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Monday, November 7, 2011

[chottala.com] Fw: Double PhD about Shamim Osman




Terrorist and Mafia Godfather Shamim Osman compares himself to Prophet Mohammed (pbuh)



কর্মীসভায় শামীম ওসমানের বক্তব্য


Recap- Interpol's wanted terrorist Shamim Osman attacks MP Kabori

20110620 NTV AL Sarah Begum Kabori About Samim Osman violence


Digital Shamim and analogue double PhD 



I read from some newspapers about Mr. Shamim Osman. It seems to me he is a gentleman and not a godfather. Maybe past times he made some mistakes but you should not always count people‚Äôs past. What he is now is more important. Majority people did not vote him that is different issue. A good people easily can defeat in election. But it is much more important to be a good human being rather than to be a big leader. Thanks and regards.

Dr. Md. Anisur RahmanDouble MSc, PhD
 

'হুমকি-ধমকি যদি কেউ দিয়ে থাকে, আমারে কইবেন। আপনাদের কিচ্ছু করতে হইব না। রাতের বেলায় ঘরে গিয়ে হুমকির জবাব দিয়ে আসব। কাউরে যাইতে হইব না। প্রতিটা বাড়িত বাড়িত গিয়ে আমি হুমকি দিয়া আসব। জবাব চামু। ভাই, হুমকি কেন দিচ্ছ? ওই কাজটা আমি ভালো পারি। শুধু পাঞ্জাবি বদলাইয়া জিনসের প্যান্টটা পরতে হইব। আর আমরা যদি জিগাইতে যাই, তাইলে শহরে কেউ থাকব না। আমরা সাচ্চা আওয়ামী লীগার। ক্ষমতায় এখনো আওয়ামী লীগ আছে। শেখ হাসিনা প্রধানমন্ত্রী, খালেদা জিয়া নাইক্কা। বদলাই হালামু সবকিছু উল্টাইয়া।'

'নেত্রী আমাকে বলেছেন, কসম আল্লাহর বলছি, উনি বলছেন আমারে যে, "আমি কারও কাছে এত কৃতজ্ঞ হইনি জীবনে, যেটুক কৃতজ্ঞ তুমি আমাকে করেছ", এক্কেবারে আইভীর সামনেই বলছে যে, "তুমি যে ধৈর্য দেখাইছ। আমি জানি, তুমি ১০ মিনিটের মধ্যে সকল ভোটকেন্দ্র দখল করতে পারতা। নির্বাচন বন্ধ করাইতে পারতা। বিএনপি বয়কট করার পর তোমার আর নির্বাচন করার কথা ছিল না। কারণ আমি দাঁড়াইলেও হয়তো বিএনপির দুই-একটা ভোট পাব। কিন্তু তুমি একটাও পাইবা না। তার পরও তুমি নির্বাচনে ছিলা ক্যান? যে নির্বাচনটা হোক। এত কিছুর পরও তুমি নির্বাচন করায় তোমার ইমেজ ভালো হয়েছে। আমারও ইমেজ ভালো হইছে, সারা পৃথিবীর কাছে আমি কইতে পারুম, দেখো, নির্বাচন ক্যামনে করতে হয় তা আমি দেখাই দিলাম।"


Desh-Bondhu,
'Desher Kotha Bolay'

Begin forwarded message:

From: Md Anisur Rahman <mdan_ra@yahoo.com>
Date: 2 November 2011 07:56:02 GMT
To: progressive-muslim@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [chottala.com] Re: [Progressive-Muslim] Re: [shonar-bangla] আইভীর জয়  শামীমের ভরù 4;ডুবি
Reply-To: chottala@yahoogroups.com

 
I read from some newspapers about Mr. Shamim Osman. It seems to me he is a gentleman and not a godfather. Maybe past times he made some mistakes but you should not always count people’s past. What he is now is more important. Majority people did not vote him that is different issue. A good people easily can defeat in election. But it is much more important to be a good human being rather than to be a big leader. Thanks and regards.

Dr. Md. Anisur Rahman, Double MSc, PhD
 


--- On Mon, 10/31/11, Mohiuddin Anwar <mohiuddin@netzero.net> wrote:

From: Mohiuddin Anwar <mohiuddin@netzero.net>
Subject: [Progressive-Muslim] Re: [shonar-bangla] &#2438;&#2439;&#2477;&#2496;&#2480; &#2460;&#2527; &#2486;&#2494;&#2478;&#2496;&#2478;&#2503;&#2480; &#2477;&#2480;&#249 4;&#2465;&#2497;&#2476;&#2495;
To: srbanunz@gmail.com, shahadathusaini@hotmail.com, shahadathossaini@yahoo.com, captchowdhury@yahoo.ca, guhasb@gmail.com
Cc: shonar-bangla@yahoogroups.com, awamileague@yahoogroups.com, khabor@yahoogroups.com, alochona@yahoogroups.com, tritiomatra@yahoogroups.com, bdstudents@yahoogroups.com, banglapolitics@yahoogroups.com, banglarnari@yahoogroups.com, bangla-vision@yahoogroups.com, bristi_namai@yahoogroups.com, chottala@yahoogroups.com, dahuk@yahoogroups.com, Diagnose@yahoogroups.com, FutureOfBangladesh@yahoogroups.com, joybanglanews@gmail.com, motamoth@yahoo.com, MuktoChinta@yahoogroups.com, mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com, notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com, odhora@yahoogroups.com, Ovimot@yahoogroups.com, progressive-muslim@yahoogroups.com, sa7rong@yahoogroups.com, shomudro@yahoogroups.com, shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com, SonarBangladesh@yahoogroups.com, uttorshuri@yahoogroups.com, vinnomot@yahoogroups.com, WideMinds@yahoogroups.com, Bangladesh-Zindabad@yahoogroups.com, tieup@yahoogroups.co.uk
Date: Monday, October 31, 2011, 12:54 PM

