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Monday, October 15, 2007

[chottala.com] New insurgent weapon a nightmare for U.S. troops in Iraq

US Troops' Recurring Nightmare in Iraq

By DARRIN MORTENSON/BABIL PROVINCE Mon Oct 15, 4:50 AM ET

In southern Iraq, where U.S. troops and the remnants of the multinational coalition wage a low-intensity war against militant factions themselves at war with each other, soldiers say one of the enemy's weapons has blown their confidence more than all the others. So called EFPs, or Explosively Formed Penetrators, have become the weapon du jour among the Shi'ite fighters. The devices cap a tube or pipe full of explosives with a solid copper disk that, due to the force and heat of the blast, transforms itself into an armor-piercing slug. EFPs can destroy Humvees and disable even the Abrams tank. U.S. officials insist the weapons are made or at least designed in Iran but have so far failed to produce a direct link. And while EFPs are only a small fraction of the bombs used by opponents of the U.S., news reports say that they caused 23 of the 69 U.S. fatalities in the month of July. To the soldiers who face the threat on a daily basis here, it doesn't really matter whether EFPs come from Iran or are made in Iraq. They just hope and pray they can find them and disarm them before they explode.

That tension was evident on a U.S. patrol this week to a remote outpost in Babil Province, which strides a sectarian fault line between Sunni central Iraq and the Shi'ite south. On their way to an area infested with Sunni fighters loyal to al-Qaeda, U.S. soldiers had to pass through a sector heavily influenced by the Jaish al Mahdi, the militia headed by radical Shia cleric Moqtada al Sadr, whose fighters have used many EFPs against U.S. troops with devastating effect. The Americans said they almost preferred al-Qaeda territory. "I don't think you'll find a guy out here who'll be scared to take these dudes on with a rifle," says Sgt. Jason Fagan, 28, a former Arkansas deputy sheriff who rode as truck commander riding shotgun. "Every EFP that goes off kills something like two-point-five soldiers," Fagan says in a thick drawl. "That's the only thing I'm really afraid of out here."

With only a month to go on their 13-month tour, the Alaska-based paratroopers didn't take chances. They arrived here a year ago and already four members of their 1st Battalion, 501st Parachute Infantry Regiment, have been killed by EFPs. Pulling up on a checkpoint manned by a half-dozen new members of a local citizen militia organized by local sheiks and supported by the U.S. military, Fagan's gunner spotted a suspicious-looking object alongside the road: a half-empty Gatorade bottle with a wooden stake stuck through it.

"Looks like some sort of marking device. See it? Right there, where that trail comes out?" said Sgt. Lewis Elvis, the gunner. All the vehicles halted in the road. Radios squawked and screeched. Iraqi recruits ran up from their post wearing orange armbands and totting short-stocked AK-47s. The Iraqis would secure it and check it once the American convoy rolled on. "It just looked a little weird," the gunner said on the intra-vehicle radio from his turret. "Better safe than sorry," he said.

No one hassled him for being over-cautious. As they rolled on, they continued scouring the path for anything else out of the norm. Their commanders have used discretionary funds to hire local workers to clear the brush back 10 meters or so from the road. They say it's cheaper than a life. Back at their base, they have a display of an EFP in the hallway to the chow hall that soldiers must pass three times a day. The command post walls are lined with photos of bombs the battalion has discovered and the damage they can do to their vehicles when they don't.

"They can hide that thing [an EFP] in a freakin peanut butter jar and toss it in the dirt. It don't matter how big it is," says Fagan as his convoy inched forward. "Its just molten copper ripping through these Humvees," says Sgt. Matthew Stankan, 22, the driver. "It goes in one side and out the other and takes everything in between with it." Elvis, the gunner, still seemed a little insecure about stopping the entire convoy's progress to investigate a Gatorade bottle. He spoke quietly into his headset mic. "The colonel hit it right on the head when he said that those things are 'demoralizing,'" he says. "Damn straight. Ain't nothing you can do."

