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Tuesday, August 14, 2012

[chottala.com] CIA Agents Reveal Secrets Of The CIA



CIA Agents Reveal Secrets Of The CIA


'Secrets of the CIA is a revealing 90-minute documentary. In this riveting exposé, five former CIA agents describe how their initial pride and enthusiasm at serving their nation turned to anguish and remorse, as they realized that they were actually subverting democracy and killing innocent civilians all in the name "national security" and promoting foreign policy agendas.

A Notre Dame football star, an aerospace engineering senior at Iowa State, an attractive high school graduate, a young patriot, and an Olympic shooting champion all were recruited by the CIA at a young age. These five brave individuals risk retaliation in revealing the story of their gradual disillusionment and finally defection from the CIA, as they eventually became convinced beyond a shadow of a doubt that they were serving neither democracy, nor the people of their country.'

See video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4RXPJmqkxmI&feature=player_embedded#t=0s

http://www.whiteowlconspiracy.com/2012/08/cia-agents-reveal-secrets-of-cia.html


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[chottala.com] Where lies the truth?



Where lies the truth?

Inam Ahmed

In the world of civility, it needs quite a bit of brazenness and strong reasons to accuse somebody of propagating lies, which in effect is to call him a liar. But in the strange sphere of politics, all you need is some condescending attitude and wafer thin facts to make such a statement.

When AMA Muhith, our finance minister but also an economist and technocrat, accuses Professor Muhammad Yunus of lying, we know he has been totally swaddled in the cocoon of politics. And also that he is pretty desperate, especially when facts and events are staked against what the minister says.

Muhith virtually called Yunus a liar because the microfinance guru has been airing the notion that the government has been trying to take over Grameen Bank, the co-winner of the Nobel Prize with Yunus. But is there any basis for Yunus or for that matter many others to think like that? Let's have a reality check.

The strategy goes like this: when you want to wrench an organisation from a globally highly respected person like Yunus, you first malign that person in the most vicious way. When the human shield has been pitted and weakened, you stretch your arms into the organisation. It is easier to take it over then.

The tirade against Prof Yunus began with the sudden airing of a documentary on a Norwegian TV channel, titled "Caught in Micro Debt", that claimed that Grameen Bank had illegally transferred …

Suddenly the Bangladesh media went up in arms, splashing the story in the most libellous ways with headlines suggesting that Yunus himself had benefited from this alleged scam. He was termed a bloodsucker and articles started coming up in newspapers about how 'thousands of poor women were exploited' with microcredit; how ineffective microcredit is and how people 'committed suicide' because they were so 'heavily indebted'.

Just when that special quarter was gleefully basking in the glory of having punched a hole in the reputation of Yunus and Grameen Bank, the Norwegian government came up with a statement that Grameen had not embezzled the donor's funds or used the money for unintended purposes.

This was futher strengthened by the Nobel Committee's statement that it had awarded Yunus and Grameen the Peace Prize after it had pieced their "larger and very positive picture together".

But by then the government had started probing the allegations made in the documentary.

Simultaneously, it found a loophole --- that Yunus had violated the bank's retirement age of 60 since he was already 71. So Bangladesh Bank removed him as the managing director.

Yunus tried to fight his case in the court which he subsequently lost on the argument that he had no 'locus standi' in the case, as Dr Kamal Hossain, Yunus' lawyer, has pointed out.

So, the first step of maligning and removing him from the bank was complete. Then started the second phase.

The government started claiming that Grameen Bank is a government organisation, that it is a government bank. No matter how gross that claim is, everyone from the top level to the bottom of the Awami League and the government started harping on the same false claim.

A look at the structure, function and formation of the Grameen Bank and comparing it with other banks makes the fallacy of such a statement clear.

First, Grameen is not a conventional bank at all. It does not function like a regular commercial bank. One cannot open an account and deposit money in it. Nor does it issue cheques. One cannot import and export goods through it. It does not give term loans for industrialisation.

What it does is give small loans to poor women. The women form groups and become members of Grameen Bank and get loans on the understanding of mutual responsibility. And then they pay back on small weekly installments.

So this unusual nature of the bank made it necessary to frame a different set of rules and procedures for Grameen. Its operations and structure could not be covered by the Bank Company Act, which governs all other commercial banks.

For this very reason, the government in 1983 promulgated the Grameen Bank Ordinance and turned the microfinance institution into a statutory body. But this promulgation of the law does not make it a government-owned bank in any way.

The poor borrowers, mainly women, are the majority shareholders of Grameen with the government holding a small share of 3 percent, reduced from the initial 25 percent. This minority shareholding does not make it a government-owned bank either. Had it been the case, then IFIC bank, which is a private bank by all means, would have been regarded as a government-owned entity because the government holds over 30 percent of its share and three government nominated directors sit on its board. Similarly, Bangladesh Commerce Bank would be one. In fact, when the first generation private banks were allowed, all of them had government shares.

So the government has been trying to claim it as a 'government bank' from the beginning. And the cabinet just recently approved a proposal to amend the Grameen Bank Ordinance, giving full power to the Grameen Bank chairman to pick the managing director of the microfinance institution.

This is the penultimate move that the government made to take full control of Grameen because the Grameen board had been resisting any move by the government to place a managing director of its own choice.

Compare this with the current practice in the Grameen Bank. The over 8 milllion poor women who are the owners of the bank practice full democracy and elect the nine board members among themselves. They have a full say in the policy matters of the bank.

So when Yunus was fearing government takeover, he actually meant this kind of control over the bank, not ownership control.

This move is so strong that even the international community has expressed concern over the control motive and urged the government not to jeopardise the autonomy of the bank.

Now it is up to the reader to judge whether all these steps initiated by the government give credence to the fear expressed by Yunus and all friends and well wishers of Grameen Bank that the government is zeroing in on Grameen to take control of it.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=246271

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[chottala.com] Declassified US documents on coups in 1975



Declassified US documents on Bangladesh coups in 1975

We do not know what message the US Embassy in Dhaka had sent to the State Department after the Pilkhana massacre. We will have to wait for another 30 years to get full text of the official message from the US Embassy.

However, I can share with you the message the US Embassy in Dhaka had sent after the August 1975 coup. This declassified document confirms Sheikh Mujib was warned by the US about the coup but he simply brushed the information aside.

The Embassy also provided early analysis of the August 15 coup against President Mujibur Rahman. It tentatively predicted that the United States would enjoy greater influence under the government of new president Khondakar Mushtaque Ahmed.

The Embassy had also provided a narrative account and analysis of the military unrest and resulting coup of November 3, 1975.

http://bdfact.blogspot.com/2009/03/declass...bangladesh.html

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Telegram 5470 From the Embassy in Bangladesh to the Department of State, November 10, 1975, 1010Z

1. IT MAY BE USEFUL TO OFFER A CAPSULE SUMMARY OF THE CHAOTIC EVENTS OF LAST WEEK IN BANGLADESH WHICH SAW THREE DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS, MUCH KILLING, AND THE AVOIDANCE OF CIVIL WAR, WITH ATTENDANT POSSIBILITY OF INDIAN INTER-VENTION, BY THE NARROWEST OF MARGINS. THIS ACCOUNT IS SECRET. THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN BRIGADIER MOSHARRAF, CHIE FOF THE ARMY GENERAL STAFF, WHO HAD BEEN EMBITTERED BY HIS FAILURE TO SHARE IN THE PROMOTIONS RECEIVED BY SOME OFHIS COLLEAGUES AFTER THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT MUJIB BY THE MAJORS ON AUGUST 15 AND WHO WAS ALSO BELIEVED TO BE ON A LIST OF ARMY OFFICERS TO BE INVESTIGATED WHICH HAD RECENTLY BEEN DRAWN UP BY THE MAJORS, BEGAN IN THE EARLYHOURS OF MONDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 3.