 
Sheikh Hasina's support for so called Godfathers still going strong. But for now she will rethink about  supporting them again. It was  Sheikh Hasina's sole decision to support the  well known Godfather. She could have resolved this issue . Everybody know that BNP/Jamat vote went to peoples candidate Dr. Ivy not to Awami nominee Godfather Shamim Osman.Netri refused nomination to winning candidate Dr. Ivy so she is not represented by ruling party nor claimes as an Awami Leaguer. She received support from all opposition supporteres., and she has to protect the interest of all political parties not only Awami Leagues..
Current Prime Minister did the same mistake like her father refused nomination to Ali Ahmed Chunka.
Netri now learned lesson ahd will act aqccordingly.
The milliion dollar question is if BNP nominee Taimus was in the race, who could have won the election ?
There is no definitive answerr to that question?
We have to wait and see what BNP and Awami League gained in N'Gong election, It's still early to say for sure who's the winner .
But government  showed us that it';s government decision to deploy any law enforcers be it Army or RAB or Police, it's not the decision of the Election Commission. EC has to work according to the wishe of the  government(Prime Minister).
 
 
--------- Original Message ----------
From: "Engr. Shafiq Bhuiyan" <srbanunz@gmail.com>
To: shonar-bangla@yahoogroups.com, awamileague@yahoogroups.com,  Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>, alochona@yahoogroups.com,  tritiomatra@yahoogroups.com, bdstudents@yahoogroups.com,  banglapolitics@yahoogroups.com, banglarnari@yahoogroups.com,  bangla-vision@yahoogroups.com, bristi_namai@yahoogroups.com,  chottala@yahoogroups.com, dahuk@yahoogroups.com, Diagnose@yahoogroups.com,  FutureOfBangladesh@yahoogroups.com, joybanglanews@gmail.com,  motamoth@yahoo.com, MuktoChinta@yahoogroups.com, mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com,  notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com, odhora@yahoogroups.com,  Ovimot@yahoogroups.com, progressive-muslim@yahoogroups.com,  sa7rong@yahoogroups.com, shomudro@yahoogroups.com,  shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com, SonarBangladesh@yahoogroups.com,  uttorshuri@yahoogroups.com, vinnomot@yahoogroups.com,  WideMinds@yahoogroups.com
Cc: "Bangladesh Zindabad yahoo.group" <Bangladesh-Zindabad@yahoogroups.com>, tieup@yahoogroups.co.uk
Subject: Re: [shonar-bangla] আইভীর জয় শামীমের ভরাডুবি
Date: Mon, 31 Oct 2011 10:01:32 +0400

Top two (in votes) Mayor candidates (Ivy & Shamim) are Awami Leaguer
Many Awami Leaguer Councillor also elected
  
On the other hand 
 
 
It was ultimate & utter political failure for of Jamat-BNP 
 
Both in short term and also in long term!!! 
 
 
  
Other than win of a Awami Leaguer as NCC Mayor and Councillor
   
There were many definitive political win of
Awami League, on many vital aspects
 
 
Like
 
 
 (1) Successful introduction and application of EVM,
 
(2) Proof of possibilty of fair & free & peaceful election
under the political government of Awami League
 
(Defeat of main govt blessed candidate)
 
(3) Fair & free & peaceful election is possible without Army
 
(Opposition BNP candidate, Adv. Toimur also admitted this)
 
(Virtually there were no serious or big incidents) 
 
So, it was definitive political win of Awami League
 
 
Mr. Taimur is another BOLI of Khaleda Zia like Major Hafiz:
 
From the very beginning of the NCC election process BNP nominated candidate Mr. Taimur repeatedly told to media that, he will remain and contest in NCC election, in all circumstances.
 
Only his death can prevent him from not contesting in NCC election.
 
This is sure; Mr. Toimur has not died physically by this forced decision of BNP and Khaleda (See the helpless crying picture of Toimur in front of media)
 
But he has died politically, like Major Hafiz (A BNP SONGSKAR BADEE Leader and who uttered bad (but facts) word against Khaleda in parliament of 1991-1996) that is why he is crying so helplessly!
 
His 4 opponents in local Narayangonj BNP politics are very very happy!
 
Another typical lie of Jamat-BNP:
 
It is proved again.
Politics of Jamat-BNP is full of lies!
 
From the very beginning of the NCC election process BNP nominated candidate Mr. Taimur repeatedly told to media that, he will remain and contest in NCC election, in all circumstances.
 
Only his death can prevent him from not contesting in NCC election.
 
BNP forces him to withdraw from the NCC election race for the following reasons:
 
¬∑         When they realized that BNP candidate would be in 3rd position, so they cannot gain anything politically, rather loss
¬∑         To defeat Awami league supported candidate, Mr. Shamim Osman, it will give some political gain to BNP
¬∑         To help rebel AL candidate Dr. Ivy to win easily, then Jamat-BNP will gain most - politically
 
 
But it was ultimate & utter political failure for of Jamat-BNP
 
 
Both in short term and also in long term!!!
 