In Iraq, the Troops' Recurring Nightmare
TIME - 14 hours ago
To the soldiers who face the threat on a daily basis here, it doesn't really matter whether EFPs come from Iran or are made in Iraq. ...
 
The moment that Brown knew his chance had
Times Online, UK - Oct 8, 2007
Between now and then he may have a recurring nightmare – what if he had still gone ahead and announced an election tomorrow? He could have gone down as the ...
In Iraq, the Troops' Recurring Nightmare
TIME - 14 hours ago
To the soldiers who face the threat on a daily basis here, it doesn't really matter whether EFPs come from Iran or are made in Iraq. ...
 
The moment that Brown knew his chance had
Times Online, UK - Oct 8, 2007
Between now and then he may have a recurring nightmare – what if he had still gone ahead and announced an election tomorrow? He could have gone down as the ...
 

Full Coverage: Iraq

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[chottala.com] Bangladesh’s Sleeping Frankenstein By Dr Ayesha Siddiqa

Bangladesh's Sleeping Frankenstein

By Dr Ayesha Siddiqa

 

Allowing the military to interfere in politics and play the role of a socio-political arbiter by bringing it in to control the streets is a risky approach

Recently, the Bangladeshi military was called out into the streets to control the pre-election political mayhem. The country's political elite see this as a benign use of the armed forces in support of civilian authorities, which might not necessarily whet the military's appetite for greater power and authority. The Bangladeshis proudly flaunt their national experience of pushing the 'men on horseback' back into the barracks. However, the recent deployment of the troops to control violence prior to the elections in January is part of a flawed strategy which will surely strengthen the armed forces versus the civilian players and the civil society at large.

The present-day Bangladeshi political analysts tend to take the military's formal withdrawal from politics as a fixed variable in the country's politics. The 'argumentative' Bengalis, it is believed, are far too strong to encourage the army to take over politics. A similar belief exists in relation to the influence of the religious right in the country. Bangladeshi society is far too liberal to allow the Jamaat-i-Islami and other religious parties to take over the society.

The military had originally taken over power in 1975 after the assassination of Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman. The army leadership, which was unhappy with Mujeeb's policies and fearful that he might actually be trying to replace the standing army with a people's army, was happy to get rid of him. The concept of a national army was discussed at the Formation Commander's Conference held at the Bangladesh Forces Headquarters on January 02, 1972, in which the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces discussed the Prime Minister's directions to the Army GHQ to form a national militia. The idea was to have a people's army as a 2nd line of defence to support a small standing military. The plans, however, were never implemented, mainly because, as claimed by Maj. General (retd) Shafeeullah, Mujeeb tended to leave defence issues to the military. Moreover, the founding father was too busy consolidating his power, which he took for granted, to take the military too seriously.

The military, which took over power in 1975, was ridden with internal divisions, mainly between the freedom fighters and the repatriated personnel. Out of the 55,000 personnel, 28,000 were repatriated from Pakistan (including 1100 officers). These personnel had not gone through the experience of the liberation war and had a different mindset from the freedom fighters who were part of the Mukti Bahni.

General Zia-ur-Rehman, who took over in 1975, had nothing in common with the leftist party Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD), which was more popular amongst the freedom fighters and one of the key players behind the political turbulence surrounding Mujeeb's violent death. However, JSD was not necessarily behind the founding father's assassination. Mujeeb's death allowed the officer cadre, most of which was trained in West Pakistan, to consolidate power. The prominent Bangladeshi political analyst Talukder Maniruzzaman was of the view that the repatriated officers in particular were looking for an officer such as Zia-ur-Rehman who could take over the army and the country and thwart the efforts of the JSD — a party which was unhappy with Sheikh Mujeeb's rule and his controversial policies such as using military force against the Naxilites.

The military takeover transformed the armed forces into a serious political player and further changed the course of the country's politics. Zia-ur-Rehman used fascist tactics such as flirting with the religious right to gain greater popularity. This was the period during which the Jamaat-i-Islami was brought back into Bangladeshi politics.