WE DO NOT KNOW POSITIVELY WHETHER MOSHARAFF WAS THE ARCHITECT OF THE CONFRONTATION, AS MANY CONTEND, OR WHETHER, AS ONE GOOD SOURCE HAS TOLD TOLD US, HE SIMPLY WENT ALONG WITH SUBORDINATES WHO WERE DETERMINED TO END THE SPECIAL ROLE OF THE MAJORS IN THE MOSHTAQUE GOVERNMENT, A ROLE WHICH HAD RESULTED, AMONG OTHER THINGS, IN THE HARRASSMENT OF SOME OF THE MILITARY OFFICERS. THIS SOURCE ALSO HELD THAT ONE OF MOSHARRAF'S OBJECTIVES--ALTHOUGH HE WAS UNDOUBTEDLY MINDFULOF THE PERSONAL GLORY THAT MIGHT AWAIT HIM--WAS TO TAKE CONTROL OF HIS SUBORDINATES' PLANS IN SUCH A WAY AS TO AVOID MAJOR BLOODSHED.

3. MOSHARRAF AND HIS ALLIES QUICKLY TOOK CONTROL EARLY MONDAY MORNING OF THE ARMY CANTONMENT AS WELL AS MOST OF THE CITY OF DACCA AND PRESSED THEIR CONFRONTATION WITH THE MOSHTAQUE GOVERNMENT BY FLYING A MIG FIGHTER AND ARMED HELICOPTER OVER THE CITY IN A SHOW OF STRENGTH WHICH WAS ALSO INTENDED TO INTIMIDATE THE TANK CREWS LOYAL TO THE GOVERNMENT. AGAINST THIS BACKGROUND, MOSHARRAF LEVIED FOUR DEMANDS ON MOSHTAQUE:

1) THAT MOSHARRAF REPLACE MAJOR GENERAL ZIAUR RAHMAN, HIS PERSONAL RIVAL, AS CHIEFOF STAFF; 2) THAT THE MAJORS BE RETURNED TO REGULAR ARMY DISCIPLINE; 3) THAT THE TANK FROCES LOYAL TO THE GOVERNMENT BE DISARMED; AND 4) THAT MOSHTAQUE REMAIN IN OFFICE.

OUTGUNNED AND APPARENTLY INTEND ABOVE ALL ON AVOIDING BLOODSHED, WHICH WOULD ALSO HAVE INVITED INDIAN INTERVENTION, MOSHTAQUE EVENTUALLY YIELDED AFTER NEGOTIATING DURING THE COURSE OF A LONG DAY A COMPROMISE WITH MOSHARRAF BY WHICH THE MAJORS AND SOME OF THEIR COLLEAGUES, TO WHOM MOSHTAQUE WAS INDEBTED FOR HIS PRESIDENCY, WERE PERMITTED

SECRET

SECRET PAGE 03 DACCA 05470 01 OF 02 101306Z

TO DEPART BANGLADESH.

BEFORE THIS COMPROMISE HAD BEEN REACHED, THE MOSHTAQUE GOVERNMENT HAD CALLED ON THE ARMY FORCES AT COMILLA TO COME TO ITS AID BUT HAD BEEN REFUSED ON THE GROUNDS THAT THE COMILLA COMMANDER WOULD ONLY RESPONDTO THE ORDERS OF THE CHIEF OF ARMY STAFF (WHO WAS THEN UNDER ARREST)OR THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF (I.E., MOSHARRAF).

4. THE CONFRONTATION BROUGHT ANOTHER BLOODY RESULT WHICH,WE HAVE GOOD REASON TO BELIEVE, HAD BEEN PART OF AN EARLIER CONTINGENCY PLAN TO BE CARRIED OUT IN THE EVENT THAT MOSHTAQUE WERE TO BE KILLED, I.E., THE MURDER OF HIS FORMER COLLEAGUES IN THE AWAMI PARTY LEADERSHIP WHO WERE NOW HIS POLITICAL ENEMIES--FORMER PRIME MINISTER MANSOOR ALI,FORMER VICE PRESIDENT SYED NAZRUL ISLAM, FORMER PRIMEMINISTER, FINANCE MINISTER AND INDIOPHILE TAJUDDIN AHMED, AND FORMER INDUSTRIES MINISTER KAMARUZZAMAN. THESE LEADERS WERE KILLED, EVIDENTLY AT THE ORDER OF ONE OR MORE OF THE MAJORS, EARLY MONDAY MORNING AT DACCA JAIL. THE EVENT ADDED A NOTE OF MYSTERY TO MOSHARRAF'S ACQUIESCENCE LATER IN THE DAY TO THE DEPARTURE OF THE MAJORS, ONE VERSION HAVING IT THAT MOSHARRAF DID NOT YET KNOW OF THE DEED WHEN THE PLANE LEFT DACCA AT MIDNIGHT MONDAY.MANY OBSERVERS ALSO NOTED THAT ONE EFFECT OF THE MURDERS WAS TO REMOVE THE LOGICAL LEADERSHIP OF ANY PRO-INDIAN GOVERNMENT.

5. WITH THE EXPLOSIVE SITUATION DEFUSED TO A DEGREE BY THE DEPARTURE OF THE MAJORS, NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN MOSHTAQUE AND MOSHARRAF CONTINUED ON TUESDAY AND WEDNESDAY, RESULTING IN MOSHARRAF'S DESIGNATION AS CHIEF OF STAFF LATE TUESDAY NIGHT, AND EVENTUALLY IN MOSHTAQUE'S RESIGNATION EARLYTHURSDAY MORNING WITH THE SIMULTANEOUS ANNOUNCEMENT THATA NON-POLITICAL FIGURE, CHIEF JUSTICE A.S.M. SAYEM, WOULDBE APPOINTED PRESIDENT. SAYEM WAS SWORN IN ON THURSDAY AND PROMPTLY DISSOLVED THE PARLIAMENT. REPORTS, WHICH WE ACCEPT, WERE RIFE THAT THE CABINET HAD ALREADY RESIGNED IN PROTEST AGAINST THE MURDER OF THE FORMER GOVERNMENT LEADERS.

6. BUT IT NOW BECAME CLEAR THAT MOSHARRAF'S ASSUMPTION OF POWER IN THE ARMY WAS UNPALATABLE TO MOST OF HIS FELLOW SECRET

SECRET PAGE 04 DACCA 05470 01 OF 02 101306Z

OFFICERS AND ENLISTED RANKS, BOTH BECAUSE GENERAL ZIA EVIDENTLY HELD A MUCH WIDER POPULAR FOLLOWING AMONG THE MBUT ALSO, AND VERY IMPORTANTLY, BECAUSE MOSHARRAF WAS WIDELY SEEN, WHETHER ACCURATELY OR NOT, AS AN INSTRUMENT OF INDIAN POLICY. THIS PERCEPTION WAS BUTTRESSED BY THE PRO-MUJIB PROCESSION ON TUESDAY AND WEDNESDAY'S HARTAL TO PROTEST THE KILLINGS AT DACCA JAIL. THE LOWER RANKS REVOLTED IN THE EARLY HOURS OF FRIDAY MORNING, QUICKLY OVERTHROWING THE MOSHARRAF FORCES AND, ACCORDING TO VIRTUALLY ALL ACCOUNTS, KILLING MOSHARRAF. EXTENSIVE FIRING WENT THROUGHOUT THE CITY ALL NIGHT AND ALL DURING THE DAY FRIDAY, MOST OF IT CELEBRATORY AFTER MOSHARRAF WAS OUESTED. ONE AUTHORITIATIVE SOURCE HAS TOLD US THAT ONLY ABOUT THIRTY WERE KILLED IN THE OVERTHROW; OTHER REPORTS HAVE REACHED US WHICH PUT THE FIGURE IN THE HUNDREDS.

