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Saturday, November 10, 2007

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[chottala.com] Time's up, Mr Musharraf

Martial law in Pakistan

Time's up, Mr Musharraf

Nov 8th 2007
From The Economist print edition

No longer the potential solution, the general has become a big part of Pakistan's problem


Illustration by Kevin Kallaugher

AS MILITARY dictators go, Pakistan's General Pervez Musharraf has always seemed rather a decent sort. An affable man who gives the appearance of speaking his soldierly mind, he prompted quiet cheers from many of his countrymen when he usurped power from a corrupt civilian government in 1999. After September 11th 2001, he won the backing of America and its allies, risking popular anger by swiftly enlisting his country in the war against al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Proclaiming himself an apostle of "enlightened moderation", he seemed, despite his embarrassing lack of democratic credentials, a relatively safe pair of hands to be in charge of a 165m-strong moderate Islamic nation—one that possesses nuclear weapons and is prey to a frightening extremist fringe.

Over the years, however, General Musharraf has squandered the goodwill he enjoyed at home and abroad. Many at home were angered by his alliance with America in a war they saw as directed at both Islam and their ethnic-Pushtun kin in Afghanistan. His persistent refusal to take off his army uniform and allow unrigged elections alienated liberal opinion.
 

So most of his support had evaporated even before he staged his second coup. That came on November 3rd, when he dismantled the constitutional facade built to prettify his rule and imposed, in effect, martial law. Hundreds of secular and Islamist politicians, lawyers and human-rights activists were locked up. Private television-news channels were taken off the air. For a decent seeming man, it was an act of political indecency. He may have been surprised by the vehemence of the condemnation he has faced, especially from America. But, like a borrower whose insolvency would bring down a bank, he may calculate that much of his former backers' anger is bluster, covering a fear of their own impotence. Many want him gone; America itself is demanding that he introduce some semblance of democracy. But it is not obvious how to force his hand without endangering the stability of Pakistan itself.

General emergency

A way must be found, however. General Musharraf has built his international alliances on the fear that whoever replaces him will be worse. If that were ever true, it is not now. He himself is now a central part of Pakistan's instability.

As so often happens to dictators, however decent they seem to start with, General Musharraf has come to see himself as "indispensable". In declaring what he euphemistically termed "a state of emergency", he cited two threats to Pakistan's future that required his firm hand: the spread of violent extremism and the pesky interference of the judiciary in his efforts to deal with it. The first of these is a real and growing menace. The cancer of extremist violence (see article) has spread from the lawless tribal areas where Pakistan blurs into Afghanistan to the neighbouring parts of Pakistan proper, and beyond. The bizarre stand-off and bloody dénouement in July at the Red Mosque showed it can touch the administrative heart of Islamabad. Last month's carnage in Karachi at a procession celebrating the return from exile of Benazir Bhutto, a former prime minister, emphasised that nowhere in Pakistan is free of the threat. Nor, such is the involvement of Pakistan-trained terrorists in attacks in the West, is anywhere else. The radical mullahs of the border areas people the West's worst nightmares: a "Talibanised", nuclear-armed Pakistan.

General Musharraf is gambling that, so terrifying are these nightmares, the West will give his authoritarian streak the benefit of the doubt. Freed from the pettifogging concerns of quibbling lawyers and self-serving politicians, goes the argument, he can concentrate on eradicating extremism. If only. It is true that Western diplomats have been frustrated in recent months by his preoccupation with political intrigue. But martial law has so clearly pitted him and the army against the rest of the country that, rather than gain a sharper focus, he is now likely to be even more distracted. Supporters of the prime minister he deposed, Nawaz Sharif, were already angered by General Musharraf's apparently illegal deportation of Mr Sharif when he tried to return from exile in September. After a lag Miss Bhutto's party was not spared this week's round-up of democrats. She will find it hard to resume the power-sharing talks that General Musharraf and America hoped might give his regime a credible civilian cloak. Already the legal profession, turned into anti-government street fighters by General Musharraf's clumsy attempt this year to sack a stubbornly independent chief justice, is manning the barricades again.

Looking for a lever

America and Britain are loth to do anything that might jeopardise their links with Pakistan's army and its intelligence services. Pakistan still smarts from what it sees as America's fickleness in ditching it in the 1990s after Pakistan had, through Afghanistan, helped topple the Soviet Union. Logistical support for the Afghan war, undermining the Taliban's rear base in the tribal areas, and intelligence on planned terrorist attacks in the West: all demand Pakistani co-operation.

For this reason, the most obvious stick with which the West can beat General Musharraf—the threat to withdraw American aid, of which nearly $11 billion has poured in since 2001—is difficult to use. But it should be used. After some tough talk from America, General Musharraf has apparently promised to hold elections by mid-February, overturning the suggestion by Shaukat Aziz, his prime minister, that elections due by January might be delayed a year. If this pressure is maintained, Pakistan can still be dragged back from the brink.

