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Wednesday, July 8, 2009

[chottala.com] Enayetullah's words in support of Ghulam Azam!



Mr. Enayetullah
 
I would like you to say all your words in support of Ghulam Azam to all but standing in front of the gana-kabor where my 9 uncles had been rested in 1971. And quite a few my related raped women will remain present surrounding you.
 
Allah has blessed you with all your human amenities to be able to differentiate between truth and falsehood.
 
When all my uncles were being killed and others being raped, then your respected Ghulam Azam followed his self-taken party-decision to support Paki-Army against the freedom-fighters!
 
May Allah bless you!
 
Sajid Hussain
[ekjon kishor muktijodhdha]    
 

--- On Thu, 9/7/09, Enayet Ullah <enayet_2000@yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Enayet Ullah <enayet_2000@yahoo.com>
Subject: [chottala.com] Ghulam Azam - a leader in Language Movement (A brief Bio)
To: khabor@yahoogroups.com, chottala@yahoogroups.com
Date: Thursday, 9 July, 2009, 4:29 AM

 
 
Prof Ghulam Azam was born in November 7, 1922 at Lakxmi Bazar Shah Shaheb Bari in Dhaka, the house of his maternal grandfather, the late Shah Shaheb. He received his masters in political science from Dhaka University.
 
He was a popular student leader in his student life. He became an Assistant Secretary of East Pakistan Cultural Union for the term 1945-1946. He was elected Secretary General of the Hall Union of famous Fazlul Haque Muslim Hall of Dhaka University for the term 1946-47 and the Secretary General of Dhaka University Central Students Union for 1947-48 and 1948-49 terms.
 
Professor Ghulam Azam played a leading role in the Language Movement of the country. In November 1948, he submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister of Pakistan on behalf of the students of Dhaka University demanding the state language status for Bangla. The movement continued, he was arrested in charge of the movement in 1952 and 1955, and at a stage the government had to declare Bangla as a state language of Pakistan.
 

For the cause of language he was arrested on March 11 1948 from T.T Office along with 10 to 12 students. He is the man who presented the Historic Memorandum to the then Prime Minister of the Pakistan Mr. Liakat Ali Khan on Nov 27 1948 at the Gymnesium ground, Dhaka on behalf of the students of the Dhaka University.


In 1946-47 he became the General Secretary of Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall, polling the highest votes. Twice he was elected General Secretary of DUCSU ( Dhaka University Central Students' Union) in 1947-48 and 1948-49. He was the first DUCSU G.S. in the post Independent era.

 
Although educated in the general education, Professor Ghulam Azam was a practicing Muslim from his childhood. He came in touch with the political and cultural thinking of Islam through a cultural organisation named 'Tamaddun Mozlish'. While a teacher of Political Science in Rangpur Kermichle College, he founded a branch of 'Tamaddun Majlish' in Rangpur in 1952. He became the Secretary General of Jamaat-e-Islami of East Pakistan in 1957. He was thrown to jail in 1964 by the military rules of Ayub Khan. He played a key role in the formation of Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDM) in 1967. It was all party democratic resistance movement against the military rule of Ayub Khan. He was the Secretary General of the Executive Committee of East Pakistan Wing of PDM.
 

(Collected from various internet sources)

--- On Wed, 7/8/09, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
 



New Email addresses available on Yahoo!
Get the Email name you've always wanted on the new @ymail and @rocketmail.
Hurry before someone else does!

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[chottala.com] Golam Azam - The Top Traitor-Criminal of 20th Century Bangladesh....A challange to Salauddin Ayubi



 
 
Maulana Salahuddin Ayubi Shahib
 
Go ahead make your day .......!!!!
You are always welcome to file any law suit you want ....
I always knew that you are a low level Muktar for
Golam Azam - The Top Traitor-Criminal of
20th century Bangladesh  !
 
What kind of libel you are talking about....libel per se or
libel per quod .?.... if you have courage ,,,, and if you
are honest, at the least, to yourself  ..... you should be
able to show, where is the libelous statement, Sir !!!!...
All my statements are based on well documented
facts .......even some of the  Al-Bodor company
commanders are ready to testify with supporting evidences .....
Is it not amazing that when someone exposes
the anti-people Jamaati criminal Golam Azam and his
cohort Al-badar chief Mottya Nizami you loose your
temper and express your angry outbursts by
threatening and faul-mouthing...?
No wonder, Chorer Mayer Gola Boro ....
Your Daddy was Nurul Amin+Monaem Khan's
crony, and over and over you are proving yourself
to be a crony of your Golam Azam, your Big DADDY
[Boro Baap]
 ... I know, it hurts you ... but... Bangladesh has happened
 ....and Bangladesh will prosper in it's own zikzak path ...
you have no choice, you have to live with it ...
 