Zia-ur-Rehman was assassinated in 1981 and replaced by General Ershad, who ruled Bangladesh until 1990. Ershad is responsible for giving a corporate character to the military through encouraging its political and financial autonomy. Measures such as the building of the military's welfare foundation, the Sena Kalyan Sangstha, and encouraging its profit-making ventures were meant to bolster the armed forces financial autonomy. The foundation was a legacy of the Fauji Foundation from the days of united Pakistan.

The 'argumentative' Bengalis, however, pushed the military back in 1990. Ershad was forced to resign after a popular political uprising. Since then, the Bangladeshi military appears to be firmly under the control of the civilian governments. The three branches of the armed forces, army, navy and air force, and the intelligence agencies are controlled by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO), which is currently the central controlling nerve of the armed forces, and comprises of a Principal Staff Officer (of the rank of a Major General) and the Armed Forces Division (AFD) representing the three services of the military. Besides the PSO and the AFD, the PMO also controls the National Security Intelligence (NSI), which is the primary intelligence organisation of the state. The other intelligence establishment, the Directorate-General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) is controlled by the Ministry of Defence (MoD). Since the prime minister is also the defence minister, the office-bearer by default comes under the PMO.
 
After 1996, successive prime ministers have also strengthened their control over the military through keeping the MoD weak and boosting the power of the PMO instead. The MoD is confined to mundane routine affairs such vas pay and pension, retirement, and other budgetary issues. Moreover, it is responsible for related departments such as the Survey of Bangladesh, Military Electricity Supply (MES) and the Meteorological Department.

This administrative arrangement gives Bangladeshi analysts their confidence regarding the military's impotence to take over the reigns of the government again. However, the fact is that the political class entered into an informal and unwritten arrangement with the armed forces whereby the military agreed to push back into the barracks in return for the protection of its fundamental corporate interests. Therefore, over the years, successive political governments have not reduced the defence budget, have upheld the primacy of the threat from India, periodically acquired major weapon systems to 'keep the boys happy', and allowed the armed forces to pursue their money-making and profit-making activities.

Although both the Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party governments have kept the defence budget sustained at higher level, the main source of the Bangladeshi military's income is UN peace-keeping missions. According to one estimate, about 40,000 troops have served on the UN peace-keeping mission duties and there are about 11,000 troops serving on such missions at a given time. Furthermore, the armed forces' welfare foundation is now in the hotel business, with stakes in the Raddison Hotel in Dhaka. Besides, the Sena Kalyan Sangstha runs a flour mill, an ice cream factory, a hosiery mill, a fabric manufacturing factory, a textile factory, a CNG project, bread and confectionary factory, an electricity products manufacturing unit, a television manufacturing plant, and has stakes in real estate.

The military's presence in business is increasing gradually and seems to have undergone growth as a result of the flow of capital due to the UN peace-keeping missions. Part of the earnings from the UN peace-keeping missions are diverted towards the projects of the welfare foundation.

Some observers believe that as long as the military gets its extra funds from the UN peace-keeping missions, the institution will not be tempted to look inside the country for additional resources. No one in Bangladesh seems to consider the impact of allowing the military to penetrate the corporate sector. Not much thought is given to what will happen if the earnings from the UN dry up.

The financial autonomy goes hand in hand with the growing social significance of the armed forces. Even the seemingly ideologically more progressive parties such as the AL have allowed the military both direct and indirect penetration in politics and the economy. The direct infiltration pertains to giving the military control of certain institutions such as the Khulna Shipyard the Machine Tool Factory in the name of greater discipline and efficiency. The indirect penetration takes the form of greater number of retired military personnel joining political parties and running for parliamentary elections and being absorbed into the private sector. Such measures bolster the military's overall influence. According to a Bangladeshi security and political analyst, Abdul Rob Khan, both political parties try to placate the armed forces through giving it and its retired members a greater role institutionally.