7. THE SUCCESSFUL REVOLT OF THE LOWER RANKS NOW BROUGHT ANEW PROBLEM, THE RAMPANT INDISCIPLINE OF THE ENLISTED MEN,MANY OF WHOM NOW TURNED ON OFFICERS AGAINST WHOM THEY MIGH THAVE GRUDGES AND OTHERS BEGAN PRESENTING DEMANDS ON THE ARMY LEADERSHIP FOR A BETTER DEAL IN THEIR FUTURE TREATMENT.WIDESPREAD REPORTS WERE CURRENT THROUGHOUT THE WEEKEND THAT LARGE NUMBERS OF MILITARY OFFICERS HAD FLED OR WERE ATLEAST STAYING AWAY FROM THE CANTONMENT OUT OF FEAR OF THE RAMPAGING SEPOYS, AND SEVERAL REPORTS REACHED US OF THE MURDER OF MILITARY OFFICERS AND OF THEIR WIVES.

8. MEANWHILE THE POST-MOSHARRAF GOVERNMENT TOOK SHAPE IN A MEETING EARLY FRIDAY MORNING BETWEEN GENERAL ZIA,MOSHTAQUE AND PRESUMABLY OTHER PRINCIPAL AIDES. MOSHTAQUE WAS OFFERED THE PRESIDENCY A NEW BUT DECLINED ON THE GROUND THAT, IN THE STILL EXPLOSIVE SITUATION, THE COUNTRY REQUIRED A NON-POLITICAL, NON-CONTROVERSIAL PRESIDENT.CONSEQUENTLY THE DECISION WAS REACHED TO KEEP JUSTICE SAYEM IN THE PRESIDENCY AND TO TURN OVER TO HIM AS WELL THE FUNCTIONS OF CHIEF OF THE MARTIAL LAW ADMINISTRATION,

SECRET PAGE 02 DACCA 05470 02 OF 02 101246

A ROLE WHICH HAD BEEN FILLED BRIEFLY BY GENERAL ZIA. WEWERE POINTEDLY ASSURED THAT THESE ARRANGEMENTS ENJOYED FULL SUPPORT BOTH WITHIN THE MILITARY AND WITHIN THE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP SO THAT THE WAY WAS NOW CLEAR FOR THERESTORATION OF STABILITY IN THE COUNTRY.

9. AS OF MONDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 10, THE SITUATION HAD RETURNED TO AN APPARENT NORMALCY, WITH INTERNATIONAL AIR SERVICE RESUMED ON SUNDAY, BUT THE GENERAL UNEASINESS WAS STILL BEING FED BY REPORTS OF CONTINUED KILLINGS AMONG THE MILITARY AND OF POSSIBLE INDIAN ACTIONS ALONG THE BORDER.THE PROSPECT WAS FOR, AT BEST, A CONTINUED STATE OF TENSION AND UNCERTIANTY.

10. COMMENT. THREE CONCLUSIONS IMPLICIT IN THE ABOVE ACCOUNT SHOULD BE UNDERLINE. THE FIRST IS THAT THE ACTIONS OF THE MAIN PARTICIPANTS IN THE COUP AND COUNTER-COUP APPEAR TO HAVE BEEN NON-POLITICAL, EXCEPT IN THE SENSE THAT MOSHARRAF HAD THE ADDITIONAL DISADVANTAGE OF APPEARING TO BE PRO-INDIAN. THE ARMY FORCES WHICH OVERTHREW MOSHTAQUE AND THE MAJORS APPEAR TO HAVE ACTED PRIMARILY OUT OF A SENSE OF GRIEVANCE AGAINST THE MAJORS. THE COUNTER-COUP WAS THE WORK OF LOWER RANKS WHO FAR PREFERRED ZIA TO MOSHARRAF AND WHO WERE ALSO CONCERNED WHRE MOSHARRAF'S LOYALTYMIGHT LIE. WE HAVE NO REASON TO BELIEVE THAT ANY OF THE REGIMES OF THE PAST WEEK WERE ANTI-AMERICAN, PRO-INDIAN, OR PRO-SOVIET IN CHARACTER.

11. THE SECOND IS THAT WE HAVE NO EVIDENCE THAT INDIA WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR ANY OF THE WEEK'S ACTIONS.

12. THE THIRD IS THE CONFIRMATION OF HOW STRONGLY AND PERVASIVELY ANTI-INDIA ANTIPATHIES ARE FELT HERE-FROM THE TOP OF THE LEADERSHIP TO THE LOWEST GROUPS OF THE SOCIETY. ALTHOUGH WE HAVE NO EVIDENCE THAT MOSHARRAF WAS PRO-INDIAN, AND SOME THAT HE WAS NOT, HE WAS WIDELY IDENTIFIED AS SUCH AND THE WILD CELEBRATIONS HERE OF HIS OVERTHROW CARRIED DISTINCTLY ANTI-INDIAN OVERTONES.

BOSTER

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e8/97075.htm

--------------------------------------------

Minutes of the Secretary of State's Regional Staff Meeting, Washington, August 15, 1975, 8 a.m.

The Secretary’s 8:00 a.m. Staff Meeting
Friday, August 15, 1975

Participants:

THE SECRETARY OF STATE - HENRY A. KISSINGER

P Mr. Sisco
E Mr. Robinson
T Mr. Maw
AF Ambassador Mulcahy, Acting
ARA Mr. Rogers
EA Mr. Zurhellen, Acting
EUR Mr. Armitage, Acting
NEA Mr. Atherton
INR Mr. Hyland
S-P Mr. Lord
EB Mr. Enders
S/PRS Mr. Funseth, Acting
PM Mr. Vest
PM Ambassador Buffum
H Ambassador McCloskey
L Mr. Leigh
S/S Mr. Borg, Acting
S Mr. Bremer

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Let's talk about Bangladesh.

MR. ATHERTON: Well, it was a remarkably well-planned and executed coup for Bangladesh.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: What does that mean? Is Mujibur alive or dead?

MR. ATHERTON: Mujibur is dead; his immediate clique, which was largely family, nephews, brothers.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: I get good advice from INR.

MR. HYLAND: He wasn't dead when I talked to you.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Really? Did they kill him after some period?

MR. ATHERTON: As far as we know -- I can't say we have got all the details. But the indications are that the plan was to kill him. And they simply surrounded his palace and went in and killed him. That is as far as we know now.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Didn't we tell him that last year?

MR. ATHERTON: In March we had lots of indications --

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Didn't we tell him about it?

MR. ATHERTON: We told him at the time.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Didn't we tell him who it was going to be, roughly?

MR. ATHERTON: I will have to check whether we gave him the names.

MR. HYLAND: We were a little imprecise on that.