The top brass of the Pakistan army are protégés of their chief, General Musharraf. They have done well out of his rule both personally and institutionally from all that American largesse. But their loyalty to their boss can be assumed to be finite. It will end at the point where it becomes obvious he can no longer deliver the goods: either in terms of popular support for the army at home, or in terms of American backing. It must be made plain that such backing is dependent on restoring democracy, through a free election open to all. Otherwise, as military dictators go, so should General Musharraf.


 
 

Left cornered as Guv calls Nandigram war zone

Gopal Gandhi says attacks on activists uncivilised .

Section: Nation

Media gagged but cit journos report from inside Pak

Pak may have gagged media, but CJs are getting news out from

Section: Citizen Journalist

Pakistan nicks curbs on Benazir after US rap

The house arrest order was withdrawn late on Friday night.

Section: World

Imran vows to fight, asks youth to challenge Mush

Imran Khan says he will fight from his hideout.

Section: World
 
 
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[chottala.com] Putin's people - From The Economist print edition

 

Russia's government

Putin's people

 
From The Economist print edition

The former KGB men who run Russia have the wrong idea about how to make it great


Magnum/AP

"OUR pilots have been grounded for too long. They are happy to start a new life." So said Vladimir Putin as he sent Russia's nuclear bombers back aloft on the world-spanning patrols they had suspended after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This comes hard on the heels of talk of reopening a Russian naval base in the Mediterranean, joint war games with China and the planting of the Russian flag in the polar seabed. The Soviet Union is dead and communism long buried. But Mr Putin wants you to know that the Russian bear is back—wearing a snarl with its designer sunglasses.

How has this situation come about? It is tempting to search for mistakes by Western governments, to look for the culprits who "lost Russia". Yet as our briefing this week explains (see article), the role of outsiders has been secondary. The best way to understand both Mr Putin's ascent into the Kremlin and his rule since is to see them as the remarkable recovery of the culture, mentality and view of the world of the old KGB.

 
 
When Mr Putin was plucked from obscurity to become first Boris Yeltsin's prime minister and later his successor as Russia's president, few in the West had heard of this former KGB officer, who had briefly been head of the FSB, the KGB's post-Soviet successor. Just before he became president, Mr Putin told his colleagues that a group of FSB operatives, "dispatched under cover to work in the government of the Russian federation", was successfully fulfilling its task. It was probably a joke. Yet during his two terms since then, men from the FSB and its sister outfits have indeed grabbed control of the government, economy and security forces. Three out of four senior Russian officials today were once affiliated to the KGB and other security and military organisations.

Why they do it

What motivates these so-called siloviki? In part, the wish for revenge on those who challenged them in the early 1990s, especially after the abortive KGB coup of August 1991. Greed may be the most powerful motive: some Kremlin insiders have hugely enriched themselves in the past decade, and corruption may be worse even than in the later Yeltsin years. But the new elite also has an ideology of sorts. They see the break-up of the Soviet Union as, in Mr Putin's words, the "greatest geopolitical catastrophe" of the 20th century. Capitalising on a widespread sense that Russia has been humiliated, they want to create as mighty a state as the Soviet Union once was. They see the West as a foe bent on stopping them.

In this, Russia's rulers have strong domestic support. It is hard to gauge Mr Putin's popularity in a country with such tightly controlled media, but his opinion-poll ratings are impressively high. That nobody doubts his ability to choose his own successor owes a lot to his suppression of all dissent, but it reflects also the fact that voters have little love for the tiny liberal opposition remaining. Thanks to GDP growth that has averaged almost 7% a year under Mr Putin, many Russians feel better off, even if a lot are still poor. And many share the desire to reassert Russia's greatness—and a deep-rooted belief that the West is Russia's natural enemy.

It is foolish for people in the West to deny that Russia is a great power and that, in some ways, its influence has increased. When Mr Putin became president, its GDP was the world's tenth-biggest and foreign reserves stood at $8.5 billion. Today Russia's economy is the world's eighth-largest, and the reserves are $407.5 billion. The Kremlin has played adeptly on Europe's dependence on Russian gas to enhance its influence. On issues such as Kosovo or Iran, Russia has used its seat on the UN Security Council to force the West to pay it attention.

To achieve true greatness, unclench that fist

Yet the siloviki's ambitions remain misguided. That is not because there is anything illegitimate about wanting a strong Russia. What is wrong is how they define that strength—in the Soviet terms of awe and anxiety—and how they pursue it. The economy, for a start, is heavily dependent on high prices for oil, gas and other commodities that may not last. Russia is weak in manufacturing, services and high-tech industries. Putting spies in charge of big firms is a recipe for failure: they know how to grab assets and jail foes, but not how to run real businesses. Foreign investors may still covet Russia's natural-resource sector, but a climate in which assets can be arbitrarily taken back by state officials and then redistributed to cronies is not welcoming. Both foreign and, more strikingly, domestic investment are very low compared with China.