Against this backdrop, allowing the military to interfere in politics and play the role of a socio-political arbiter by bringing it in to control the streets is a risky approach. While the military might not opt to take over power again, it would certainly gain greater strength in negotiating a better power arrangement vis-ą-vis the civilian players. Giving a military the policing role, in any case, is always risky. A combination of increased policing and economic role becomes a lethal combination.

 
The views expressed herein are the writers' own and do not reflect those of DesPardes.com
Also Read:
Dr Ayesha Siddiqa leaves Pakistan


Rauf Klasra

LONDON: Renowned scholar Dr Ayesha Siddiqa secretly reached London on Wednesday after she "received a message that a charge sheet is being prepared to put her on trial" for writing a book against the Pakistani military establishment.

Dr Ayesha, whose recently launched book, "Military Inc", created a stir in Pakistan, was scheduled to reach London on June 13. However, she abruptly got out of the country after the messengers told her that she might be put on trial soon.

Before leaving Pakistan, Dr Ayesha also received a legal notice from a retired general, demanding Rs 1 billion as damages for exposing his alleged acts of omission and commission in her book.

She was informed by some of her close family friends that her life was in a danger and she should be very careful. "I left Pakistan quietly as certain messengers were sent to my house to inform me about government's intentions to prepare a charge-sheet," Dr Siddiqa told The New here.

She said she believed that the messengers, who were personally known to her, were sent because the authorities concerned were annoyed at her work on the political and economic might and role of the military establishment.

Dr Ayesha said she had planned to visit London in the second week of June to attend her book's launching ceremony here on June 13. But, after receiving these messages she decided to leave for London quite early, she said, adding that after receiving these messages, her husband was frightened about her safety in Pakistan.

http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=8355

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The new book Military Inc. by Dr. Ayesha Siddiqua) has been published in Pakistan that digs into the vast and expansive empire that the Pakistani Military has set up in Pakistan over the past 6 decades.

The military of Pakistan long ago ceased to be an instrument of the civil government to defend national security and borders. As early as the first military martial law in Pakistan, it sought to take direct power in its own hands, and since then has only attempted to further extend its grip on not just the political power, but has also reached out to consolidate its control over major economic institutions and even judiciary.

I received an email several years ago that listed the number of major Pakistani institutions that were either owned by the military or were now under direct control of the military. The list was eye opening, and frightening. Majors, Colonels, Brigadiers and Admirals (current or retired) were scattered all over the map and held positions that they simply could not have held by sheer merit. The list of industries where military or ex-military were in charge included steel mills, sugar factories, cement factories, fertilizer factories, cereal factories, banks, logistics companies, construction companies, utilities, even universities and other higher education institutions.


Here are some notes from a decent review of her book:

The author is a well-known strategic affairs analyst. The central argument of her book is that `Milbus' (combining the words military and business) perpetuates the military's political predatory style. Its good health is dependent on the military's influence over state and society. In other words, profit is directly proportionate to power. And, that this is both a cause and effect of a non-democratic political system.

Ms. Siddiqa defines `Milbus' as military capital used for the personal benefit of the military fraternity. It refers to all activities that transfer resources from the state to an individual or a group within the military. These activities do not figure in the defence budget nor are they subject to the normal accountability procedures of the state. They are either directly controlled by the military or enjoy its implicit or explicit patronage.

The beneficiaries are primarily officers, both serving and retired, but the author says the `Milbus' harvest is reaped by a wider circle of civilian businessmen and politicians who have decided in their own interests to play the game. And in this, says Ms. Siddiqa, lies the key to Pakistan's story of repeated military rule. Civilian `clients' are bound in predatory partnerships with the military, in turn strengthening it institutionally and increasing its appetite for power and profit.

In Pakistan, `Milbus' is present in all three sectors: agriculture, manufacturing, and services. And it operates at three levels: as an institution, through its subsidiaries, and through individuals.

At the level of the individual, the military provides several benefits to its personnel. The boys always find jobs after retirement. The Musharraf regime has placed between 4,000-5,000 military officers through a system of preferential appointments.