MR. ATHERTON: He brushed it off, scoffed at it, said nobody would do a thing like that to him.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: He was one of the world's prize fools.

MR. ATHERTON: But it seems that the coup leaders are in complete control.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Who are they?

MR. ATHERTON: They are military officers, middle and senior officers, who are generally considered less pro-Indian than the past leadership; pro-U.S., anti-Soviet.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Absolutely inevitable.

MR. ATHERTON: Islamic. They have changed the name to the Islamic Republic --

SECRETARY KISSINGER: That they would be pro-U.S. was not inevitable. In fact, I would have thought at some turn of the wheel they were going to become pro-Chinese, and anti-Indian I firmly expected. I always knew India would rue the day that they made Bangladesh independent. I predicted that since '71.

MR. ATHERTON: I think our biggest problem is going to be to avoid too close an embrace.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Why -- because they are friendly to us?

MR. ATHERTON: I think they are going to want us to come in with promises.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: The principle being we only embrace on the sub-continent those who oppose us. What is the principle?

MR. ATHERTON: I think our principle ought to be we are giving about all the aid we can really give or Bangladesh can really absorb.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Before we implement it, let's check that. I know we can't do a huge increase in aid. But I think if people who think they are pro-U.S. come to us and then get a technical lecture that unfortunately we can't do any more -- there must be some maneuvering we can do on food aid and some token increase in aid.

MR. ENDERS: We can do a little more on food aid.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: I would like them to get it, if they are indeed what you say they are, which I don't know.

MR. ATHERTON: These are all the initial indications.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Then they ought to get a friendly reception.

MR. ATHERTON: I think the immediate question is how we comport ourselves with the new government. It seems to me despite what the memo says which we sent you, which I didn't have time to go over carefully this morning -- I think we ought to simply respond to any overtures.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: What did the memo say?

MR. ATHERTON: It says we ought to hold off on a decision on recognition. But I don't think that needs to be posed as that sharp a question.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: We ought to recognize.

MR. ATHERTON: I don't know what recognizing means in this case. I think we simply --

MR. SISCO: Just continue. That memo said also we have to check all this with the Indians, as if to give the Indians a veto. I certainly don't agree with that.

MR. ATHERTON: I think it would be useful --

SECRETARY KISSINGER: We certainly shouldn't go to the Indians.

MR. ATHERTON: I think there might be some merit in an exchange of views with them.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: After we have done it. We will not even discuss establishing contact with the new government with the Indians. After contact is established, we would be interested to hear their views, as long as they clearly understand that they cannot tell us what to do, and as long as they cannot go to the Bangladesh and tell them -- and then ask Bangladesh for their views, so that they can be transmitted to us.

MR. ATHERTON: I fully agree.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Which is what India would dearly love to do.

You better let me see any approaches.

MR. ATHERTON: I think we have to prepare a telegram today, and we will clear it with you, on what we say to the Indians. And the Pakistanis are important. There will be some move towards Pakistan.

SECRETARY KISSINGER: I also want to see you for a few minutes on a sober instruction to Bhutto, and some of his ideas on commitments. Okay.

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e8/97038.htm

------------------------------------------------------

Telegram 3964 From the Embassy in Bangladesh to the Department of State, August 16, 1975, 1135Z

FM AMEMBASSY DACCA

TO SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7733INFO
AMEMBASSY ISLAMABADAM
EMBASSY KATHMADUAM
EMBASSY NEW DELHIAM
CONSUL CALCUTTA
CINCPAC
C O N F I D E N T I A L DACCA 3964
CINCPAC FOR POLADE.O. 11652: GDSTAGS: PINT, PFOR, BG, US, IN, UR, CH, XD

SUBJECT: PRELIMINARY COMMENT ON THE COUP IN BANGLADESH

1. THE EVENTS OF THE FIRST TWENTY-FOUR HOURS GIVE PROMISE THAT THE COUP WHICH BEGAN AT 0515 LOCAL TIME ON AUGUST 15 WILL NOT BE CHALLENGED. THE OATHS OF FEALTY TO THE NEW GOVERNMENT SWORN BY THE SERVICE CHIEFS, THE HEADS OF THE PARAMILITARY BANGLADESH RIFLES AND RAKKHI BAHINI ANDTHE HEAD OF THE POLICE BRING ALL ARMED ELEMENTS INTO SUPPORT OF THE NEW REGIME.. THE PUBLIC HAS DISPLAYED NO PARTICULAR JIBILATION AT THE FALL OF MUJIB BUT RATHER ACALM ACCEPTANCE, AND PERHAPS SOME SENSE OF RELIEF. THERELATIVE EASE WITH WHICH POWER HAS BEEN TRANSFERRED SUGGESTS ABOVE ALL THE DEGREE TO WHICH MUJIB AND THE BANGALEES HAD BECOME ALIENATED FROM ONE ANOTHER, THE BANGALEES FROM MUJIB BECAUSE OF HIS FAILURE TO MEET THEIR ASPIRATIONS AND HIS APPARENT DESIRE TO HOLD POWER LARGELY FOR PERSONAL AGRANDIZEMENT AND DYNASTIC REASONS, AND MUJIB

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL PAGE 02 DACCA 03964 161135Z

FROM THE BANGLAEES AS HE GREW MORE ISOLATED FROM OBJECTIVE COUNSELS AND BEGAN TO SUFFER THE CLASSIC PARANOIA OF THE DESPOT. THE QUICKENING TEMPO OF SHEIKH MUJIB'S EFFORTS SINCE EARLY JUNE TO INSURE HIS STRANGLEHOLD ON POWER,TOGETHER WITH THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF HIS NEPHEW SHEIKHMONI, DOUBTLESS MADE THE COUP PLOTTERS CONCLUDE THAT NO FURTHER DELAYS IN TAKING ACTION WAS POSSIBLE. THAT INDIA'S INDEPENDENCE DAY WAS CHOSEN MAY HAVE BEEN MERELY INCIDENTAL, BUTWE NOTE THE COINCIDENCE.

2. IT IS TOO EARLY TO OFFER ANY SURE OPINIONS ON THE DIRECTION OF EVENTS. THE NEW CIVILIAN GOVERNMENT UNDER KHONDAKAR MUSHTAQUE AHMED SEEMS LITTLE LIKELY TO AROUSEANY SENSE OF ENTHUSIASM. ALTHOUGH PURGED--BY DEATH OR EXCLUSION--OF THOSE WHO WERE CLOSEST TO SHEIKH MUJIB, IT IS STILL A COLLECTION OF OVERLY FAMILIAR FIGURES WHO ARE IDENTIFIED WITH THE POOR ADMINISTRATION OF POST-LIBERATION BANGLADESH. CLEARLY, ITS COMPOSITION IS INTENDED TO SUGGEST THAT BANGLADESH UNDER MUSHTAQUE WILL OFFER CONTINUITY, BUT ALSO THAT THERE WILL BE GREATER MODERATION. MUSHTAQUE'S RADIO ADDRESS LATE ON AUGUST 15 (DACCA 3955) SUPPORTS THIS VIEW, CONDEMNING AS IT DOES THE DOMESTIC CONSEQUENCES OF SHEIKH MUJIB'S RULE BUT CLEARLY SUGGESTING THAT IN SOFAR AS FOREIGN AFFAIRS ARE CONCERNED, BUSINESS WILLBE MUCH AS USUAL.