Nor is it sensible to revive Russia's old anti-Western, zero-sum strategic thinking. The West tried to be a friend in the Yeltsin years, but has since been put off by Russian belligerence. A resurgent Russia can throw its weight around the neighbourhood and intimidate ex-Soviet republics such as Georgia, Ukraine and the Baltics; but by alienating its neighbours Moscow harms its own interests too. By dint of size and military strength, Russia is a power in the world. Yet today even the "soft power" that the Soviet Union once wielded through communism has mostly gone. In its place is only fear.

The biggest misreading of all is over Russia's own political future. The siloviki have shown they can squash opposition, suborn the courts and stay in charge. But, as in all autocracies, they are acutely nervous about the future. Mr Putin's popularity will not easily transfer even to a hand-picked successor. More generally, as ordinary Russians get richer, they may grow dissatisfied with their present masters, especially when they see them stealing and mismanaging the economy. Russia has huge problems: crime, poor infrastructure, secessionism and chaos in the north Caucasus, appalling human-rights abuses and a looming demographic catastrophe. To counterbalance these woes, the new elite may resort to even wilder forms of nationalism; and that nationalism could turn into a monster that even its creators cannot control.

In truth, the biggest threats to Russia's future stem not from its "enemies" but from internal weaknesses, some of them self-inflicted. For a Russian ruler, or ruling class, to accept that truth would take real courage—and real patriotism.
 
 
 
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[chottala.com] Reinventing the self: SMILE

 

Divinity

(Shoot the photo in a slum area near Gabtoli )

ASAD

I like to ask you a question. Do you have any special quality that gives you any competitive advantage? I am sure you have but you can't answer my question because you don't know your self. This is not unnatural. This is very much natural.

I can say that yes, you have at least one very very special quality. That is SMILE. Yes, a good smile can be your one of the best special quality.

Smile doesn't cost anything. It is completely free and easy to use. no body is harmed by your smile rather everybody will be very happy if you smile properly at them. It will reduce your enemy and increase the number of your friend. It will make you popular if you are unpopular now. It will reduce your tension and bring relaxation in your mind. It can be a good replacement of cardio vascular exercise because laughter is the best medicine.

There are lots of usefulness of smile. So don't waste your time to give people a good smile. You will see life around you will be changing if you smile at other people properly because in giving back, they will also smile at you.

 

 

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*´¨)
¸.·´¸.·*´¨) ¸.·*¨)
(¸.·´ (¸.·` *www.asad.antiblog.com
                     www.0-2-hero.blogspot.com

 

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[chottala.com] Down with Militarycracy, Give Back democracy [Rumi Ahmed's Blog:]

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[chottala.com] 162 extra-judicial deaths in last 300 days: Odhikar


162 extra-judicial deaths in last 300 days: Odhikar

162 extra-judicial deaths in
last 300 days: Odhikar

Staff Correspondent

The number of extra-judicial killings in the country has risen to 162 in the 300 days since the declaration of the ongoing state of emergency on January 11 to November 7, said Odhikar, a human rights organisation, on Thursday.
   In the last 30 days till Monday, nine people were killed extra-judicially by the law enforcers, according to the report released by Odhikar on the state of human rights in Bangladesh.
   Of the 162 slain people, the Rapid Action Battalion killed 81, the police 57, RAB and the police jointly three, the army-led joint forces seven, the army seven, the navy three, the jail police one, the Department of Narcotics Control one, the Coast Guard one and the Bangladesh Rifles one, said the report.
   Of the deceased, 111 people were killed in so-called crossfire, 26 were tortured to death, 14 were shot dead, and the remaining 11 were killed in other circumstances, the report added.
   The report also mentioned that the police initiated an inquiry into the death of Morshed Rana, who died at Narsingdi model police station on October 28. This is the sole example of an inquiry into an extra-judicial death after emergency was imposed.
   'Disregard for the due process of law and the selective application of the laws are violations of the people's human rights. There is serious and widespread cause for concern that the actions of this government in many aspects of policy — prosecution and judicial process, judicial inquiries and the impunity of law enforcement agencies — are dictated less and less by the law,' said Odhikar in the report.
   The report said the controversial decision of the Election Commission to send an invitation for dialogue to the Saifur Rahman-led BNP faction has led sections of the media to question its neutrality.
   Odhikar urged the EC to work independently, without being unduly influenced by the government or any other quarter.
   The print and electronic media, which have a reputation for freedom and impartiality, have been under significant pressure from the government to refrain from reporting news or comments that are critical of it, said the report.
   In the 300 days of the emergency, the authorities have conducted several eviction drives against unauthorised constructions, buildings and habitations, without making provisions for the resettlement of the displaced poor people, said the report.
   Arresting university teachers in August without warrants, holding them incommunicado for nearly 40 hours at an unknown location before being brought to a court, violating the constitution and detaining them in the Joint Interrogation Cell, have caused concern that their rights under national and international laws are not being respected by the authorities, and the due process of law is not being followed, the report mentioned.
   Throughout the 300 days of the emergency, many workers of jute mills and garment factories have protested while demanding full payment of the wages to which they are entitled. Many of these workers have been arrested for violating the state of emergency, the report said.