BTW, I repeat again:
Jamaate Islami  vis-a-vis Golam Azam and Nizami Gong's
crimes against humanity, crime against Bangladesh & crime 
against Islam includes, but not limited to:
 
(1) Sedition against the People's Republic of Bangladesh
(2) Formation of and organizing Armed Gestapo militia Al-Bodor (High Treason)
(3) Complicity in the Genocide in Bangladesh
(4) Aiding and abetting the Genocide in Bangladesh
(5) Religious persecution of non-muslims.
(6) extortion from the families of Mukti-joddhas by the Al-bodor
      caders [Go Azam was personally involved in taking money from the
      families whose members were suspected of joining Mukti-Bahini
      because they were not seen at  home  ...]
View Face of rajakar:
 
Syed Aslam
 

 
On 7/8/09, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com> wrote:
If  you can not prove your libelous statments in a court of law then  you should prepare yourself for libel suit.
                         Ayubi
From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>

Sent: Tuesday, July 7, 2009 1:47:55 PM
Subject: [notun_bangladesh] Golam Azam - The Top Traitor-Criminal of 20th Century Bangladesh....

 Golam Azam - The Top Traitor-Criminal of 20th century Bangladesh  !
 
 
Mr. Salahuddin Ayubi
 
You are saying  the pro-Pakistani version parrot-wise ---- your business
as usual..... Bangladesh declared it's Independence on 25th of March 1971
and became a legal entity since then .... Our country was not a part of
Pakistan after 25th March 1971.
 
After 25th March 1971, the Pakistani regime in Bangladesh became
an illegal occupation adminstration.  Pakistani occupation regime became
a de facto authority not a legitimate government in 1971.
 
 Anyone who willingly co-operated with the foreign occupier and
enthusiastically promoted the regime is an anti-people traitor
Tikka Khan's government was illegal and had no legitamicy.
All acts of Jamaate Islami with Golam Azam and Moti Nizami at the helm
were acts of sedition, treason, and treachery :
Jamaat's 1971 maneauvors were not isolated or sporadic events, but were
party's policy of a wide practice of atrocities & killing innocent supporters
of People's Republic of Bangladesh.  Murder, extermination, torture, rape, 
religious persecution and other inhumane acts were widespread, 
systematic practices Jamaate Islami and its' Al-Bodor wing ... 
Whatever your saying to justify Golam Azam, Moti Nizami's crimes
against humanity & our nation is total distortion of facts, essentially
a willul misinterpretation and falsification of history with an ulterior
motive to save the criminals including Top Traitor Golam Azam.
 
You may or may not count Golam Azam  as your leader but your
"Till the 16th of december 1971our country was part of Pakistan"
statement is a pugnacious lie and distortion of history.... in 1971
Pakistani regime in Bangladesh was a defacto authority but not a
legitimate government ....  Inspite of  your amorphous and
unacceptable  "technicality arugument", Jamaate Islami's support
for, and collaboration with a regime perpetuating RAPE, MURDER
& GENOCIDE can't be condoned and justified from any legal or 
moral basis.
 
All of Jamaat's 1971 criminal acts and moral terpitudes were done
in the name of our religion Islam and thereby Jamaat's crimes were
against Islam too. Those crimes involving murder & moral turpitude
have an inherent quality of baseness, vileness, and depravity with
respect to human dignity. The Pakistani occupation regime and it's
Jamaat-AlBodor collaborator's actions were totally un-Islamic.
 
Jamaate Islami  vis-a-vis Golam Azam and Nizami Gong's
crimes against humanity, crime against Bangladesh & crime 
against Islam includes, but not limited to:
 
(1) Sedition against the People's Republic of Bangladesh
(2) Formation of and organizing Armed Gestapo militia Al-Bodor (High Treason)
(3) Complicity in the Genocide in Bangladesh
(4) Aiding and abetting the Genocide in Bangladesh
(5) Religious persecution of non-muslims.
(6) extortion from the families of Mukti-joddhas by the Al-bodor
      caders [Go Azam was personally involved in taking money from the
      families whose members were suspected of joining Mukti-Bahini
      because they were not seen at  home  ...]
 This only a partial list ...
 
Syed Aslam
 
For the Sunny boys of Bangladesh tomorrow will be even better day...
and Jamaate Islami will be turn into a Klue Klux Klan .....
 On 7/5/09, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo. com> wrote:
I have never said that Golam Azam is my leader. Truth is I do not follow any leader. I just wanted to make a technical point. . Till the 16th of december 1971  our country was part of Pakistan, we continued using Pakistani currency and all those who worked for the government worked for the Government of Pakistan including Radio and television so that was the legal government of the country.  Mr. Azam did not rebel against the legally constitued government, You may say that he collaborated with an unpopular govenment of the time whom Bengalis desposed and nothing more.
                           Ayubi
 From: Syed Aslam <syed.aslam3@ gmail.com>
Sent: Saturday, July 4, 2009 11:11:04 AM
Subject: Re: [reform-bd] Golam Azam - Top Traitor-Criminal, loosing 1971 memories ............ .....!