 
 
 
 
On Mon, Oct 31, 2011 at 1:32 AM, Abdul Mannan Azad <mannanazad@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
আইভীর জয় শামীমের ভরাডুবি
Plz follow the link:
M.A.Mannan AZAD



--
"Sustha thakon, nirapade thakon ebong valo thakon"

Shuvechhante,

Shafiqur  Rahman Anu
Muscat, Sultanate of Oman


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[chottala.com] RE: [mukto-mona] RE: Shame for Hasina's refusal to Army Deployment



Under the leadership of Gen Shafiullah our beloved Army did the right thing by not interfering on 15th August action. Their silence proved that the entire  Army approve this change.I  want to congratulate Gen Shafiullah and other high ranking Army officials for their silence.
Althogh RAB was created by previous BNP administration to control crime, now Awami administration using this force to suppress opposition voices and serving as Rapid Awami Battalion.In absense of notorious JRB(Jatiyo Rokkhi Bahini) current Hasina admistration using RAB as Rokkhibahini.
Police became Petoa Bahini now instead of controling law and order situation, tyhis force is being used as Awami Protection Force. How long such injustice and msrule will be  tolerated by the people of Bangladesh  remains to be seen.
 

---------- Original Message ----------
From: GT International <gti82@hotmail.com>
To: <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>, <mohiuddin@netzero.net>, <manik195709@yahoo.com>, <alochona@yahoogroups.com>, <ovimot@yahoogroups.com>, <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com>, <chottala@yahoogroups.com>, <manik061624@yahoo.com>, <sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com>, <jnrsr53@yahoo.com>, <guhasb@gmail.com>, <shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com>, <dina30_khan@yahoo.com>, <farida_majid@hotmail.com>, <vinnomot@yahoo.com>, <akhtergolam@gmail.com>, <malamgir1@aol.com>, <faithcomilla@gmail.com>, <veirsmill@yahoo.com>, <mozumder@aol.com>, <eastside_peds@bellsouth.net>
Subject: RE: [mukto-mona] RE: Shame for Hasina's refusal to Army Deployment
Date: Mon, 7 Nov 2011 17:39:25 +0000

Radicals in Bangladesh will always play the dirty game of dividing the nation with hatered towards minority Hindus since they really do not have any better logic to score politically. Most of the people in Bangladesh hates JAMAT and its radical idealogy. Only a few like Mohiuddin Anwar are the diehard activists of JAMAT keep on playing this dirty game. Look at his lies one after another; Mohiuddin Anwar claims Sk. Hasina (current PM of BD) hates army and loves RAB (which he calls Awami Police) since RAB is doing an OUTSTANDING job in rooting out the JONGI BAD radicals from Bangladesh. Besides this RAB was actually created by the previous BNP govt (one good thing they have done though with ill intention to oppress political oppnents at the time; but RAB did not fall into that trap; they are rather doing a fantastic job going above petty politics). Now Mohiuddin Anwar claims Hasina created RAB!!! Should we laugh? yet another blatent Lie from him. This is what he is good at and this is what he doesn on this forum. This anti-India propaganda or anti-Hindu propaganda is just a cheap shot from JAMAT since it's inception; fortunately people knows it and that is why JAMAT never succeded. IN Bangladesh even in thier best years (when BNP was in power), they got about 3% vote and won 2/3 MP seats out of 300 members parliament. JAMAT will go to hell soon after trial of the killers of 1971; nation is awaiting to see the hanging of the top RAZAKAR MUJAHEDIN/SAYDEE/NIZAMI/KAMARUZZAMAN/KADER MOLLA/SAKA and Golam Azam gang. 

-M.R.Islam
 

 


To: mohiuddin@netzero.net; manik195709@yahoo.com; alochona@yahoogroups.com; ovimot@yahoogroups.com; shahadathussaini@hotmail.com; chottala@yahoogroups.com; manik061624@yahoo.com; sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com; islam1234@msn.com; jnrsr53@yahoo.com; guhasb@gmail.com; shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com; dina30_khan@yahoo.com; farida_majid@hotmail.com; vinnomot@yahoo.com; mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com; akhtergolam@gmail.com; malamgir1@aol.com; faithcomilla@gmail.com; veirsmill@yahoo.com; mozumder@aol.com; eastside_peds@bellsouth.net
From: islam1234@msn.com
Date: Thu, 3 Nov 2011 20:35:08 -0400
Subject: [mukto-mona] RE: Shame for Hasina's refusal to Army Deployment

 

From: islam1234@msn.com
To: mohiuddin@netzero.net
Subject: RE: Shame for Hasina's refusal to Army Deployment
Date: Thu, 3 Nov 2011 18:35:34 -0400
 
Pakistanis have finally come to their senses. They have Unilateraly granted India, The Most Favored Nation Status. Now, I am worndering, what the Bangladeshi Jihaadis have to say about India. Islamist groups and nationalists (BNP) made wonderful living on hatred of mostly Hindu India, always comlained that "trading with the enemy" was a concession to New Delhi that should be resisted by any means necessary. 
  
  
SaifDevdas
islam1234@msn.com


 

From: mohiuddin@netzero.net
Date: Thu, 3 Nov 2011 21:11:31 +0000
To: manik195709@yahoo.com; alochona@yahoogroups.com; ovimot@yahoogroups.com; shahadathussaini@hotmail.com; chottala@yahoogroups.com; manik061624@yahoo.com; sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com
CC: islam1234@msn.com; jnrsr53@yahoo.com; guhasb@gmail.com; shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com; dina30_khan@yahoo.com; farida_majid@hotmail.com; vinnomot@yahoo.com; mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: Shame for Hasina's refusal to Army Deployment

Dr. Manik,
 
Do you know if Bangladesh Army seeks permission to fight back Indian Forces Hasina will refuse to give permission.?
The reason is clear , the Army actively supported the overthrow of BKSAL regime created by current Prime MInisters father.
Since than Hasina hates our national army, thats why she loves RAB(Rapid Awami Battalion) and Awami Police.