http://www.newagebd.com/2007/nov/09/front.html#13
 
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[chottala.com] We condemn it - a SONGSKAR BADEE leader of BNP is physically manhandled (JUTA PITA) near Zia’s grave by Jamat & Khaleda supporters 8.11.07 of JJD http://www.jaijaidin.com/details.php?nid=40086


Dear politically conscious, sensible & rational and enthusiastic readers (except old and new RAZAKAR & RAZAKAR minded people),

 

 

Though I am not supporter BNP part (due to fact that reasonably, most of the leaders & supporters of BNP are comparatively more corrupts and they are heavily blended with & dependent on Jamat-Razakar-Shibir), still I do not support that JUTA PITA of Gen Mahbubur Rahman, a SONGSKAR BADEE of BNP by some Jamat - BNP supporter (please read the news report & picture of BNP-Jamat minded -funded daily the Jai Jai Din of 8.11.07 issue:

 

A SONGSKAR BADEE of BNP is physically manhandled (JUTA PITA) near Zia's grave by Jamat & Khaleda supporters – 8.11.07

 

http://www.jaijaidin.com/details.php?nid=40086

 

 

It is very sad.

 

We condemn it.
 
Please see the attached Pdf file formore detail.

 

 

 

"Sustha thakon, nirapade thakon ebong valo thakon"

 

Shuvechhante,

 

 

Shafiqur Rahman Bhuiyan (ANU)

NEW ZEALAND.

 

Phone: 00-64-9-828 2435 (Res), 00-64-0274 500 277 (mobile)

E-mail: srbanunz@gmail.com

 

N.B.: If any one is offended by content of this e-mail, please ignore & delete this e-mail. I will also request you to inform me - to delete your name from my contact list.

 

 

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Re: [chottala.com] Please read

Respected Jamir Vai,

 

 
Thanks for this news, link (URL) and for your nice appropriate comments.

 

Do you know or believe in telepathy (feel or think 'same' thing from far away or thought-transference)?

 

I was also writing almost similar e-mail with that news of Zia's nepotism.

 

Zia gave 46 acre of tourist land for 99 year lease to his father in law – 9.11.07

http://www.prothom-alo.com/mcat.news.details.php?nid=Njc3OTM=&mid=MQ ==

 

See Zia's nepotism & also how corrupt Zia was!

 

Still some (corrupt) people say Gen Zia was like:

 

DHU   TULSHI    PATA !!!

 

Govt of Zia gave about 46 acres of tourist spot & land to his father-in-law for 99 years!

Now Zia's wife's family has illegally sold that leased govt property another corrupt BNP leader Fazlur Rahman Patal (Zia used to call him 'vegetable')

 

I can cite few more of Zia's hundreds of personal level corruption & nepotism and thousands of Zia's political corruptions.

 

Day by day truth will reveal and we can know about Zia's hundreds of personal level corruption & nepotism & thousands of his political corruptions.
 

 

 

"Sustha thakon, nirapade thakon ebong valo thakon"

 

Shuvechhante,

 

Shafiqur Rahman Bhuiyan (ANU)

NEW ZEALAND.

 

Phone: 00-64-9-828 2435 (Res), 00-64-0274 500 277 (mobile)

E-mail: srbanunz@gmail.com

 

N.B.: If any one is offended by content of this e-mail, please ignore & delete this e-mail. I will also request you to inform me - to delete your name from my contact list.



On 11/9/07, Dr. Jamir Chowdhury <americamyland@gmail.com > wrote:

http://www.prothom-alo.com/index.news.details.php?nid=MTE3MzE=

This article will show that Major Zia was also part of the nepotism
and corruption. Hairey Dhoa Tulshi pata!


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[chottala.com] Please provide me articles on recent inflation situation in bangladesh



hiiiiii all,
 
i am going to participate in a debate competition where my group will have to debate in the support of tight monetary policy to lessen inflation in Bangladesh....So can anyone please provide me some articles or links about this within monday??...thanks...
 
Samia
Chittagong University.

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