misguided by motivated questions on "untoward incidents" of the country and not on his educational life. He [Iajuddin] cannot recall what he said in reply to the questions as he was almost imbalanced physically and mentally.'
   She said it was a conspiracy to push the former president into an unwarranted situation to belittle him before the people.
   She urged the government to try the persons involved in the incident.
   When asked about the statement of Professor Anwara Begum, Kazi Jesin, who hosted the programme, Point of Order, on Banglavision, said they (Iajuddin and Anwara) had visited the television channel office on their own. 'We did not force them to come here.'
   She said the former president agreed to talk about his educational and working life. 'But he requested us not to take up "so much of talks on 1/11 [proclamation of the state of emergency on January 11, 2007] as [former] president.'
   Jesin said how Professor Anwara allowed her 'mentally imbalanced' husband to talk on education, forget about the promulgation of the state of emergency, in a television programme.
   In the programme, Iajuddin said the declaration of the state of emergency and his subsequent resignation from the post of the chief adviser on January 11, 2007 was the result of 'Allah's will.'
   When asked whether he was under pressure and anything [written] was placed before him for the declaration of the state of emergency when the chiefs of the three services [army, air force and navy] visited him in Bangabhaban before the proclamation of emergency, Iajuddin simply replied, 'I agreed with them.'
   When asked about the detention of politicians, including Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, without any warrant of arrest, and the cases filed against them by the Anti-Corruption Commission, he said, 'Nothing that happened was unknown to me.'
   Iajuddin Ahmed on January 11, 2007 declared a state of emergency, suspending fundamental rights and indefinitely delaying the elections to the ninth Jatiya Sangsad, which was earlier scheduled for January 22.

http://www.newagebd.com/2009/may/27/front.html

Also Read:

http://www.amadershomoy.com/content/2009/05/27/news0737.htm

 


__._,_.___


[* Moderator's Note - CHOTTALA is a non-profit, non-religious, non-political and non-discriminatory organization.

* Disclaimer: Any posting to the CHOTTALA are the opinion of the author. Authors of the messages to the CHOTTALA are responsible for the accuracy of their information and the conformance of their material with applicable copyright and other laws. Many people will read your post, and it will be archived for a very long time. The act of posting to the CHOTTALA indicates the subscriber's agreement to accept the adjudications of the moderator]




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[chottala.com] Seminar in Washington DC: Tipaimukh Dam will bring more harm than benefit



Dear All,
 
LongLiveBangladesh organized a seminar on "Environmental and Political Crisis Looming in Bangladesh " in Marriott Hotel in Washington DC area. Under the moderation of Mr. Syed Moktadir, internationally recognized specialists discussed on adverse impact feared on Bangladesh due to recent Indian decision to construct Tipaimukh Dam on Borak River just a kilometer north of Zakigonj of Sylhet.
 
It has more:
 
 
OR:
 
For English, please read the following piece:
 

They also discussed on performance of new Bangladesh Government's first 100 days and the current political crisis in Bangladesh .

Keynote speaker Engr. Mahmud M. Hussain spoke on some key facts on India 's decision to construct Tipaimukh Dam and its adverse impact on Bangladesh environment and ecology in the long run. Engr. Hussain had served as a flood control consultant for WAPDA in Bangladesh and he is currently working in a top administrative post in Virginia Department of Transportation. He has more than forty years of experience in major international construction projects in India , Bangladesh , Pakistan , Nigeria and U.S.  

Going back to the bumpy history of this project, Engr. Hussain said, "The project was perceived in 1954 but the Mijoram government and the people were opposed to it…Subsequently, Indian government successfully maneuvered and convinced the people of Mizoram to go with it. The reasons they have cited that, two benefits, one is controlling floods, second is generating electricity. … And that will create jobs as well. And Mijoram as you know, is a backward area. The Chief Minister of Mijoram had been opposing it until 1995. In 2002 Indian Government with the help of the Local Government of Mijoram, the construction was undertaken." However, Engr. Hussain noted that the potential benefit in electricity and employment will be undermined by the inevitable damage in ecosystem and financial hardship the proposed dam is going to cause.