THERE IS ALREADY SOME EVIDENCE THAT THE NEW GOVERNMENT WILL WANT TO STRENGTHEN ITS TIES WITH THE MUSLIM WORLD, INCLUDING PAKISTAN. AT THE SAME TIME,MUSHTAQUE'S WELL-KNOWN ANTIPATHY TO INDIA NOTWITHSTANDING,THE NEW REGIME WILL NOT WANT TO AROUSE UNDUE SUSPICIONS ON THE PART OF INDIA, CLEARLY COGNIZANT OF THE IMPORTANCE OF PRESERVING AN ADEQUATE MEASURE OF GOODWILL ON THE PART OF ITS IMPOSING NEIGHBOR. (PERHAPS ONE REASON FOR THE COMPOSITION OF THE CABINET, WITH ITS EXCLUSIVE RELIANCEON OLD FACES, IS A HOPE TO DEMONSTRATE TO INDIA ITS BASIC CONTINUITY.)

INSOFAR AS THE MAJOR POWERS ARE CONCERNED, MUSHTAQUE HAS STATED HIS GOVERNMENT'S DESIRE TO ESTABLISH"CLOSER AND FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH THE BIG POWERS LIKETHE UNITED STATES, THE SOVIET UNION AND CHINA." THIS WOULD SEEM TO MEAN MORE BALANCE IN ITS RELATIONS, AND THUS SOME DIMINUTION IN THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOVIET UNION.

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL PAGE 03 DACCA 03964 161135Z

3. THE EVIDENCE SO FAR SUGGESTS THE POSSIBILITY THAT OUR OWN RELATIONS WITH THE NEW GOVERNMENT COULD TURN OUT TO BE ON AN EVEN MORE CORDIAL BASIS THAN THEY WERE UNDER MUJIB. THE NEW PRESIDENT HAS IN THE PAST BEEN STRIKINGLY OVERT IN SUGGESTING HIS "PRO-AMERICAN" ATTITUDE; MOREOVER,THE FIGURES IN THE OLD REGIME WHO WERE KNOWN FOR THEIR LEFTIST AND ANTI-AMERICAN VIEWS (SHEIKH MONI AND SAMAD,EXAMPLE) ARE NOW GONE. THE POSSIBILITY IS ALSO STRONG THAT THEY WILL LOOK TO US FOR EVEN LARGER AMOUNTS OF AID--MUSHTAQUE HAS ARGUED WITH US BEFORE THAT WE ARE THE ONLY ONES WHO CAN TRULY HELP BANGLADESH--SO THAT OUR PROBLEM MAY WELL PROVE TO BE ONE OF TEMPERING THE NEW REGIME'S EXPECTATIONS OF US.

4. WE CANNOT PRESENTLY JUDGE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MUSHTAQUE'S GOVERNMENT AND THE MILITARY. WE NOTE WITH INTEREST THAT EVERY OFFICIAL STATEMENT STRESSES THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES IN THE TAKEOVER. WE ARE TOLD THAT THEY MILITARY ARE AT PRESENT ENGAGED IN PREPARING MARTIALLAW ORDERS WHICH WOULD, IF THE PAKISTANI PATTERN IS FOLLOWED, SERVE AS BASIS LAW OF THE COUNTRY. WHETHER THIS MEANS A GROWTH OF TENSION BETWEEN THE CIVILIANS AND THE MILITARY WE CANNOT YET SAY, BUT WE WOULD HAVE THOUGHT THAT ONE OF THE FIRST STATEMENTS BY MUSHTAQUE WOULD HAVE BEEN A PROMISE OF A NEW, MORE LIBERAL CONSTITUATION THAN THAT IMPOSED LAST JANUARY BY MUJIB. THE CIVILIANS PROBABLY HAVEA MOMENTARY ADVANTAGE IN LIGHT OF THEIR EXPERIENCE; MOREOVER, IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE MILITARY'S SUCCESSFUL OUSTER OF MUJIB, WE ARE LEFT WITH THE IMPRESSION THATTHE COUP PLANNERS PREPARED FOR LITTLE BEYOND THE EVENTITSELF.

HOWEVER, THE MILITARY--AND BY THIS WE MEAN THE YOUNGER OFFICERS WHO PLANNED AND LED COUP--DID WORK THE OVERTHROW OF SHEIKH MUJIB, AND WE SUSPECT THAT,HAVING TASTED BLOOD, THEY WILL WANT AT THE VERY LEAST TO EXERCISE SOME MEASURE OF INFLUENCE OVER THE COURSE OFEVENTS. WE HAVE NO REASON TO LOOK FOR BANGALEE QUADDAFI SAMONG THE COUP PLANNERS; RATHER, AS MEMBERS OF THE OLD,SERVICE-ORIENTED MIDDLE CLASS WHICH WAS THREATENED BY SHEIKH MUJIB, THEY MAY PROVE A MORE MODERATE FORCE THAN HAS BEEN SEEN IN EAST BENGAL SINCE PAKISTANI PERIOD. CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL PAGE 04 DACCA 03964 161135Z

5. ONE POINT TO BE EMPHASIZED IS THAT, WHILE THE OVERTHROW OF SHEIKH MUJIB WAS SUCCESSFUL, IF BLOODLY, A GREAT DEAL REMAINS TO BE DONE. MUSHTAQUE'S SPEECH IS SIGNIFICANT LARGELY FOR ITS GENERALITIES AND ITS ECHOES OF EARLIER AWAMI LEAGUE RHETORIC, BUT CONCRETE ACTIONS HAVE SO FAR BEEN FEW. WE ARE NOT SURPRISED THAT THE DEGREE OF DIRECTION DISPLAYED SO FAR IS LIMITED FOR WE HAVE EVERY REASON TO THINK THAT THOSE PRIVY TO THE PLANNING OF THE COUP WERE SMALL IN NUMBER AND THUS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR PREPARING ANY ELABORATE PLANS FOR THE GOVERNACE OF BANGLADESH WAS VERY SMALL.

HOWEVER, UNLESS EARLY STEPS ARE TAKEN TO DEMONSTRATEVIGOR AND WILL, THE ADVANTAGE NOW HELD BY THE NEWREGIME WILL BEGIN TO DIMINISH, AN WE MAY CONFRONT AN UNSETTLED--AND UNSETTLING--SITUATION AS CONTENDERS FOR POWER EMERGE. NO ONE NOW ON THE BANGLAEE POLITIICAL STAGEHAS KIND OF COMMANDING PERSONALITY WHICH SUSTAINED SHEIKH MUJIB FOR SO LONG. THE CIVLIAN GOVERNMENT FALTERS, WE MAY FIND THE MILITARY CONCLUDING THAT IS MUST AGAIN SAVE THE NATION.

BOSTER

CONFIDENTIAL

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e8/97064.htm

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[chottala.com] Bangabandhu's men - on Aug 15 and after



Bangabandhu's men - on Aug 15 and after

Syed Badrul Ahsan

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman frantically telephoned Major General KM Shafiullah, chief of staff of Bangladesh army, when a group of soldiers, heavily armed and backed by tanks and armoured cars, attacked his residence in the pre-dawn hours on August 15, 1975. The Father of the Nation sought Shafiullah's assistance in warding off the rebels.

In the event, Shafiullah failed to come to his aid. Minutes later, Bangabandhu, his wife, three sons, two daughters-in-law, his brother and others lay dead at Road 32 Dhanmondi in Dhaka. Among the others was his security chief Brigadier Jamiluddin Ahmed, the only individual to have tried coming to the aid of the Father of the Nation. He was murdered as he tried to enter Road 32 after getting a call from Bangabandhu.