---------- Original Message ----------
From: Muhammad Ali <manik195709@yahoo.com>
To: "alapon@yahoogroups.com" <alapon@yahoogroups.com>,  "alochona@yahoogroups.com" <alochona@yahoogroups.com>,  "awamileague@yahoogroups.com" <awamileague@yahoogroups.com>,  bangla vision <bangla-vision@yahoogroups.com>,  "Bangladesh-Zindabad@yahoogroups.com" <Bangladesh-Zindabad@yahoogroups.com>,  "BanglaPolitics@yahoogroups.com" <BanglaPolitics@yahoogroups.com>,  Banglar Nari <banglarnari@yahoogroups.com>,  "bdstudents@yahoogroups.com" <bdstudents@yahoogroups.com>,  "bristi_namai@yahoogroups.com" <bristi_namai@yahoogroups.com>,  "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>,  dahuk <dahuk@yahoogroups.com>,  "Diagnose@yahoogroups.com" <Diagnose@yahoogroups.com>,  "dina30_khan@yahoo.com" <dina30_khan@yahoo.com>,  "eastsidepc71@gmail.com" <eastsidepc71@gmail.com>,  "FutureOfBangladesh@yahoogroups.com" <FutureOfBangladesh@yahoogroups.com>,  "joybanglanews@gmail.com" <joybanglanews@gmail.com>,  "khabor@yahoogroups.com" <khabor@yahoogroups.com>,  "khalidhasan@hotmail.com" <khalidhasan@hotmail.com>,  Khondkar Saleque <khondkar.saleque@gmail.com>,  "meghna1900@yahoo.com" <meghna1900@yahoo.com>,  Mohiuddin Anwar <mohiuddin@netzero.net>,  "motamoth@yahoo.com" <motamoth@yahoo.com>,  "mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com" <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>,  "muktochinta@yahoogroups.com" <muktochinta@yahoogroups.com>,  Nabi bhai <nurunnabi@gmail.com>, Nayan Khan <udarakash08@yahoo.com>,  "nizam.nrb@gmail.com" <nizam.nrb@gmail.com>,  "notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com" <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>,  Nuruzzaman Manik <manik061624@yahoo.com>,  "odhora@yahoogroups.com" <odhora@yahoogroups.com>,  "Ovimot@yahoogroups.com" <Ovimot@yahoogroups.com>,  "progressive-muslim@yahoogroups.com" <progressive-muslim@yahoogroups.com>,  "sa7rong@yahoogroups.com" <sa7rong@yahoogroups.com>,  "sajjadur3@gmail.com" <sajjadur3@gmail.com>,  "sayfaldin@aol.com" <sayfaldin@aol.com>,  "serajurrahman@btinternet.com" <serajurrahman@btinternet.com>,  "shah.mahmood@navy.mil" <shah.mahmood@navy.mil>,  Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com>,  "shahanara.rahman@yahoo.com" <shahanara.rahman@yahoo.com>,  "Shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com" <Shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com>,  "shomudro@yahoogroups.com" <shomudro@yahoogroups.com>,  "shonar-bangla@yahoogroups.com" <shonar-bangla@yahoogroups.com>,  Sitangshu Guha <guhasb@gmail.com>,  "sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com" <sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com>,  "tieup@yahoogroups.co.uk" <tieup@yahoogroups.co.uk>,  "tritiomatra@yahoogroups.com" <tritiomatra@yahoogroups.com>,  "uttorshuri@yahoogroups.com" <uttorshuri@yahoogroups.com>,  vinnomot <vinnomot@yahoogroups.com>,  "WideMinds@yahoogroups.com" <WideMinds@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Shame for cricket !!!!
Date: Thu, 3 Nov 2011 14:03:22 -0700 (PDT)


Dear All,
 
Thanks Allah (SWT) that we are not part of Pakistan !
 