But the biggest and the most visible perk is the rural and urban land given out to serving and retired officers. They also get subsidies and other benefits to develop the land. The estimated worth of the legally acquired assets of Pakistan's generals, says Ms. Siddiqa, is in the range of $ 2.59 million-$ 6.9 million, based primarily on the value of rural and urban properties of these new land barons. The Pakistan military, as a single group, owns more land than any other institution or group, amounting to about 12 per cent of total state land. And unlike other state institutions, the military can convert this land for private usage.

Of the 11.58 million acres of land under its control, more than half is owned by individual members of the armed forces, mainly officers. Ms. Siddiqa argues that the "monopolisation" of land by the armed forces is aimed not just at increasing the financial worth of individuals or groups within the army, but also to increase its social and political worth. "The military owes it authority to change the usage of land to its phenomenal political clout. The land redistribution policy has an impact on the relationship between the powerful ruling elite in the country — of which the military is a part — and the masses."

 

 
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[chottala.com] Eid and Sharodiya Puja Greetings for all

http://article.wn.com/link/WNAT4eea858440f6680a7caf53f897ce79d4?source=upge&template=cheetah-article/displayarticle.txt
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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[chottala.com] Re: How General Moeen U Ahmed earns over 66 lakh taka in one year?

Hello,

Why do you think that 99 lakh is a huge amount of money for someone
like General Moeen U Ahmed?

Let me give you some examples of where General Moeen U Ahmed can earn
this amount of money.

#1. As a General he also gets compensated from United Nations when
his country (Bangladesh) sends army to the UN peacekeeping troops.
Please try to find out how much it is (you will be surprised).

#2. During training and other posting to any other foreign countries
army officers also get compensated in USA dollars apart from their
salaries. All these years General Moeen U Ahmed must have attended
multiple trainings, joint army session, etc.

I worked for UN for little over a year and I have few friends who are
still in the UN. Moreover, I have been working in USA for about 10
years now as an enterprise architect.

I should say you guys actually do not have any idea about what kind
of money CEOs an other high officials are making theses days ..


I do not want any comments ..........please. Thank you.

Alim Sharif
IT- Enterprise Architect
FL, USA.


--- In chottala@yahoogroups.com, "Dr. Jamir Chowdhury"
<americamyland@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Mr. Sheikh, I agree with you. However, do we have any right to
ask the
> source of his refunds? Thanks.
>
> On 10/14/07, sheikh hasnain <majshamim2004@...> wrote:
> >
> > Dear All
> > Please do not blame General Moeen U Ahmed.It is our
jealousy
> > out which we are writing this sort of thing in this web
site.General Moeen
> > is not a thief like our politicians,who has taken our country to
a point of
> > no return.Without knowing the thing please do not publish such
information
> > against an honest man like General Moin.If you have any doubt
about his
> > integrity,you may write to him personally without any fear(to
reason it out)
> > He would not have taken loan,if he is dishonest. A Chief of Staff
can
> > mange any time any amount of money illegally,if he desires and
> > dishonest.It does not need any time.Or who is in power in the
govt.Hedeals with millions each
> > week.Please do not pull the legs of an honest man who is trying
to make a
> > corruption free Bangladesh.
> > I am not a military man, but I have lot of studies on South East
Asian
> > Armies and their structures By virtue of his position he
becomes the
> > chairman of couple of organizations like Sena Kalan Sangsta,Trust
Bank,Some
> > time Sports Federations,Golf clubs,some times public banks even
and BCIC
> > etc.It is not the wish of General Moin to become the Chairman.It
is the
> > desire of any government.
> > For your kind information many dishonest officers had lost their
jobs just
> > after the appointment was taken by Gen Moin.So do you think that
a
> > dishonest man is dare enough to do this? Never.
> > Do you have any statistics about the army officers/Generals who
has lost
> > their jobs in Bangladesh for corruption so far? Well, it is not
publicly
> > informed as it is related to the national interest and image of
the country
> > to the outside world.An officer who is dismissed he can never use
the
> > rank(general,major,Colonel etc) before his name. He is not given
any pension
> > as well.
> > After your information I have checked that Mr Iqbal was the MD of
Trust
> > Bank before General Moin become the Chief.It is not decided by
him that
> > who should be the MD of trust Bank.For your further information
Trust Bank
> > recruited a qualified and expert MD before who had stolen huge
money and
> > disappeared. Still the case is going with the civil court.
> > Getting commission in Any Army is not that easy.First he must be
an honest
> > man later he becomes a leader.A lot of struggle and hard work is
> > needed.You may go to the web page of Bangladesh Army, where you
may find
> > the Chief of Army staff's life.In one day suddenly he has not
become the
> > Chief.He is a tested honest man as before giving the appointment
he was
> > tested from various angels by various agencies.
> > You and I do not know the source of 66 lakh.He may sell some other
> > property or he may borrow from some body and pay it to avoid
interests in
> > the bank.
> > My request without sufficient evidence please do not put Gen Moin
with
> > other corrupted personnel of our country.It is beneath dignity and
> > indecent in nature.
> > Shamim Hasnain
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------
> > Check out
> >
<http://us.rd.yahoo.com/evt=51201/*http://autos.yahoo.com/new_cars.htm
l;_ylc=X3oDMTE5NWVzZGVyBF9TAzk3MTA3MDc2BHNlYwNtYWlsdGFncwRzbGsDYXV0b3M
tbmV3Y2Fy%0A>the
> > hottest 2008 models today at Yahoo! Autos.
> >
> >
> >
>