Thus did terror seize the country on this day thirty seven years ago. The plotters had done their heinous work meticulously. In the three days preceding the coup d'etat, Khondokar Moshtaque Ahmed, the commerce minister; Taheruddin Thakur, the minister of state for information; Mahbub Alam Chashi, a former government official; and ABS Safdar, chief of National Security Intelligence, met over a series of sessions at Comilla BARD. Early in the morning of August 15, all of them were seen in Dhaka, cheerfully taking over the country.

As many as four hours elapsed after the pogrom at Dhanmondi, good enough time for the army to have acted against the coup leaders. No action came.

Moshtaque took over as president in a clear violation of the constitution. Soon, army chief Shafiullah, air force chief A K Khondokar and navy chief MH Khan would swear allegiance to him.

A cabinet meeting was called, with nearly every minister being present. Some, like the elderly Phani Bhushan Majumdar, were compelled to be there. Phani was seized from PG Hospital, where he was undergoing treatment, and transported to the Bangabhaban.

There is no record of any discussion of the pre-dawn tragedy having taken place. Moshtaque focused on the kind of national dress he thought should be prescribed for the country. He had his own attire in mind.

Once Bangabandhu had been dispensed with, General MAG Osmany, who had bravely resigned from the Jatiya Sangsad in January 1975 in protest against the formation of Baksal, had no qualms becoming Moshtaque's defence adviser. He would remain in that position till Moshtaque's ouster three months later.

Justice Abu Sayeed Chowdhury, a former president who had been inducted into the cabinet by Bangabandhu on August 8, was appointed foreign minister in succession to Dr Kamal Hossain, who had been abroad on an official tour and refused to come back home in the new circumstances.

Among those who suddenly found themselves in positions of influence in the Moshtaque cabal were KM Obaidur Rahman, Shah Moazzam Hossain, Nurul Islam Manzur and Taheruddin Thakur.

The new regime, dominated by the majors and colonels who had assassinated Bangabandhu and his family and others, moved swiftly to place vice president Syed Nazrul Islam, former finance minister Tajuddin Ahmed, prime minister M Mansoor Ali and home Minister AHM Quamruzzaman under detention. They were soon carted off to Dhaka central jail, where they were murdered in cold blood on November 3, 1975.

Within a fortnight of the coup, General Shafiullah was replaced as army chief by General Ziaur Rahman, his deputy. Air Vice Marshal AK Khondokar was succeeded by M G Tawab, a religious fanatic and once of the Pakistan air force and living in Germany.

In subsequent years, Shafiullah would serve under Zia and General HM Ershad as ambassador and high commissioner to various countries before eventually joining the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League and becoming a parliamentarian in 1996.

AK Khondokar too would serve as a diplomat in a number of countries under Zia and Ershad. He joined the latter's government as a minister and later joined the Awami League under Sheikh Hasina.

It is intriguing to recall what some of the men around Bangabandhu did after his assassination.

Mohammadullah, who served as deputy speaker and then as speaker of the Jatiya Sangsad, took over as the country's president after Abu Sayeed Chowdhury's resignation in late 1973. In early 1975, he became a minister in Bangabandhu's new cabinet. After August 15, he linked up, first, with Moshtaque and then with Zia. He became President Sattar's vice president only a day before General Ershad ousted the government in a coup on March 24, 1982.

Prof Yusuf Ali, who read out the Proclamation of Independence at Mujibnagar in April 1971 and then served as education minister in Bangabandhu's government, happily joined Moshtaque. In a later phase, he joined the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and was forgotten by the country.

Obaidur Rahman would become part of the BNP and Shah Moazzem would link up with the Jatiya Party and become Ershad's deputy prime minister. Much later, he would join Khaleda Zia's BNP.

Another prominent Awami Leaguer, M Korban Ali, minister for information in Bangabandhu's government, would work closely with Sheikh Hasina before deserting her and joining the Ershad regime.

Abdul Malek Ukil, speaker of the Jatiya Sangsad, told newsmen at London's Heathrow airport soon after August 15 that Mujib's overthrow had been the fall of a pharaoh. Senior Awami League politician Mohiuddin Ahmed travelled to Moscow as Moshtaque's emissary to seek the support of the Soviet leadership for the new regime.

Tofail Ahmed, political secretary to the Father of the Nation, would be arrested by the regime and subjected to indignities. Like him, there were others.

Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani welcomed the change-over. Only months earlier, in March 1975, he had welcomed Bangabandhu to his home at Santosh, Tangail, and told him he was on the right path.

Moshtaque, who would go to prison in Zia's times, died a few months before Sheikh Hasina led the Awami League back to power in 1996. Before his death, in a rambling interview with a weekly journal, he said he had had no hand in Bangabandhu's killing and that he treated Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana as his own daughters.

Chashi died in mysterious circumstances in the deserts of Saudi Arabia.

Thakur went to prison over the jail killings of November 1975, was freed, and died sometime later in disgrace.

Osmany would contest the presidential election in June 1978 as a joint opposition candidate, lose to Zia and then form his Janata Party. He died in the early 1980s, in the Ershad period.

The stories could go on and on.

Thus have the chronicles of a dark era, tainted with blood and painted in the lurid colours of shame, come down to the country.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=246246

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[chottala.com] Dr. Abid Bahar's articles



Dr. Abid Bahar's articles


AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF BANGABANDU AND BANGLADESH
http://xa.yimg.com/kq/groups/18858521/457965046/name/An+Illustrated+History+of+Bangabandu+and+Bangladesh.doc
http://www.findtoyou.co.id/document/download/CLx6666D/book-an-illustrated-history-of-bangabandu-and-bangladesh

President Sheikh Mujib's Death:Tajuddin's Prophecy
http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=294334

Understanding Bangabandu and his BKSAL Strategies
http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=294613

The Demon Shadow and Finding Enemies in Bangladesh
http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=314349

The Flames of Provocation and Extremism in Bangladesh Politics
http://bangladesh-web.com/view.php?hidDate=2005-12-23&hidType=OPT&hidRecord=0000000000000000079366

SATIRE: University Admission Test
http://www.bangladesh-web.com/view.php?hidRecord=309074



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[chottala.com] Padm aBridge Scam: Hasina’s family involved?



PadmaBridge Scam: Hasina’s family involved?
 
Read full story:
 
"Global hunt to trace Padma bridge scam"
 


 


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[chottala.com] Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman’s Secret Visit to Agartala



Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman's Secret Visit to Agartala

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Sheikh Hasina's visit to Agartala on Wednesday will occasion a trip down memory lane for three elderly men who can still remember how fifty years ago her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman made a secret foray into this city after crossing over to Khowai in West Tripura district-for the first and the last time to meet the then Chief Minister Sachindra Lal Singha. Only a few top-notch in the administration knew about the secret visit and fewer still knew that he spent a full November night in Agartala Central Jail. And that visit was five years before famous Agartala Conspiracy Case of 1968 which ultimately set the stage for the Bangladesh Liberation War. Of course, Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman was not involved in the Agartala Conspiracy Case-though he was implicated and made Accused No-1 – but at that time he did not come to Tripura. He came only once and that was in 1963. Though the specifics of his meetings with Sachindra Lal Singha will never be known because both Singha and Mujib are long dead and gone, there is no doubt that the "Bangabandhu" was testing the waters to secure Indian help for his cause. "Yes, of course I have seen Sheikh Mujib when he came to Khowai. But that was long ago, perhaps 50 years ago. I was then employed in the SDO office and I saw Sheikh Saheb entering into the SDO Sir's residence, part of which was his office then", said the 86 years old man as he sat straight on his bed. Satya Deb, a former Class IV staff of Smarajit Chakrabarty, the then Sub Divisional Officer of Khowai, West Tripura is among the three living men who had seen Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman during that secret trip to Tripura."It was if I correctly remember in November 1963-according to some it was cool November 3 afternoon-when Sheikh Mujib crossed over the border", said Arun Bhattacharjee, then a clerk at the SDO Khowai office.