Golam Azam - Top Traitor-Criminal,  loosing 1971 memories
 
 
 
Mr. Ayubi
 
Your fovorite leader Golam Azam did not fight any rebellion
against a legal government.
 ...... he collaborated with the illegal occupation Army to
supress the Liberation Struggle.... .
 
By all accounts, [BNP or BAL] Bangladesh became an
independent People's  Republic after 25th March 1971
declaration of Independence.
 
16th December 1971 is our victory day when we consolidated
our victory over the foreign occupation Army's illegal
occupation. 
 
GoAzam was deeply involved in collaboration with an
illegal foreign occupation army  and organizing  the
illegal armed gestapo militia Al-bodor.
 
Jamaat's  illegal militia Al-bodor cum Islami Chattro Sangha,
killed thousands of freedom fighters and ordinary unarmed
supporters of newly independent People's Republic of Bangladesh.
and committed other attrocities including rape, extortion etc.
The killing of Bangladeshi intellectals was the sole job of
Al-badar militia with full approval Jamaat leadership including
Golam Azam, Moti Nizami et el.
 
In addition to his crime for organizing the illegal armed militia
Al-Bodor, Golamer Baccha Golam Azam's crime includes high
treason against the People's People's Republic of Bangladesh.

It is a heinous & disgusting shame that you are calling the illegal
occupation regime, "a lawful government" ,,,, which proves that
deep inside you, you are a pro-Pakistani- ideolog ......clear and
simple .....
 
the readers  already know who you are: "a  Baap ka beta ....."
No wonder, it burns your skin when you hear 
criminal Golam Azam's crimines are being disclosed ...
 
Syed Aslam

 
On 7/4/09, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo. com> wrote:


Moulanar put ,
                     Your uncle Golam azam did not join the rebellion. If not joining the rebbelion of a lawful government is a crime then only he can be called a criminal.
                           Ayubi

From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Sent: Friday, July 3, 2009 2:58:15 AM
Subject: [notun_bangladesh] Re: Golam Azam" Number One war criminal, now loosing 1971 memories ............ .....!

Maulana Salahuddin Ayubi
 
Call me Razaker or call me anything ......but the fact remains .....GooAzam collaborated with an occupation regime, he betrayed the nation, he was the mastermind behnd the killer al-bodor militia,  ... his name is has already been written in the history as the leading traitor of 1971  and the killer number one !!!! 
 
BTW, your filthy language is your only weapon .... it proves
who you are deep inside yourself, what kind of family sorroundings
you grew up in ............ ...
 
Thanks
 
Syed Aslam
 
 
On 7/3/09, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo. com> wrote:
Razkar Aslam,
                    Your blood y poetic language wil not lead you anywhere
but to hell. If you have the guts prove what you are claiming in the court
of law and have Golam azam punished . If you can not do that then lick
GAs prick and keep your bloody trap shut. Pardon me for my language
but you invited me to use the filthy language.
                    Ayubi

--- On Wed, 7/1/09, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
 
From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Subject:  Profile of a killer: Golam Azam" Number One war criminal, now loosing 1971 memories ............ .....!
Date: Wednesday, July 1, 2009, 3:40 PM

Maulana Salahuddin Ayubi
 
You said "I am not living in fools paradise" .... But bear in mind
denial ain't a river in Egypt ......!  It flows through Agha Mashi Lane ....
 
You are so comfortable with your own world that you don't
even undestand what is happening in the real world ......
Just watch.... life will never be the same for the religion-traders:
No wonder, Goo-Azam is now loosing his memory of 1971 ..
- Hide quoted text -
 
I am repeating again:
People of Bangladesh has always taken  correct decisions at all the
critical junctures of our history ....they will do the same in future:
The religion-traders and traitors have no political future ..... they will can
only remain in the periphery of the nation's political domain ....
... as power broker at it's best ...just keep watching the on going historical
processes that is being unfolded before your [also our]  naked eyes ...
 
Thanks
 
Syed Aslam
 
For the Sunny boys of Bangladesh tomorrow will be even better day...
and Jamaate Islami will be turn into a Clue Clux Clan .....

 
On Wed, Jul 1, 2009 at 10:44 AM, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo. com> wrote:
 
Sunny boy,
               I am not living in fools paradise, you have been living there.
Nera Bengalis have gone to the beltola several times but still can not stop the urge of going
there by the influence of  misinformation of BAL
                        Ayubi

--- On Tue, 6/30/09, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
From:
Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [reform-bd] Re: [notun_bangladesh] Profile of a killer: Golam Azam"Number One war criminal
Date: Tuesday, June 30, 2009, 2:12 AM

Mr. Salahuddin Ayubi sahib
 
If you think that the mass people of Bangladesh are such a fool that will  get confused by the "misinformation and disinformation" spread by  BAL  you must living in fools paradise.... ...
 