So what Bangladesh has really to worry about? According to Engr. Hussain, "During winter months the water will be collected, stored and utilized for their agricultural purposes and also generating electricity. Once the water is stored and blocked, we are in the downstream and they are in the upperstream, the water is going to be limited, probably a very little... As a result, the Sylhet Division along with some neighboring districts will be affected and impacted. The river will get dry. All the species living including fish will shrink and die. ..So construction of this dam will deprive Bangladesh of its share of international water. Millions of people are dependent on supply of the water from Borak river for fishing and agriculture. It will dry up Surma, Kushiara and any other linked rivers and canals in the area. The dam will seriously affect the agriculture in the winter. Then it will bring negative ecological impact to all the species".

About direct human suffering, Engr. Hussain says, "6 to 7% of population out of 150 million people will be affected and its chain effect will affect everyone in the country. When the market doesn't get production from their gardens, the price is going to be high and affect everyone."

The human suffering caused by the new dam is likely to cause more harm on the already strained relationship between Bangladesh and India . "This construction and controlling water will definitely generate bitter relationship with Bangladesh . There has been processions and Manab-bandhan in northern region" Engr Hussain said.

He mentioned that it's not just a Bangladesh issue but also for a sizable population in Mizoram and Manipur. "During construction, an estimated 275 square kilometers of land will be affected that is inside Mijoram. So 275 square kilometers is a huge area that will be submerged. So people will be affected inside [of India ]" he mentions.

Environmental Sociologist Dr. Saidul Islam, a faculty at the College of William and Mary in Virginia spoke on the ecological and social disasters to be caused by the Tipaimukh Dam. Dr. Islam identified the gradual death of some key rivers including Surma, Kushyara, and Meghna; weather change turning a wet cooler habitat into a hot uncomfortable cauldron; massive siltation; flood and salinity as the ecological costs of the Tipaimukh dam. The dam Will, according to Dr. Islam, "dry up Surma and Kushiara rivers in winter season, turn the north-eastern green fertile soil into dry waste land, and will disrupt irrigation, agriculture, drinking water supply, navigation etc." The dam Will destroy fisheries wildlife in numerous haors and low lying areas in the entire Sylhet division and some peripheral areas of Dhaka division. The social costs will be massive. "The social damage caused by the dam will be loss of employment and livelihoods, massive migration and planet of slums, food crisis and massive poverty, and a loss of up to $30 billion a year by Bangladesh." noted Dr. Islam. He also mentioned that the dam will be used a great tool for political control by India over Bangladesh .

Environmental Engineer and BUET Alumni Association officer Engr. A.N.S.M Ahsan Kabir discussed on the unavoidable effects on Bangladesh rivers and water bodies and its harmful impact on soil, weather and human health in the affected region. According to Engr. Kabir, affected river water will carry increased heavy metals such as Cadmium and Arsenic. Since these elements are potential carcinogens, there will be higher incidence of cancer cases in the affected regions.

So what's the solution? According to Engr. Hussain, " Bangladesh and India needs to have bilateral discussion so that interests of both the countries are preserved". All other speakers reiterated his point emphasizing more active role from Bangladesh government. Other crucial steps proposed by the presenters include massive social and environmental protests and awareness locally and globally, petitions, writing to different environmental forums including Greenpeace and Sierra Club, and potentially suing India in the International Court of Justice.     

Engr. Masud Rahman, Executive Director of BangladeshWatch , USA , presented an audit of the human rights situation in Bangladesh and talked on performance of current Government's first 100 days. According to Engr. Rahman "Barack Obama campaigned for change and before his hundred days in office we saw some positive changes in US policies. Current government of Bangladesh also invoked on changes and we are seeing changes in the negative direction. In democracy it's the duty of the winner and majority to protect the right of the opposition and minority but now in Bangladesh it looks like that loosing an election equals to loosing even the right to live." Engr. Rahman condemned the Bangladesh government's involvement in the post-poll violence, campus violence and closures, tit-for-tat politics, press harassment, extra-judicial killings and violation of international law. Into the three months of Awami League ruling, BangladeshWatch audit reports 62 deaths and 4258 injured in post-poll violence, 11 extrajudicial killings by RAB, and dozens of BDR members death in custody after the mutiny. The press harassment continues with 18 journalists injured, 5 threatened, 3 attacked and 4 assulted, numerous instances where publications of materials are being obstructed by authorities.  He cautioned the audience that 100 days is too early to judge a government, but there are valid reasons to be worried about since "morning shows the day".  The seminar ended with a question and answer session, followed by a note of thanks from Dr. Mohammed Abdul Munim, Executive Director of LongLiveBangladesh.