Butt gets 2 years 6 months in jail, Asif gets 1 year, Amir six months

Richard Sydenham at Southwark Crown Court
November 3, 2011
Text size: A | A
 Salman Butt heads to court on the day the verdicts were delivered, London, November 1, 2011
Salman Butt, his former team-mates and their agent have all been handed jail terms � Associated Press
 Enlarge
A London court has handed out jail terms to the three players and their agent found guilty in the spot-fixing case, drawing the curtains on one of cricket's most sordid and shameful sagas. Salman Butt, the former Pakistan captain, has been sentenced to two years and six months; Mohammad Asif has got a one-year jail sentence and his fellow fast bowler Mohammad Amir six months. Mazhar Majeed, the players' agent, has been sentenced to two years and eight months.
They will serve half the time in custody and then be released on licence, with conditions which, if broken, would see them back in detention for the remainder of their term.
The four men had been charged with conspiracy to accept corrupt payments, and conspiracy to cheat in regard to the Lord's Test against England in August 2010, when the three pre-determined no-balls were bowled - two by Amir and one by Asif, orchestrated by Butt and arranged by Majeed. While Amir and Majeed had pleaded guilty before the trial began, Butt and Asif denied the charges and were found guilty by a jury on Tuesday.
The sentences were handed down in Southwark Crown Court on Thursday morning - the 22nd day of the trial - by Justice Cooke, who prefaced the quantum of punishment with some stinging remarks on the four convicted men and a sobering reminder on the legacy of their actions on the sport itself. He also made clear to Majeed and Amir that their sentences had been reduced - from four years and nine months, respectively - because they had pleaded guilty, and told all the players that the bans imposed by the ICC had also had a mitigating effect.
The incarceration began immediately, with the players - who had all come to court with bags - driven away in prison vans after leaving a courtroom packed beyond capacity. Amir will not be sent to jail but to a young offenders' detention centre.
In the aftermath of the sentencing process, while TV crews hovered outside the courthouse, the one main area of debate was what would happen with regards to appeals. Butt's solicitor Paul Harris confirmed on the entrance steps of the courthouse that his team would be lodging an appeal "in the next 24 hours".
Amir's team met with the judge behind closed doors immediately, and grounds for appeal were rejected then, which is apparently normal practice as the sentencing judge is hardly going to admit his punishment was incorrect minutes after meting it out. They are, though, awaiting further clearance, probably in the next 24 hours, which will allow them to lodge an appeal.
Majeed and Asif's legal representatives are yet to announce appeal plans though these are expected soon. There is no suggestion that any of the quartet are seeking bail, while awaiting appeals.
The PCB called it a "sad day" for Pakistan cricket. "Instead of having pride in playing for their country, these players chose to disappoint their supporters, damage the image of their country and bring the noble game of cricket into disrepute. There is little sympathy in Pakistan for the sorry pass they have come to."
In Lahore, the families of the convicted players were stunned by the sentences. Amir's father said the Pakistan government should have helped his son. His brother Saleem said: "He is a kid, he can't understand things. These six months are a lot for a boy who is immature."
Butt's father Zulfiqar was more aggressive, saying his son was innocent. "Our own friends conspired against us," he said. "You can check our bank balance, we haven't even been able to build our own house."
The judge began the day's proceedings proceedings with his summation of the case of each of the four found guilty, reading out their sentences one at a time, and his initial words suggested jail terms for all four guilty.
"Now, when people look back at a surprising event in a game or a surprising result or ever in the future there are surprising results, followers of the game who have paid to watch cricket or who have watched cricket on TV will wonder whether there has been a fix or what they have watched was natural."
Cooke had harsh words for Butt, whom he called "the orchestrator of these matters...you had to be to make sure these two bowlers were bowling at the time of the fix." Butt's leadership status, he said, made him more culpable than his bowlers.
He specifically mentioned Butt's role in involving Amir in the corruption. "An 18 year old from a poverty stricken village background, very different to your own privileged one, who, whilst a very talented bowler, would be inclined to do what his senior players and particularly his captain told him, especially when told there was money in it for him and this was part of the common culture. For an impressionable youngster, not long in the team to stand out against the blandishments of his captain would have been hard."
To Asif he said: "Whilst no money was found in your possession, it's clear that you conspired to bowl a no-ball. There's no evidence on your part of prior fixing but it's hard to see that this could have been an isolated incident."
For Amir there was praise for accepting his guilt and a re-assertion of Butt's influence on Amir but a refusal to accept the basis of his plea, that his only involvement in spot fixing was at Lord's on August 26 and 27 and that he only became involved as a result of pressure and threats to his career.
In this regard he referred to evidence, in the shape of texts and telephone calls with a Pakistani number, of Amir's involvement in discussions about fixing brackets at The Oval during the period of the indictment, though there was no evidence that such fixing actually occurred. That discussion, Justice Cooke noted, did not relate to Majeed.
� ESPN EMEA Ltd.


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[chottala.com] HISTORIC SIX POINTS MOVEMENT AND OUR INDEPENDENCE -- PART ii



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Saturday, June 7, 2008
OP-ED