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[chottala.com] Korma Biriani, Logi Baitha.

Dear Moderator,
 
Mohammad Farid Hossain <farid2002hossain@ hotmail.com> wrote:
My hats off to CTG for their courage to keep the two big Begums behind the bar. How can somebody forget the days before 1/11?
How can people forget the 'people' being killed by logi baita in pure daylight infront of hundred others? Where was your (the chamchas of BNP and AL) heart and brain.  Still you support those pecple who were untouchables for last thirty years. Now is the time .
'Jago Bangladesh....
.......Mohammad Farid Hossain  
 
Your so called CTG has done nothing that will ensure that logi baitha will not come again....mahathir of bd 
 
God forbids your leader of logi baitha should not come again. Hope and pray your forecast should not come true. Please, please, please don't try to bring them again. People of Bangladesh are still very much afraid of these two Begums.
 
Your CTG is also making the two ladies more powerful by their  wrong way of working and poor performance in every sector, price spiral, law order, remittance, labor export, investment, job creation,  and what not. You  slept people ,who want to wake up now, don't see the ultimate result of your CTG....mahathir of bd.
 
 By keeping the people of Bangladesh in sleep your leader Begum Khaleda Zia and others have eaten enough 'Korma Biriani'. People of Bangladesh have awaken and now understand them very well but a bit late.


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[chottala.com] Motivation

Dear Moderator,
 
Thank you very much for your (Mr. FARID HOSSAIN) best
opinion on two begams and Bangladesh politics. We need
more people to support CTG Works positively. Mr.
Mohatir of bd is very much eager to fit himself in
somewhere against the will of the 99% people of
Bangladesh. They (CTG)deserve appreciation form all
quarters expect Mr. Mohatir of bd . I have completely
failed to understand his motives.
Regards.
Mohammed Sobhan
Toronto
Eng. Mohammad Abdus Sobhan
Former Chairman ASME Saudi Arabia
(C&W P Chapter)
and
Business Development Manager
TS&OS (Technical Support and Operational Service Co. Ltd.)
Why you don't understand the motives? There is definitely something someth.........
 
99%, h a  ha ha .......
ever autrocrate and its supporters think that they enjoy the support of 99 % people and  get more than 95 % in Yes , not votes......mahathir of bd
 
Subhan Allah-  Only Allah flawless 
           Alhamdulillah - All praise to be of Allah 
                   Allahhuakbar - Allah, the Greatest
                                                                              Would Be Mahathir of BD
 


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