 

Regards,

Nayan Khan

 



Be smarter than spam. See how smart SpamGuard is at giving junk email the boot with the All-new Yahoo! Mail

__._,_.___


[* Moderator�s Note - CHOTTALA is a non-profit, non-religious, non-political and non-discriminatory organization.

* Disclaimer: Any posting to the CHOTTALA are the opinion of the author. Authors of the messages to the CHOTTALA are responsible for the accuracy of their information and the conformance of their material with applicable copyright and other laws. Many people will read your post, and it will be archived for a very long time. The act of posting to the CHOTTALA indicates the subscriber's agreement to accept the adjudications of the moderator]




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[chottala.com] Former US Ambassador Milam hints 2008 elections rigged



Candid viewpoints


by Shamsher M Chowdhury

 

New Age – May 26, 2009

 

AMBASSADOR William B Milam, or Bill Milam as he is popularly called, takes us on a journey in his book through the political evolution in Bangladesh and Pakistan in the period following their break-up as one country and the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state in 1971. Having served as the ambassador of the United States to both these countries, it would be fair to assume that Ambassador Milam would have had a ringside view to follow developments closely enough to reach the conclusions that he has in his book.

 

In the words of the author, the book is interspersed with several motifs. Religion is one, and understandably so since it was religion that was the basis for partitioning India after the British Raj ended in 1947. As a corollary to that, culture has been cited as the second motif and history is the third. A recurring motif is the relations of both of these countries with their giant neighbour India. A common element is the role of the military in the political developments in both of the countries.

 

In the case of Bangladesh, Milam believed that with the reintroduction of democratic political civilian-led government in early 1990s, the military had retreated to the barracks for good. He was less sure about that in the case of Pakistan. This was the main conclusion when the book was ready for print in early 2007. But events in Bangladesh in January 2007 forced him to change all that and the book needed rewording before it was finally published in 2009.

 

In the `Introduction' chapter, Milam blames the `poisonous, zero-sum' political culture of the major political forces in Bangladesh for creating the opportunity for a return of the military in January 2007, albeit, this time behind a civilian façade. In chapter 6 he details how this zero-sum game was played out in the fifteen-plus years of civil political rule since 1991, resulting in a violent and confrontational political culture where the only real losers were the very voters who had entrusted these very politicians with their fate.

 

In writing for the Pakistani English daily `Daily Times' on January 24, 2007, Ambassador Milam wondered whether the intervention in Bangladesh on January 11, 2007 would lead the country back from the brink or plunge it in the drink.

 

As we now see with hindsight, the solution, especially the introduction of a state of emergency and its gross misuse, only served to destroy the very political fabric of the country. Most commentators give the interim government a mixed scorecard. All agree it was powerless. The infamous, and abortive, `minus-two' formula and the highly politicised anti-corruption drive were its two most stark failures, not to mention the gross use of physical and mental torture on people under custody in violation of international conventions to which Bangladesh is signatory. They even made `reform' sound like a dirty word, almost synonymous with collaborating with the enemy. In an attempt to `cleanse' the society of corrupt government and political officials, this government launched the much touted `Truth and Accountability Commission' (referred to in the book). As events subsequently prove, this was not just a cruel joke; it was a corrupt concept that ran counter to the very fundamental of the country's constitution that all citizens are equal in the eyes of the law. Worse, it was an exercise in deception.

 

In the epilogue, Ambassador Milam characterises the publishing of a voter list with photos and the issuances of a national identity card as a remarkable achievement of the interim government. On the election day in December 2008, there appeared, inexplicably, a second voter's list, without photos whose authenticity is yet to be measured. As regards the national identity cards, fake and counterfeit ones are now increasingly available in the market!

 

Milam talks at length, and presents his assessments, of personalities whose very names define the political landscape of Bangladesh even long after their violent departure from the scene – Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman. Chapters 2 and 3 are dedicated to that, although Pakistan's Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto is mentioned in details in chapter 2, but only in the context of Pakistan.

 

 In the opening narration of chapter 2, Milam describes Sheikh Mujib and Bhutto as `flawed leaders' with limited intellect or ability to `…anticipate possible future events'… and they failed to `build upon promising democratic beginnings.' He says that they both assumed leadership in a `burst of expectation and optimism but were unable to cash in on the strong mandate they had to nurture and establish viable democracies.' He calls both of them `historical failures because there own flaws were important contributing factors to the demise of democracy on their watch' in their respective countries.