People of Bangladesh has always taken  correct decisions at all the critical junctures of our history ....they will do the same in future:
The religion-traders and traitors have no political future ..... they will can only remain in the periphery of the nation's political domain ....
... as power broker at it's best ...just keep watching the on going historical processes that is being unfolded before your [also our]  naked eyes ...
 
Everyone on either side of the aisle must know that they can't fool all Bangladeshis for all times ......
 
Best Regards
 
Syed Aslam
 
Gholam Azam, Rao Forman  Ali & Governor Malek, discussing blue print for killing
the pro Bangladesh intellectuals in 1971

. On 6/29/09, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo. com> wrote:
Syed Sahib,
                 If you are so sure that he is war criminal then why dont you file a case in the court and prove that he is a war criminal. If you can not do that then assist your party BAL to do that. dont spread misinformation and disinformation and confuse the public.
                         Ayubi
--- On Sun, 6/28/09, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
 
From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Subject: [notun_bangladesh] Profile of a killer: Golam Azam"Number One war criminal
To: "Sonar Bangladesh" <SonarBangladesh@ yahoogroups. com>, "notun Bangladesh" <notun_bangladesh@ yahoogroups. com>, "reformbd Reform_bd_YG" <reform-bd@yahoogrou ps.com>, "Amra Bangladesi" <amra-bangladesi@ yahoogroups. com>, odhora@yahoogroups. com, "Khobor" <khabor@yahoogroups. com>, chottala@yahoogroup s.com

Date: Sunday, June 28, 2009, 4:40 PM


 
 Part1:Profile of killers Golam Azam First Amber-e-Jamaat of Bangladesh
 
The head (Ameer) of the collaborators (Rajakar) of Pakistani occupation army and a heinous war criminal. The vile monster behind the genocide of 1971, rapes and molestation of 45,00,000 Bengali women and murder of hundreds of pro Bangladesh intellectuals. In one of the photos recovered from the archive of Pakistan military intelligence Golam Azam and his top associate Motiur Rahman Nizami are seen handing the list of the names of progressive Bangalee intellectuals over to the Pakistani generals for elimination. The guru of extremist Islamic ideologies in Bangladesh. The leader of 70,000 Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Sams forces.
(New York Times, 30 July, 1971).
 
War criminal Golam Azam cartoon link: http://www.iftwcb. org/images/ ghatak.jpg
 
When the burden of the killing became too much for the army, the Pakistanis enlisted and trained paramilitary units made up of non-Bengali Muslims and Bengali collaborators from right-wing religious parties. These paramilitary units, the al-Badr and al-Shams, worked as informers and assassins to augment the military's gruesome task of killing Bengalis. In June 1971 Sydney Schanberg reported on the formation of these units:
 
In June 1971 Sydney Schanberg reported 'Throughout East Pakistan the Army is training new paramilitary home guards or simply arming "loyal" civilians, some of whom are formed into peace committees. Besides Biharis and other non-Bengali, Urdu-speaking Moslems, the recruits include the small minority of Bengali Moslems who have long supported the army -- adherents of the right-wing religious parties such as the Moslem League and Jamaat-e-Islami led by Golam Azam and Motiur Rahman Nizami
 
These groups collectively known as the Razakars, the paramilitary units spread terror throughout the Bengali population. With their local knowledge, the Razakars were an invaluable tool in the Pakistani Army's arsenal of genocide.'
However, In June the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Sydney Schanberg filed a number of eyewitness accounts from Bangladeshi towns for The New York Times. In response, the Pakistan army expelled him from the country on June 30, 1971.
 
Golam Azam, Rao Forman & Malek, discussing blue print for killing the pro Bangladesh intellectuals
 
The Pakistan army, on the verge of defeat, was determined to wipe out Bengali culture in one final act of barbarism. On December 14, 1971, the Pakistan army unleashed the paramilitary units led by Jamaat-e-Islami Al-Badr and Al-Shams to exterminate Bengali intellectuals. The goal was to find and kill Bengali political thinkers, educators, scientists, poets, doctors, lawyers, journalists and other intellectuals. The al-Badr and al-Shams fanned out with lists of names to find and execute the core of Bengali intellectuals. The intellectuals were arrested and taken to Rayerbazar, a marshy area in Dhaka city.
 
There, they were gunned down with their eyes blindfolded and their hands tied behind their backs. Jamaat-e-Islami and its leaders were in the forefront of this planning and execution of Bengali intellectuals. Al-Badr and Al-Shams systematically executed well over 200 of East Pakistan's intellectuals and scholars. Professors, journalists, doctors, artists, engineers, writers were rounded up, blindfolded, taken to torture cells in Mirpur, Mohammadpur, Nakhalpara, Rajarbagh and other locations in different sections of the city; and executed en masse in the killing fields, most notably at Rayerbazar and Mirpur.
 