"The way all involved maintained hush-hush and the alacrity in which the entire visit was handled it became clear to us that it was a top secret visit by Sheikh Mujib. Then SDO was Smarajit Chakrabarty and evidently he was alerted by the higher ups. Sheikh Mujib crossed the border through tea estate in the afternoon along with three persons. Then we did have only two jeeps, one belonged to SDO and one to BDO." It was indeed a top secret visit of Sheikh Mujib to India believed to have been for seeking New Delhi's help for some sort of movement that Bangabandhu was planning even as early as in 1963. He had met the then Chief Minister Sachindra Lal Singha, who was his friend, and had asked him to help in this regard. "I remember SDO Sir asked the then Khowai police station OC Sudarshan Kar to remain alert and then went off to receive him in the border without saying anything to anyone. Within half an hour the SDO came back with his jeep TRA 54. And he was accompanied by three others, one among them was Sheikh Mujib", said Bhattacharjee, who can still clearly remember the visit.The jeep went straight to Chakrabarty's office and they just slipped hurriedly into first the SDO office and then at the back of the office in his Chakrabarty's drawing room. "It was then I saw Sheikh Saheb. He was wearing Punjabi Pyjama and a shawl was wrapped around his upper part. He was a tall man. I saw three others but did not recognize them", said Satya Deb. Some sources said, Mujib was then accompanied by editor of Ittefaq newspaper of the then East Pakistan Tofazzul Hussain and two other reporters. Abhijit Chakrabarty, youngest son of the SDO said, "my mother Rama Chakrabarty told me she had prepared coffee for them".Soon Sachindra Lal Singh's younger brother Umesh Chandra Singh arrived Khowai as speacial emmisery of the Chief MInister and immediately all of them in two jeeps – one of them of the SDO and one of the BDO sped towards Agartala.

"Interestingly driver of SDO's jeep Haripada Das came to our headclerk Birendra Kumar Bhattacharjee and requested him for some money as he would need to buy petrol as he would have to take 'some Bangladeshi VIPs' to Agartala. 'God knows how many times I have to run. so I need some money for petrol, Haripada told the head clerk who in turn told the cashier to give him the money, said Bhattacharjee. "I still remember soon after Sheikh Mujib crossed over there were hectic military movements in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) border. We could see Pakistani military and para-military jeeps wildly moving and deployment being done. Obviously they came to know Mujib would be crossing over to Tripura on some secret mission but they were late. Mujib and his three associates arrived Agartala and went straight to Chief Minister's residence at 12'30 am at night. Within a day seven more close associates also arrived in Agartala. In Agartala while Mujib was made a guest of Singh's sister Hemangini Devi in Arundhuti Nagar. Others were housed in two other places- one being the Colonel Bari at the city heart. According to veteran journalist JItendra Paul, who was a close associate of Singh said the Chief Minister had got a call from Prime Minister Jawhar lal Nehru not to keep Mujib and others in his official residence and they might all have been 'armed' and that they 'sneaked; into Indian territory illegally. It was after a series of discussions with Mujib, Tripura Chief Minister Sachindra Lal Singh accompanied by Chief Secretary B Raman flew to New Delhi to meet Prime Minister Jawhar Lal Nehru."I met the Prime Minister personally as Chief Secretary stayed at the Foreign Secretary's office chamber. We discussed Indian helps for Mujib's movement. But Nehru was not ready at that moment since only one year ago we had Indo-China war", according to a written statement given to a Bangladeshi reporter by Singh some months before his death. As the talks failed Mujib was visibly sad. But the problem arose as to how they should return home. Decision was taken that they would be pushed back. "I was then SDO Sadar (Agartala). At the instruction of the Chief Minister and Chief Secretary I received Mujib at a city area and took him Agartala Central Jail", said KP Chakrabarty over telephone last year to this writer last year. As Mujib went to jail and a case for 'intrusion' was registered against him, the then District Magistrate and SP met Mujib in jail.

"My father Nani Gopal Kar Bhowmik was the Superintendent of Jail and according to Jail code he was also present during the meeting. But he did not divulge me what transpired in the meeting", said Manish Kar Bhowmik, and eminent senior layer of Gauhati High Court. "Chief Minister also came to meet Mujib in jail. But that at that time my father was not there. Mujib stayed a full night in Agartala Central jail and a sentry by the name of Abu Taher was posted to attend him", Kar Bhowmik added. Next day Mujib and three of his companions were 'officially' pushed them back to East Pakistan through Kamalasagar border crossing the Salda river.  This was the only time Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman came to Tripura. And it still remains a top secret and not many were at all aware.

-TI



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[chottala.com] "OPERATION CLEAN HEART" by Major Sharful islam Dalim



 

"OPERATION CLEAN HEART"
&
INDEMNITY

Off let if anyone goes through the pages of the national dailies, one can not help but see a host of articles are being written in favor and against the "operation Clean Heart" and the indemnity that has been given by the present Govt. Against this constitutional act most vocal is the main opposition party Awami League. Sheikh Hasina the leader of the opposition in the Parliament is more venominous then the party itself. Some known intellectuals of Awami Gharana have joined the fray. As a conscious citizen and a freedom fighter I was forced me to write this article with a hope that even to some extant this article of mine will help my fellow countrymen to see through the cob wave that is being created around this issue by the vested interested quarters to seek truth from the facts.
It is not Bangladesh which has introduced this practice for the first time in the history of mankind. Such indemnity is usually given to some special actions that are executed and to the persons associated with for the greater interest of the people and the country. Through such indemnity all such actions and the persons are protected from being tried in any court of law.
In today's world so called civilized countries of the West who are trying by hook or crook to be the champion and the custodian of the human rights, democracy etc are the ones who introduced such indemnities in the history of human civilization. Not only that, it is again those countries who had by law kept their armed forces out of the jurisdiction of the civil laws.
The moral justification of providing such indemnity has always been greater national interest and the interest of the people. Such as:- removal of fascist-tyrannical governments, ruthless dictatorship. For establishment of democracy, freedom of speech and civil society etc etc. In this context let's now turn to Bangladesh.

In Bangladesh it was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his government that introduced the indemnity for the first time. In 1972 through an ordinance he indemnified all activities related to the war of independence and all those who were associated with it. This ordinance later was passed as a law in the parliament with more than two third majorities thus the law became a part of the constitution. The reason to do so was again the greater interest of the country and the people. This law justified the struggle of the people of the then East Pakistan against the military dictatorship, injustice, tyranny and oppression.
Regarding this indemnity Mr. Abdul Jalil, the General Secretary of Awami League confirmed saying, "Awami League government had issues an indemnity covering the period from16th December 1971 to 28th February 1972.(Daily Jugantar 13.3.2003).Sheikh Hasina the leader of the opposition has also accepted this fact in the house on 11th March 2003 while refuting the statement of the Prime Minister.(Daily Jugantar & other dailies of 13th March2003).