The historic six-point movement and its impact on the struggle for independence

THE historic Six-Point Demand or the Six-Point Formula has been widely credited as the "charter of freedom" in Bangladesh's struggle for self-determination from Pakistan's domination. Indeed, the six-point movement in 1966 was the turning point in our quest for independence. On June 7 in 1966 the Awami League called a countrywide hartal in the then East Pakistan to press home the six-point demands. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman along with many others was arrested. Since then 7th June is observed as the historic six-point day.
Notwithstanding the deliberate distortions of our political history over a period of almost thirty years, the fact remains that the six-point movement is a milestone in the history of our struggle for independence.
The six-point plan had envisaged a federal form of government based on the 1940 Lahore Resolution, a parliamentary system of government directly elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise, two separate currencies or two reserve banks for the two wings of Pakistan, and a para-military force for East Pakistan.
The spectacular success of the six-point movement in 1966 had prompted the ruling coterie of Pakistan to discredit the organisers of this movement. Although Ayub Khan's diabolical regime had used various brutal and punitive measures against the proponents, organisers and supporters of the six-point formula, the six-point anchored mass upsurge in 1966 had seriously impacted and conditioned the subsequent political developments in Pakistan.
The main purpose of this paper is to assess the significance and relevance of the historic six-point movement and its impact on Bangladesh's struggle for independence. Once the main contents of six-point formula are summarised, the nature, magnitude, and impact of the six-point movement can be appraised.
Reactions of the political leaders to the six-point plan and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's response
The mainstream political leaders of the opposition parties in Pakistan were not even willing to discuss the merits or demerits of the proposed six-point formula for ensuring greater provincial autonomy for the eastern province of Pakistan. In fact, no West Pakistani political leader (not even Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, the President of the then All-Pakistan Awami League) was willing to lend any support to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's clarion call for maximum provincial autonomy based on the proposed six-point formula.
It is also really appalling to recall that, even after the lapse of forty two years, the non-Awami League delegates from the then East Pakistan did not endorse the six-point demand in that historic conference in early February 1966. Like their West-Pakistani counterparts, East Pakistani political stalwarts had also smelled an element of "secession" or "disintegration" of Pakistan in the six-point formula. In fact, the six-point formula could not be pried out of the "subject-matter committee" of that so-called all-party conference.
Instead of endorsing or discussing the six-point formula, the self-declared champions of restoration of democracy in the then Pakistan had deliberately launched a vile propaganda campaign against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the chief sponsor and proponent of the six-point plan. Doubtless, the motivated propaganda was essentially characterised by blatant falsehoods, conjectures, distortions, and innuendoes. In fact, the six-point proposal received frontal attack even from the veteran Pakistani political stalwarts of most of the political parties at a time when they were clamouring for establishing pure democracy in Pakistan!
In her celebrated book, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration (The University Press, 1994, pp. 139-140), Dr. Rounaq Jahan succinctly summarised the hostile reactions of other political parties to the six-point formula: "The six-point demand not only split the Awami League but also made it difficult for the East Pakistan wing to form an alliance with any other West Pakistan-based party. The CML (Council Muslim League) decried the six points as a demand for confederation, not federation; the Jama'at-i-Islami branded it as a separatist design; the Nizam-i-Islam rejected it as a unilateral, dictatorial move on Mujib's part; and the NAP (National Awami Party) dismissed it on the grounds that it was parochial and did not include any measures to free East Pakistan from imperialists agents." Yet, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to be blackmailed or intimidated by the criticism of his six-point plan.
In an impromptu press conference in Lahore on February 10, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman argued, as noted by Talukder Maniruzzaman in a seminal essay in 1967: "The question of (provincial) autonomy appears to be more important after the war (between India and Pakistan in September, 1965). The time has come for making East Pakistan self-sufficient in all respects. He then enunciated a 'six-point charter of survival' program for East Pakistan (Talukder Maniruzzaman, National Integration and Political Development in Pakistan, Asian Survey, Vol. 7, No.12, 1967, pp. 876-885)."
In that press conference, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had clearly said that since the proposed six-point demand was not at all designed to harm the common people of West Pakistan, the question of demanding a genuine "provincial autonomy" for East Pakistan based on the six-point formula "should not be misconstrued or dismissed as provincialism." He pointed out that the 17-day war between Pakistan and India in September 1965 had made it crystal clear to the "East Pakistanis" that the defense of East Pakistan couldn't be contingent upon the mercy or courtesy of West Pakistan. He said that instead of relying on West Pakistan for its protection, East Pakistan -- a land located one thousand miles away -- should be made self-sufficient for defending itself from external aggression. He also made it abundantly clear that his six-point plan for "maximum" provincial autonomy reflected the long-standing demands of the people of East Pakistan. He also pointed out the uselessness and irrelevance of the All-Party Conference.
On his return to Dhaka on February 11, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman provided further clarification on his six-point formula in a press conference. He explained why he had disassociated himself from the All-Party conference in Lahore. He clearly stated that the delegates from East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) had rejected not only the proposals passed by the All-Party Conference but also severed all ties with the leaders of the so-called conference of the opposition parties. He said that it was not at all possible for him or his party to 'betray the genuine interests" of the aggrieved and deprived people of East Pakistan.
He emphasised that the immediate adoption and implementation of his six-point formula "will be conducive to foster durable relationship between the two provinces of Pakistan." In a press conference on February 14, 1966, he also repeated what he had uttered in his Lahore press conference: that the "the question of autonomy appears to be more important for East Pakistan after the 17-day war between Pakistan and India. The time is ripe for making East Pakistan self-sufficient in all respects."
Reaction of the then dictatorial regime to the six-point plan
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's demand for "maximum autonomy" based on his six-point formula seems to have shaken the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The six-point plan had exposed the fact that the real intention of Pakistan's ruling elite was to "strengthen" the central government, but not Pakistan. He repeatedly said in several public meetings that the people of Pakistan had always desired to have a "strong Pakistan," not a "strong central government."
However, the ruling coterie of Pakistan was not at all interested in dealing or negotiating with the Awami League on the issue of provincial autonomy even though Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had publicly stated that he was willing to negotiate his six-point plan with anyone in good faith, provided a meaningful autonomy was ensured for East Pakistan. The autocratic rulers of Pakistan started using repressive tactics to suppress the six-point movement. As noted by Dr. Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, "the Ayub regime's policy towards the six-point demand of the Awami League was one of total suppression. It showed once again that the regime failed to respond to the political demand (Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, Emergence of Bangladesh & Role of Awami League, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1982, p. 104)."