Several noted intellectuals who were killed from the time period of 25th March to 16th December, 1971 in different parts of the country include Dr. G. C. Dev (Philosopher, Professor at DU),Dr. Munir Chowdhury (Litterateur, Dramatist, Professor at DU), Dr. Mofazzal Haider Chowdhury (Litterateur, Professor at DU), Dr. Anawar Pasha (Litterateur, Professor at DU), Dr. Fazle Rabbi (cardiologist) , Dr. Alim Chowdhury (opthalmologist) , Shahidullah Kaisar (journalist) , Nizamuddin Ahmed (Reporter), Selina Parvin (reporter), Altaf Mahmud (lyricist and musician), Dr. Hobibur Rahman (mathematician, Professor at RU), Dhiren Dutt (politician) , R. P. Saha (philanthropist) , Lt. Col. Moazzem Hossain (ex-soldier) , Mamun Mahmood (Police Officer)and many others.
 
Noted writter Dr. Rashid Aksari stated in one of his writing "The paramilitary force Al-Badr, which was formed in September 1971 under the auspices of General Niazi, chief of the Eastern Command of the Pakistan Army, was the instigator of that hideous massacre. Their objective was to strike panic into the people by abduction and killing. It was the military adviser to the so-called Governor, Major General Rao Forman Ali who masterminded the whole conspiracy to extinguish the intellectuals and the higher educated class. Had they had one week time more, they would have killed all the Bengali intellectuals, which was a part of their master plan. The Badr force was in fact a special terrorist faction of the then Jamaat-e-Islami led by Moududi, Golam Azam, and Abdur Rahim.
 
He continues to narrate "Immediately after submitting the killing plan, Golam Azam, along with the chief of the Razakars, Mohammad Yunus, and the liaison officer of the Peace Committee, Mahbubur Rahman Gurha, went to see the training of the Razakar and Al-Badr at the Physical Training College. From then on the Student Sangha all over the country was transformed into Al-Badr and in the last week of November and first half of December the list of the intellectuals was handed over to them for abduction and persecution.
 
On December 4 began the imposed curfew and black out to pave the way for abduction. The preparation for abduction of the intellectuals extensively started from December 10. Amid curfew and black out, an Al-Badr bus, stained with mud, picked up the listed intellectuals from their residences. Then they were taken to the Al-Badr headquarter at Mohammadpur Physical Training College for interrogation and persecution. At dead of night they were taken to Rayerbazar brick field and killed. The killing also took place at Mirpur.
 
Golam Azam (born 1922) the mother of all killer, is a Bangladeshi political leader. He is also widely known as a war criminal who collaborated with the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, particularly with regards to creating and managing the vigilante Razakar and Al-Badr forces. Recently released unclassified documents of the Pakistan government reiterate his role as a war criminal. He refused to accept the independence of Bangladesh upon its liberation on December 16th 1971, and was a permanent resident of Pakistan until 1978, and maintained Pakistani citizenship until 1994.
 
Entering politics as a student leader at Dhaka University, Azam became the secretary of the fundamentalist Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh in 1957. Later, he became the Amber (president) of the Jamaat in East Pakistan in 1969. During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, he was accused of collaboration with the Pakistan Army, and was also accused of war crimes.
 
To the last leg of nine months long war on receiving an urgent telegram from Maududi, Golam Azam went to Lahore, on 22 November 1971, to see him. He could not return to Bangladesh as his citizenship was revoked by Sheikh Mujib government. Failing to return to Bangladesh the arch criminal went to Mecca, ostensibly, for Hajj.  From Saudi Arabia Go Azam traveled Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Kuwait, Beirut and Libya to lobby against Sheikh Mujib government and raise funds for counter revolution.
 
Following his extensive international PR activities Go Azam arrived in London. From London he published the Jamati newspaper Daily Sangram on a weekly basis.  In 1974, the weekly Bichitra published a very interesting report on Golam Azam's activities in London: In early 1974, Golam Azam presented a blueprint of anti Bangladesh activities at a committee meeting held in a house in East London. According to a reliable source some Pakistani nationals were also present in that meeting.
 
The participants in that secret meeting were: AT Sadi, Toaha bin Habib, Ali Hossain, Barrister Akhtar Uddin, Meher Ali and Dr Talukdar. Pakistani citizen Mahmud Ali is one of the top Pakistanis present in that meeting. The chair of the meeting Golam Azam said " to continue our activities from London will be difficult. So someone has to go back home. We ought to take risk-otherwise there will be no outcome. But if you go home-you will have contacts. I have already contacted my people. Everything is okay. Handing out a leaflet to all members present Golam said it has to be distributed among the people of every village of Bangladesh. People are with us.
 
According to some sources the said leaflet contained propaganda for a proposed confederation with Pakistan. Others believed that it called for an Islamic revolution organized using the network of mosques. Some people were reported to have arrested near Dhaka carrying those leaflets. Golam Azam also mentioned the proposed support for anti Bangladesh activities from Pakistan and some other Middle Eastern countries. (Like Zia) Golam Azam said 'Money is not a problem'.
 