The second indemnity ordinance was issued by the President Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed after the popular military uprising of the 15th August 1975. After the historic change of the government martial law was promulgated in the country temporarily hence President Mushtaq Ahmed had to issue an ordinance to indemnify all actions that had taken place during the uprising and the persons who were associated with. The reason for this indemnity was similar to the first one i.e. greater interest of the country and the people. The uprising of the 15th August was organized against the one party tyrannical rule of BKSAL, to free the masses from the suffocation of inhuman torture and misrule and to re-establish human rights, democracy and rule of law.

In the flow of events on the 3ed November 1975 a vicious coterie within the armed forces under the leadership of Brigadier Khaled Musharraf staged a reactionary coup de'ta. General Ziaur Rahman who was appointed the chief of army staff after the historic change of the government on 15th August was taken into custody. The sole aim of the putsch was to take the whole nation back to pre 15th August situation and to reinstall BKSAL regime in power. But the nefarious conspiracy could only last for three days. On the 7th November the glorious revolution of the Sipahi-Janata crushed the conspiracy and most of the conspirators along with the leaders got killed at the wrath of the soldiers and the people. The Sipahi-Janata Biplob of 7th november was again spear headed and organized by the same patriots imbued with the same spirit of 15th August. Therefore, quite rationally the time and space of the indemnity ordinance of President Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed had to be extended from 15th August to 7th November and a revised indemnity bill was passed in the parliament in 1979 by more than two third majorities. Thus the indemnity ordinance became a legitimate law and formed a part of the constitution through 5th amendment. This momentous law was made by the then BNP government under the leadership of Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman.

In the year 2001 BNP led JOTE swept the general election and formed the government with more than two third majorities. Being unable to cope up with the over all anarchic situation that they inherited due to the misrule of the last Awami League government with the civil administration and the crumbling law enforcing agencies, the new government legally called upon the patriotic armed forces in aid of civil power to tackle the unmanageable law and order situation to fulfill their election commitment. The armed forces responded for the greater interest of the nation and launched the "Operation Clean Heart" Due to this momentous decision of the government the law and order situation drastically improved all over the country within a very short period of time. The people got a sigh of relief and welcomed the "operation Clean Heart".

In this context the present government has passed the third indemnity bill in the house by more than two third majorities thus this indemnity like the previous two has also become a law and part of the constitution. The justification is again the greater interest of the nation and the people.

Though people at large have no grievances about this indemnity but mischievously the Awami League and its cohorts have become the villains to condemn the second and the third indemnity maintaining a mysterious silence about the first one which was made a law by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's government. They are now all out with unreasonable and baseless propagandas to undermine the present government. This is not the end of the story.

In 1996 after coming to power the Awami League government under Sheikh Hasina's leadership audaciously repealed the second indemnity law concerning 15th August and 7th November revolutions and initiated two trials named so called 'Mujib killing' and 'Jail killing'. This is nothing but a naked violation of the constitution. When this unlawful act of the Awami League government was challenged in the court, the government managed through a few handpicked pro Awami Leauge lawyers an astounding opinion that said, "the indemnity law of the 5th amendment is a 'Black Law' so the decision of the government to repeal it even without two third majorities is in order." There after court refused any hearing on this opinion. Such conduct is a manifestation of reckless irresponsibility by any standard. Constitutionally the court can give an interpretation of any law if necessary. But such mechanization through the lawyers to say that annulment of any law or any change of constitution by the government without two third majorities to be correct is not only blatant negation of the constitution but also flouting all moralities and principles on which laws stand.

May it be under pressure from the government, fear of persecution or any personal benefits, those lawyers who could shun their morality and professional ethics and cared less to stain the esteemed judiciary as the stooges of the government will all find themselves in the dust bin of the history as immoral and conscious less law breakers. The people of the land will also not forgive them.
Barrister Moudud Ahmed the Law & Parliamentary Affairs at a press conference yesterday at the ministry said, "the joint operation was the need of the hour. To protect the human rights of 14 crores of people violation of human rights of few individuals had to be accepted by the government as personal sacrifices. This indemnity law had to be passed to protect the honor of the armed forces. Regarding the indemnity he further said that Rakkhi Bahini started their operations from the 1st February1972 but the law was made on the 8th March 1972. This Bahini killed 40 thousand people but there could not be any trial of even a single such murder because of the reason that the act was amended and passed in the parliament on 6th May 1974 as article 16 which became a part of the constitution indemnifying all their actions. So after giving indemnity to the Rakkhi Bahini Awami League does not have any right to criticize the present indemnity law. (Daily Jugantar13.3.03).

A solid argument indeed!!
In view of this argument, one can strongly say that in 1996 after coming to power Awami League government with single majority had no right to annul the indemnity act which also had become the part of the constitution regarding 15th August and 7th November revolutionary uprisings and to initiate the farcical trials 'Mujib Killing'and 'Jail Killing'.
On the basis of the same argument again the people have a question to ask:-
"Mr. Moudud Ahmed, the honorable Law Minister would you be kind enough to say, what right the present government has to keep the national heroes of 15th August and 7Th November in the death cells behind the bars????????????"
For the convenience of the readers and your good self some facts regarding the indemnity of 1975 are quoted bellow:-
On 4th April 197 9 Mr.Mirza Golam Hafiz, the then honorable Speaker of the House himself raised a condolence bill on Sheikh Mujib. In the last line of Mujib's life sketch he said, "He died on the 15th August 1975 during the process of a political change."(Preserved documents on the house proceedings).

This is a fact. Sheik Mujib's demise was no ordinary murder. He died during an uprising organized to bring a political change in the country. At the same session Mr. Shah Azizur Rahman, the then Prime Minister very clearly brought forward the political aspect of Sheikh Mujib's down fall. He said, "On 25th January 1975 by passing a draconian law and suffocating the entire nation of 8 crores of people with the imposition of one party rule BKSAL was a constitutional coup de'ta. Against that autocratic coup the revolutionary uprising of the 15th August was organized."(Preserved documents on the house proceedings). Later in the same session the indemnity bill was passed with 241 votes in favor and thus became the part of the constitution as 5th amendment.

It is people's expectation that the present government should formulate such irrevocable laws regarding the indemnities so that no one in future dares to flout the constitution again. At the same time the government should immediately declare that the way the past Awami League government had annulled the second indemnity act and had planed to kill the leaders of the 15th August and 7th November revolutions who are all valiant freedom fighters with distinctions, ex-members of the patriotic armed forces by mockery of trials is unconstitutional and a heinous crime.

This is ironic to watch that those heroes are still languishing in the death cells when present government is in power! To dispel all misgivings in the mind of the people the present government under the leadership of Khaleda Zia must free them all with out any further delay and also pave the way for those to return from exile. By doing so, the Jote Sharkar must prove it to the people that they are determined to uphold the sanctity of the constitution.
It is now high time to realize the fact, that no one should be given any chance to undermine our national pride; that is the patriotic armed forces because, they are the time tested last resort to safeguard our national identity, independence, sovereignty and stability.
To save the country from the multi prong conspiracies, other than the parties the Jote Sharkar of Madam Prime Minister needs to master the confidence and support of the patriotic armed forces and all the nationalist forces of the country. There is no other way to salvage the nation at this critical juncture. Clarity of thought and honesty can only give courage to meet this need of the hour.



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