Immediately after the provincial autonomy plan based on the six-point formula was unveiled by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the Lahore conference of opposition political parties in early February, 1966, Ayub Khan was quick to denounce it as a separatist or secessionist move. Aimed at browbeating the dedicated champions of greater provincial autonomy, Ayub Khan had started discrediting both the message and the messenger of the six-point program. Appearing in the final session of the Pakistan (Convention) Muslim League in Dacca on March 21, 1966, fully attired in the army general's khaki uniform with full display of all of his regalia and medallions, the self-declared president of Pakistan had condemned the six-point plan in the harshest possible terms.
Characterising the six-point formula as a demand for "greater sovereign Bengal," he claimed that such a plan would put the "Bengali Muslims" under the domination of "caste Hindus" of West Bengal. He had compared the "prevailing situation" in Pakistan (as of March, 1966) with the volatile situation that had prevailed in the USA before the outbreak of a prolonged Civil War in the early 1860s. He said that the nation might have to face a "civil war" if such volatile situations were forced upon him by the "secessionists" and "destructionists."
He had even threatened the alleged "autonomists" and "secessionists" with "dire consequences" if they failed to shun the idea of provincial autonomy. Ayub Khan had also the audacity to threaten that the "language of weapons" would be ruthlessly employed for exterminating the "secessionist elements from Pakistan."
Monem Khan, the infamous governor of East Pakistan, had publicly stated that "as long as I remain as the governor of this province, I will see to it that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remains in chains." Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the flamboyant foreign minister of Pakistan, had openly challenged Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to a public debate at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka on the strengths and weaknesses of the proposed six-point formula. To the chagrin of the Ayub regime, Tajuddin Ahmed, the then number 2 leader in Awami League, took up the challenge on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Unfortunately, it was Z.A. Bhutto who did not show up!
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman launches the six-point movement
A fearless Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was quick to respond to such false accusations and vile threats. In a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan, he thundered: "No amount of naked threats can distract the deprived Bangalees from their demand for provincial autonomy based on their six-point plan." Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the greatest champion of Bangalees' rights for self-determination, along with top leaders of the Awami League, kept on addressing numerous public meetings in the nooks and corners of the then East Pakistan. The entire Awami League and the East Pakistan Students' League (EPSL), its student front, were geared toward mobilising and motivating the general masses in favour of self-government and autonomy.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had not only presented the bold proposal for "maximum autonomy" but also launched a mass movement (which he himself led till he was put in jail on May 9, 1966) for mobilising mass support for the six-point program. He invested all of his energies and resources in disseminating the fundamental message, and articulating both the rationale and the justification of "maximum autonomy" for East Pakistan.
However, before launching a full-fledged mass movement for realising his six-points, Sheikh Mujib had initiated some strategic intra-party measures. For example, the working committee of the party was restructured and revamped in the historic Council Session of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL), that was held on March 18-20, 1966. While Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmed were unanimously elected the president and general secretary, respectively, of the newly revamped Awami League, the proposed six-point program was also fully endorsed by the council session.
To the chagrin of Pakistan's ruling coterie, the six-point formula generated a great deal of enthusiasm among the people of the then East Pakistan. Indeed, the six-point movement had instantly garnered spontaneous mass support throughout East Pakistan. The entire nation was galvanised throughout February-March-April-May-June, 1966. As noted by Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman: "To say that this (six-point) program evoked tremendous enthusiasm among the people of East Bengal would be an understatement. Encouraged by overwhelming popular support, Sheikh Mujib convened a meeting of the AL Council (March 18-20, 1966) in which his program was unanimously approved and he was elected president of the (Awami League) party. With a phalanx of organisers from the Student's League, Sheikh Mujib then launched a vigorous campaign. For about three months (from mid-February to mid-May), the urban centers of East Bengal seemed to be in the grip of a 'mass revolution,' prompting the central government to arrest Sheikh Mujib and his chief lieutenants (Tajuddin Ahmed, Khandokar Mustaq Ahmed, Mansoor Ali, Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury, and others) under the (infamous) Defense of Pakistan Rules, and put down a complete general strike in Dacca (June 7, 1966) by killing 13 participating strikers (Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988. P. 25)."
Instead of dealing fairly with the legitimate grievances of the neglected eastern province of Pakistan, the power elite of Pakistan took a deliberate decision to suppress the Bangalees' quest for maximum provincial autonomy through the use of colonial types of repressive methods and procedures. Obviously, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the main target of various virulent forms of harassment, intimidation and fraudulent cases. The government intensified its policy of repression and persecution against him and his followers. For example, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was touring various districts in April 1966, he was repeatedly arrested in almost all important places on flimsy and fraudulent charges.
Dr. Anisuzzaman, a distinguished literary figure of Bangladesh, has summarised the nature of the repressive measures which Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had to confront and endure for starting and sustaining the historic six-point movement at a critical juncture of our history: "During that period (from the middle of February through May 9, 1966), there was hardly any place where Sheikh Mujib was not arrested (on false charges) for addressing public meetings to enlist mass support in favour of the six-point program. Today in Jessore, tomorrow in Khulna, day after tomorrow in Rajshahi, and on the following days in Sylhet, Mymensingh, and Chittagong. Once he was released on bail in one place, he rushed to another place. He had no time to waste. The only time wasted was in the process of posting bail for his release. Arrested again, and being released on bail once again, and then immediately move to another place to address the public meetings (Anisuzzaman, Bangabandhu in the Context of History, in Mreetoonjoyee Mujib--Immortal Mujib, Dhaka; Bangabandhu Parishad, 1995, pp.11-12)." The Daily Ittefaq, the most popular Bangla newspaper of the then eastern province of Pakistan, was shut down, its press was confiscated, and its editor, Tofazzal Hossain (Manik Mia), was put in jail. Yet, the repressive police forces could not halt the march of the six-point movement.
In his seminal assessment of the role of the Awami League in the political development of Pakistan, Dr. M. Rashiduzzaman summarised the significance of the six-point program: "The culmination of the Awami League demand for regional autonomy came in March 1966 when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman put forward his Six-Point Program. …… The impact of the six-point demand of the Awami League was felt far and wide. The central government (of Pakistan) dubbed it as a demand for the separation of the Eastern wing from the rest of the country, and launched a propaganda campaign which called for a strong central government and decried the autonomists. On June 7, 1966, there was a province-wide hartal (strike) in East Pakistan sponsored by the Awami League to press the demands embodied in the six-point program. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with several lieutenants, was again put into prison. (Sheikh Mujib was put in jail in early May, 1966). The government also blamed 'foreign interests' in the agitation led by the six-pointers -- After about a year, several East Pakistani civil servants and military officers were arrested on the charge that they had conspired to separate the East wing by violent means in collusion with India. Eventually, the so-called 'Agartala Conspiracy case' was initiated against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 31 others for alleged high treason (M. Rashiduzzaman,The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan, Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, July, 1970; pp. 574-587)."