It was heard that Golam Azam collected 45,000,000 Reals  from Saudi Arabia for reconstructing the mosques of Bangladesh demolished during the war. Shrewd Golam spent a large portion of that money to purchase a house in Manchester in UK. Presently his son Mehedi Hasan is living in that house. Golam' eldest son Kaifi Azmi is a senior officer in Bangladesh Army and believed to be working as a link between ISI cell in Bangladesh Army and Jamati Terrorist groups.
 
After the war, the Bangladesh government sought to remove the influence of the fundamentalists and collaborators, and Golam Azam's citizenship was cancelled. He chose to live in exile in Pakistan and England until 1978, when President Ziaur Rahman re-established multi-party democracy and legalized the previously banned fundamentalist parties, and allowed him to return to Bangladesh on a temporary visa.
 
Golam Azam became the unofficial Amber of the party while remaining in the country illegally (though no attempt was made to restrain him and he moved around openly), and his citizenship was restored in 1994 by a decision of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh.
 
Ghulam Azam announced his retirement from active politics in late 2000. He was succeeded by Motiur Rahman Nizami. Golam was Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami from 1969 to 2000 which is THIRTY ONE YEAR ( So called Islamic Democracy) probably just to follow the foot step of his leader Moududi who was also the ameer of  Jamaat from its formation on 6 August 1941 till 1972 which is THIRTY ONE YEAR too.
 
Ghulam Azam's party, Jamaat-e-Islami, has been accused by a cross section of political parties and secular organizations as a patron of recently (2002-2006) rising militancy and behind a number of terrorist bombings. Almost all of the recently arrested militants were alleged to have links in the past to either the Jamaat or its student wing, the Islami Chhatra Shibir some Bangladeshi newspapers such as The Daily Star, Prothom Alo, Janakantha and Bhorer Kagoj describes Jamaat as who favors destabilizations of mainstream politics so as to reap the dividend from the subsequent vacuum.
 
Reference:
1.       Liberation Museum
2.      Killers and Collaborators of 1971: An Account of Their
      Whereabouts, compiled and published by the Center for the
      Development of the Spirit of the Liberation War
3.      Commission on War Criminals of Bangladesh
4.      Saiduzzaman Raushan: Speeches and Statements of Killers &
      Collaborators of 1971
6.      West Pakistan Pursues Subjugation of Bengalis; West Pakistan
       Pursues Bengali Subjugation by SYDNEY H. SCHANBERG
7.      The portrait of Golam Azam by Dr Humayun Azad
  1. Jahanara Imam: Ekatturer Dinguli
9.      Jahanara Imam: Buker Vitor Agun
10.  Sadiq Salik - Witness to Surrender
11.   S M Shafiullah - Bangladesh At War
 
 

Part2: Jamaat-e-Islam Bangladesh : Profile of a killer: Golam Azam"Number One war criminal

Thursday, 09 April 2009 19:14
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As we all know that Jamaat-e-Islami which is now known as Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh was heavily drawn into mass murdering, rape, arson, looting and especially killing of intellectual during the last part of our glorious liberation war. Jamaat or Jamatis was related with most genocide that happened during nine months of liberation war. To understand the genocide of 1971 and those who committed the genocide we must recognize and identify Jamaat leaders and their heinous activities during 1971 as well as their conspiracy against the democratic secular Bangladesh at this time.
 
Most of the Jamaat leaders of today's Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh have a very dark chapter of their life which they try to hide by all means. Their heinous activities in the name of Allah and Islam they committed and continue to commit crime against humanity must be challenged. They were danger then and more dangerous now. Their treacherous activity is challenging for true democratization of our country where pluralistic society will thrive.
 
Jamaat-e-Islami who completely disagree with the basic premise of democratic pluralistic state and society by participation of all citizens with equal right and wants to establish Moulana Moududi version of Islam by any means.
 
Deceiving, lying and conniving manipulation of two faces Jamaat-e-Islam is in sequence with the teaching of their spiritual guide and founding father Syed Ab'ul Ala Maududi. In page 54 of his Voluminous "Tarjamanul Qura'an": - he said "Truth is one of the most important principles of Islam and lying is one of the greatest sins. But in real life some needs are such that telling a lie is not only allowed, in some circumstances it is decreed mandatory".
 
Dear readers, to uncover or revisit the truth, to understand the depth of Jamaat-e-Islam' s conspiracy against our democratic institution we have taken this step to bring Jamatis out of there closet and introduce them to our new generation.
 
We must understand the true enemy of pluralistic democratic Bangladesh is NONE BUT PAROCHIAL JAMAAT-E-ISLAM of Bangladesh.
 
I urge you to speak out against this vicious political identity and help our new generation to understand them better. Please contribute!
 
We start our second part of this series "Jamaat-e-Islam Bangladesh : Profile of a killers" series with Golam Azam the first Amber of Jamaat-e-Islam Bangladesh " aiming to expose these heinous killers and continue to uncover all other executive members of Jamaat-e-Islam Bangladesh .
 