 

Talking about the beginning of Bangladesh's journey as an independent state following its victory in 1971, Milam mentions the inherent positives the country possessed: a surfeit of good feeling and enthusiasm and a sense of euphoria that helped the early developments like writing a constitution in a `remarkably short timeframe'. Despite the negatives like abject poverty and illiteracy, not to mention the wanton damage caused by the occupying Pakistani army during the period of the liberation war, Bangladesh, in the words of Milam, `was relatively fertile soil for democracy' that bestowed on Bangladesh a more advantageous beginning than many newly independent, developing countries. But then he talks of the `surfeit of corruption, venality, self-aggrandizement…' that quickly engulfed the country, exacerbated by the new government's mismanagement of the economic recovery and `overt favoritism towards its own partisans.' The author, then, says in the concluding paragraph on page 30: `The civilian regime took office with overwhelming support, but its hold on the loyalties of most Bangladeshis was dissipated after three years to a point that undemocratic alternatives became attractive as early as 1975.'

 

Ambassador Milam characterises Sheikh Mujib's period of governance as one from `Euphoria to Neuralgia'. Mujib is described as the undisputed leader of a new Bangladesh, who was faced with the daunting task of rebuilding a country shattered by the civil war, with a dysfunctional economy and crippled transportation system, severe law and order problems and a population displaced far and wide. As mentioned earlier, the author credits, rightly, the government of the day with framing a liberal, democratic constitution with an independent judiciary for the new country within a short time. But, as mentioned in the book, with increasing political and economic pressure, adherence to liberal constitutionalism and judicial independence broke down by the end of 1974.

 

In page 34, the author writes about Mujib sinking into `a bog of corruption and ineptitude'. He describes Mujib as a good example of charismatic leaders of independent movements who do not always possess the organisational skills or intellectual flexibility to lead successfully the country their charisma had brought about. The subsequent paragraphs goes into details how this charismatic leader seemed to be `woefully short' of the essential mental agility needed to mould the new country into a viable nation. Milam is particularly critical of the socialistic economic policy pursued by the Awami League government under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Large-scale nationalisation of both the manufacturing sector, especially the jute industry, and the service sector, banks and insurance was severely damaging.

 

The author calls the parliamentary elections of March 1973 as the `beginning of the end' for Mujib. Till then Sheikh Mujib and his party still enjoyed relative popularity but the accumulating problems had reduced its appeal. Hence the Awami League leaders `couldn't resist padding the result by blatantly and unnecessarily rigging the polls.' In the words of the author, this exacerbated what had already become `widespread and growing popular discontent with Mujib and the League.' Things indeed got worse by the reign of terror launched by the much-despised Jatiya Rakhi Bahini.

 

In the following paragraphs Milam writes how this sense of discontentment continued to grow into widening disillusionment. With the introduction of the one-party governance system (BAKSAL) by amending the constitution to a presidential one and thereby giving Sheikh Mujib more personal power, `as if lack of power were at the root of his problems, rather than bad policies combined with overt corruption and incompetence (page 37)… Bangladesh had been transformed from a democracy into a personal dictatorship by the man who led its independence movement (page 38).'

 

Milam completes his narrative on this charismatic leader by briefly describing the events of his violent and brutal death, and that of most of his family members, in the early morning of August 15, 1975. He says `popular esteem for Mujib had fallen so low by then that few lamented this brutal act, but its legacy continues to haunt Bangladeshi politics.'

 

Chapter 3 of the book is exclusively about Ziaur Rahman and his governance from 1975 to his `untimely' death in 1981; he calls this period `A short lived but fecund era' and he calls Zia's politics as one of `hope and transition'. The word fecund has been used here to mean `very productive, or creative intellectually'.

 

Talking of how Ziaur Rahman was thrust into the leadership in Bangladesh following the chaotic period caused by military attempts to govern following Sheikh Mujib's assassination in 1975, Milam states one of Zia's early acts after he became chief martial law administrator was to rescind Mujib's one-party system. As Zia slowly but surely consolidated his power and `enhanced his already widespread popularity', he set about travelling all over the country mingling with the common people in a `new and unprecedented form of politicking' spreading `offer of hope for a better future.'

 

Like other military rulers in South Asia, and elsewhere, before and after him, Zia `developed political ambitions and much of Bangladesh supported those aspirations as the first ray of optimism in their hard-scrabble lives.' Milam describes Ziaur Rahman becoming president in April 1977 as `a reflection of his immense popularity with the public.'