The impact of the six-point movement
The imprisonment of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other top Awami Leaguers in 1966 could not diminish the mass support for the six-point demand, even though the intensity of the movement could be suppressed. The policy of suppression of all forms of political freedoms and dissenting voices had miserably failed to halt the march of the long-term effects and future implications of the six-point movement. In fact, the many forms of governmental repression and the use of police violence against the organisers and participants of the six-point movement had motivated the general population of the then East Pakistan to render their full support for the six-point formula.
The six-point movement had also far reaching effects on the subsequent political developments in the then Pakistan. As noted by Dr. M. Rashiduzzaman: "The entire weight of the party (the Awami League) was thrown in favour of the anti-Ayub movement, which spread throughout the country in the early months of 1969, and it is likely that the Awami League will play an even more active role in the future (M. Rashiduzzaman, The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan, Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, July, 1970; pp. 574-587)."
In fact, the success of the six-point movement had prompted the arrogant and debased Ayub Khan's dictatorial regime to falsely implicate him in the Agartala Conspiracy case. However, an anti-Ayub mass movement in late 1968 and early 1969 led to the withdrawal of the so-called the case and unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
About the impact of the six-point program on the 11-point charter of the 1969 student-mass movement, Dr. Rashiduzzaman observed: "For all practical purposes, the eleven-point student program was an expanded version of the Awami League's six- point demand for autonomy." The saliency of the six-point movement in the then Pakistan politics is more evident in the following concluding remarks of Dr. M. Rashiduzzaman: "The real strength of the Awami League is not its organisational skill but the growing popularity of its (Six-Point) program for regional autonomy with the 70 million Bengalis in East Pakistan. We have already noted that a popular movement started in East Pakistan following the announcement of Awami League's six-point program, and the changing pattern of Pakistan politics has eventually led to what is undeniably a separatist movement. Even the stringent repressive measures and centralised administration can't halt the process (of separatism). As the champion of the cause of regional autonomy, the future of the Awami League lies in its capacity to sustain and strengthen the movement (M. Rashiduzzaman,The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan, Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, July, 1970; pp. 574-587)."
Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman has noted the immediate impact of the governmental repressive measures during the six-point movement on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's popularity in the following words: "As one might have expected, Sheikh Mujib's arrest in 1966 only served to enhance his popularity to the point where he became the veritable symbol of Bengali nationalism (Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988, p. 23)." Dr. Rounaq Jahan underscored the following impacts of the six-point movement: "In the spring of 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman launched his now famous six-point movement. The six-point demand -- especially attractive to the Bengali nationalist bourgeoisie -- was, to date, the most radical demand for East Pakistani autonomy. The six-point movement evoked widespread enthusiasm in East Pakistan. Mass meetings and rallies held throughout the province by the East Pakistan Awami League helped to rejuvenate the moribund party organisation and the Awami-affiliated student party, the East Pakistan Student's League (EPSL). Predictably, the six-point movement broadened the Awami League's base of support in East Pakistan at the cost of West Pakistani support (Rounaq Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration , The University Press, 1994, p.139)."
Dr. M.B. Nair concludes his authoritative book, Politics in Bangladesh: A Study of Awami League:1949-58, (New Delhi, Northern Book Center, 1990, p. 257) with the following observations about the far reaching effects of the six-point movement: "However, in 1964 when political activities on party basis were permitted, the Awami League (AL) emerged from its seclusion and reorganised itself, so that in 1966 it (AL) was able to give a concrete shape to its long-standing demand for regional autonomy in the form of "Six-Point Program," which subsequently was the harbinger of the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign state in 1971."
There were also more senior political leaders in other parties, including Maulana Bhasani, the founder of the Awami League, who vocally demanded provincial autonomy for East Pakistan. Being disgusted with West Pakistan's colonial domination and exploitation of East Pakistan, Maulana Bhasani had uttered more than once "goodbye to West Pakistan" -- at least a decade earlier than the historic six-point movement. In fact, Maulana Bhasani was never willing to compromise on the issue of full provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan. However, it was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's fearlessness and relentlessness that gave a more concrete shape to the autonomy movement in the then East Pakistan.
Concluding remarks
It is also fair to suggest that the six-point movement was the precursor of the following momentous events: the removal of the infamous Provincial Governor Monem Khan, the sudden collapse of Ayub Khan's dictatorship and the rise of Yahya Khan's diabolical regime, the General Elections in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise, the landslide victory of the Awami League in the general elections, the spectacular rise of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the sole spokesperson of the Bengali speaking people of the then Pakistan, the nine-month long liberation war in 1971 under the leadership of the Awami League, and finally the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation-state on December 16, 1971. Doubtless, these tumultuous events were milestones in the history of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence, and the name of the common thread that had firmly connected these milestones was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
There is no doubt that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would have remained a top Awami League leader even in the absence of a bold provincial autonomy plan in the form of the six-point formula. Had there been no six-point movement in 1966, there is every doubt that the Agartala Conspiracy case would have been hatched against Sheikh Mujib at that particular time. Had there been no Agartala Conspiracy case, the student-mass movement of 1969 may not have taken place. Thus, the six-point movement, Agartala Conspiracy case, and the 1969 student-mass movement had provided the much-needed ground and context for the emergence of Sheikh Mujib as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal).
Subsequently, the people of the then eastern province of Pakistan had vested their full trust in their Bangabandhu in the general elections of 1970, that made this extraordinary man their legitimate sole spokesperson and undisputed leader. Indeed, it was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed leader of his people, who had spearheaded Bangladesh's struggle for full-blown independence. The timing, first for framing and articulating the six-point formula, and then launching and sustaining a nationalistic movement for realising the goals of six-point formula, was crucially important. The economic and political demands, as stipulated and enumerated in the historic six-point formula, were the frontal assault on the foundation of Pakistan's colonial and authoritarian modes of governance.
Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman Manik writes from Clarksville, Tennessee, USA where he is a Professor and the Chair of the Department of Public Management at Austin Peay State University.

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