Central Executive Committee
* Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami
Amber-e-Jamaat & President,
1. Maulana Abul Katam Muhammad Yusuf
2. Mr. Maqbul Ahmad
3. Prof. A.K.M. Nazir Ahmad
4. Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed
5. Maulana Abdus Sobhan
6. Maulana Delawar Hossain Sayedee
7. Mr. Muhammad Kamaruzzaman
8. Mr. Abdul Quader Molla
9. Mr. ATM Azharul Islam
10. Mr. Badre Alam
11. Mr. Abu Naser Muhammad Abduzzaher
12. Mr. Mir Kasem Ali
13. Maulana Rafiuddin Ahmad.
14. Barrister Abdur Razzak.
15.Moulana Rafiqul Islam Khan
Member Central Working Committee

    * Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami : Amber-e-Jamaat
      1 Maulana Abul Kalam Muhammad Yusuf : Senior Nayeb-e-Ameer
      2. Mr. Maqbul Ahmad : Nayeb-e-Ameer
      3. Prof. AKM Nazir Ahmad : Nayeb-e-Ameer
      4. Mr. Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed: Secretary General
      6. Maulana Abdus Sobhan : Central Executive & working Committee
           Member
      7. Maulana Delawar Hossain Sayedee : Central Executive & Working
          Committee Member
      8 Mr Muhammad Kamaruzzaman : Senior Assistant Secretary
         General
      9. Mr. Abdul QuaderMolla : Assistant Secretary General
      10 Mr ATM Azharul Islam : Assistant Secretary General
      11 Prof. Mujibur Rahman Assistant Secretary General
      12. Maulana MuharnmadAbuTaher: Assistant Secretary General
      13 Mr.BadreAlarn Central Executive Working Committee Member
      14 Mr Abu Naser Muhammad Abduzzaher Working Committee member
      15.Mr. Mir Kasem Ali : Central Executive & Working Committee Member
      16. Maulana Rafiuddin Ahmad : Member
      17. Barrister Abdur Razzak: Assistant Secretary General
      18. Principal Ahdur Rob: Central Working Committee Member
      19. Maulana Sarthr Abdus Salam: Central Working Committee Member
      20. Prof. Md.TasneemAlam: Central Working Committee Member
      21. Mr. Abul Asad: Central Working Committee Member
      22. Prof. Sharif Hossain Central Working Committee Member
      23. Maulana Nazrul Islam Advocate: Central Wo Committee Member
      24. Mr. Ataur Rahman : Central Working Committee Member, Rajshahi City
      25. Dr. Muhammad Shafiqur Rahman : Central Working Committee Member, Syihet City
      26. Principal Shah MuhcL Ruhul Quddus : Central Working Committee Member
      27. Maulana Mominul Haq Chowdhuiy: Central Working Committee Member
      28.Dr.AnisurRahman : Central Working Comrnittee Member
      29. Prof. Fazlur Rahman : Central Working Committee Member
      30. Mr. Muhammad Shahed : Central Working Committee Member
      31. Maulana Farid Uddin Chowdhury: Central Working Committee Member
      32. Mr. Golam Rabbani: Central Working uittee Member
      33. Mr. Saiful Alam Khan Milon : Central Working Committee Member
      34. Mr. Abdur Rob : Central Working Committee Member
      35. Prof. Mian Golam Parwar : Central Working Committee Member, Khulna City
      36. Advocate Abdul Iatif : Central Working Committee Member
      37. Principal Muhammad Izzatullah : Central Working Committee Member
      39. Mr. Mominul Islam Patwary : Central Working Committee Member,
      39. Maulana Shamsul Islam : Central Working Committee Member, Chittagong_City
      40. Advocate Moazzem Hossain Helal : Central Working Committee Member, Barisal City

.




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[chottala.com] Ghulam Azam - a leader in Language Movement (A brief Bio)



 
 
Prof Ghulam Azam was born in November 7, 1922 at Lakxmi Bazar Shah Shaheb Bari in Dhaka, the house of his maternal grandfather, the late Shah Shaheb. He received his masters in political science from Dhaka University.
 
He was a popular student leader in his student life. He became an Assistant Secretary of East Pakistan Cultural Union for the term 1945-1946. He was elected Secretary General of the Hall Union of famous Fazlul Haque Muslim Hall of Dhaka University for the term 1946-47 and the Secretary General of Dhaka University Central Students Union for 1947-48 and 1948-49 terms.
 
Professor Ghulam Azam played a leading role in the Language Movement of the country. In November 1948, he submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister of Pakistan on behalf of the students of Dhaka University demanding the state language status for Bangla. The movement continued, he was arrested in charge of the movement in 1952 and 1955, and at a stage the government had to declare Bangla as a state language of Pakistan.
 