 

Milam talks at some length on `Zia's fledging democracy' and says President Zia's economic and social programmes `laid the basis of a far-reaching social revolution' which continued to build momentum, and no government, no matter how autocratic, `could have halted this revolution….' The economy was progressing and social development was approaching `take off'.

 

In page 61, Bill Milam talks of Zia's killing and says the `hope for democracy dies with him.' However, Milam is critical of Zia's inability as president to strengthen institutions that underpin a democratic system and he set in motion some trends that undermine it like `acquiescence to corruption as a way to buy off potential enemies…' and he had not `set up a mechanism for the automatic and peaceful transfer of power.'

 

In the closing parts of his narratives on this `extraordinarily popular' man, Ambassador Milam tries to fathom the `Enigma of Ziaur Rahman'. On the one hand he was a military leader, a national hero (he was the first to announce the formation of provisional government of Bangladesh from a radio station in Chittagong in March 1971, page 35), and yet one `who returned his country to civilian rule and to civilian dominated two-party electoral democracy' and `whether that was by design or default shall never be known.' One thing seemed clear to the author that Zia was `a pragmatic nationalist' and that was his main – maybe his only – principle. He used democratic processes to wield political power but doubts he believed in them. He used corruption to ensure loyalty but was incorruptible himself. He also discarded some of the important principles for which he had fought a bloody war of separation from Pakistan, to which Zia's response was a typical combination of pragmatism and political vision – a desire `to unite and integrate the entire population of Bangladesh into a national identity (page 67).' The iconic Nelson Mandela once said, it's not always about principles, it's how you use your position to face the bigger national challenge (my quote, as paraphrased).

 

Milam describes Zia's political legacy as a mixed one. Among his most positive bequests to the nation was the reintroduction of the multiparty political system that had `withered under Mujib …. And Zia restored stability to Bangladesh when it appeared to be on the path towards catastrophic and chaotic failure… More than stability, he seems to have brought hope back to a beleaguered population, as disillusioned as it was by the near anarchy that obtained in the final months of Mujib's democratic experiment.' But his political legacy involved an authoritarian system of almost personal rule. While this might be justified because of `his success in bringing the country back from the brink', it was liable to misuse by less scrupulous politicians. Milam describes Zia as also being honest and trustworthy. He says, `Zia laid the basis for durable and robust democracy that must develop if Bangladesh is to continue its progress as a leader in social development among both the Third World and the Muslim world.'

 

A telling tribute to Ziaur Rahman comes in page 69 of the book: `It's hard to imagine what would have happened to Bangladesh had Ziaur Rahman been assassinated in 1975 instead of 1981. A failed state on the model of Afghanistan or Liberia might well have resulted. Zia saved Bangladesh from that fate.'

 

Chapter 6 lists the destructive and destabilising nature of confrontational politics practiced by the two major political parties when they alternated in government and in opposition between 1991 and 2006. Governance worsened with each successive government and corruption and sycophancy gripped almost every organ of the state. They both failed to live up to the people's expectations.

 

But Bangladesh had a democracy to talk about and it was in transition. Besides, the social and economic indices were much better than countries in similar positions. There was very tangible success in the area of Primary and Secondary education and gender parity was achieved at the secondary level. Employment opportunities for women had overtaken even some developed countries.

 

In the context of Bangladeshi political leaders, Bill Milam in his book has implied that power, or more power, does not always help one to succeed in governing: people give you that power anyway when they repose their trust and faith in you. It's how you reward that trust with conviction and through your efforts to reach out to them, to touch them and respond to their ethos that makes the difference between success and failure.

 

Politicians and political leaders, present and of the future, of all hue and political observers would be well advised to read, and more importantly study, Ambassador Bill Milam's book. It's instructive and yet not prescriptive. Importantly, it is candid.

 

http://www.newagebd.com/2009/may/26/oped.html

 



__._,_.___


[* Moderator's Note - CHOTTALA is a non-profit, non-religious, non-political and non-discriminatory organization.

* Disclaimer: Any posting to the CHOTTALA are the opinion of the author. Authors of the messages to the CHOTTALA are responsible for the accuracy of their information and the conformance of their material with applicable copyright and other laws. Many people will read your post, and it will be archived for a very long time. The act of posting to the CHOTTALA indicates the subscriber's agreement to accept the adjudications of the moderator]




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___