For the cause of language he was arrested on March 11 1948 from T.T Office along with 10 to 12 students. He is the man who presented the Historic Memorandum to the then Prime Minister of the Pakistan Mr. Liakat Ali Khan on Nov 27 1948 at the Gymnesium ground, Dhaka on behalf of the students of the Dhaka University.


In 1946-47 he became the General Secretary of Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall, polling the highest votes. Twice he was elected General Secretary of DUCSU ( Dhaka University Central Students' Union) in 1947-48 and 1948-49. He was the first DUCSU G.S. in the post Independent era.

 
Although educated in the general education, Professor Ghulam Azam was a practicing Muslim from his childhood. He came in touch with the political and cultural thinking of Islam through a cultural organisation named 'Tamaddun Mozlish'. While a teacher of Political Science in Rangpur Kermichle College, he founded a branch of 'Tamaddun Majlish' in Rangpur in 1952. He became the Secretary General of Jamaat-e-Islami of East Pakistan in 1957. He was thrown to jail in 1964 by the military rules of Ayub Khan. He played a key role in the formation of Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDM) in 1967. It was all party democratic resistance movement against the military rule of Ayub Khan. He was the Secretary General of the Executive Committee of East Pakistan Wing of PDM.
 

(Collected from various internet sources)

--- On Wed, 7/8/09, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:
 



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[chottala.com] Re: [notun_bangladesh] International Crimes Tribunal (Amendment) Bill 2009 approved in the cabinet ...

Razakars are now really scared!! They are chanting "YAH NABSI, YAH NABSI"
 
Dr. Manik
-------------- Original message from Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>: --------------

 
 
Tuesday, July 7, 2009

War Crime Trial

Cabinet okays law changes

Bill to empower executive magistrates also approved

The cabinet yesterday in principle approved a proposal to amend the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act 1973 to ensure fairness and neutrality in holding trial of war criminals.

The draft copy of the amendment will be placed in parliament within one or two days for its passage, said Law Minister Shafique Ahmed while talking to reporters at his secretariat office.

Meanwhile, the cabinet meeting also endorsed the draft of the Mobile Court Bill 2009 aiming at empowering the executive magistrates again to run mobile courts for holding summary trial of some specific offences.

The law minister said the amendment will be brought in the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act 1973 in order to make it update. The amended law will be titled as International Crimes Tribunal (Amendment) Act 2009, he said.

There are provisions for trial of the armed forces and their associate forces under the 1973 act, he said, adding that his ministry has recommended an added provision to try individual and group crimes for the trial of war crimes.

An official concerned said that the draft amendment also proposed reforming the definition of "associate force" to include groups such as Rajakar, Al badr and Al shams militias who collaborated with the Pakistani occupying forces in 1971.

The law minister said a provision for appeal against the tribunal's verdict has also been included in the draft amendment, which is not in the original law.

"A temporary tribunal will be constituted for the trials. A prosecution team of five to 10 lawyers headed by a public prosecutor and an investigation committee will also be specially formed," Shafique said.

He said those who have skills, efficiency, quality, honesty and acceptability will be appointed as investigators and prosecutors for holding the trial of war criminals.

English is proposed as the official language for the trials but the amendment keeps Bengali as well, he said.

Meanwhile, prime minister's Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad yesterday told a press briefing that the proposal for amendment of the law was approved to bring those involved in 'anti-humanity' acts during the Liberation War in 1971 to justice.

The anti-humanity acts include killings, arson and rape, he said.

Mobile Court Bill

The draft of the Mobile Court Bill 2009 will now be placed in the parliament and once it is passed as an act, the executive magistrates will regain their power to summarily try some offences to help maintain law and order and check criminal activities, said a secretary, who was present at the cabinet meeting.

The executive magistrates, who are officials from the administration cadre of the government, were stripped of judicial powers on November 1, 2007 with the separation of the judiciary from executive organ of the state through amendment to the Code of Criminal Procedures.

The secretary said the mobile courts against the criminal activities including adulteration can only be operated by judicial magistrates after separation of the judiciary.

But in the face of demand from the cadre officials, the immediate past caretaker government on October 29, 2007 promulgated the Mobile Court Ordinance 2007 empowering the executive magistrates to operate mobile courts and hold summary trials of some specific offences.

The ordinance, however, ceased to have effect, as the present parliament in its first session did not pass the ordinance as act.

Sources said as per the draft bill placed by the home ministry in the cabinet, the district magistrates may delegate the authority to executive magistrates through written order to operate mobile courts in their jurisdiction for maintaining law and order and containing offences.

The mobile courts can only fine the offenders, in default, it can give the convicts three months' simple imprisonment, says the draft bill.

The law enforcement agencies along with other organisations concerned will be bound to give necessary assistance to executive magistrates in operating the mobile courts, sources said.
 

[chottala.com] Re: [notun_bangladesh] Bangladesh can be benefited by Tipaimukh Dam-Water Minister!

Our population is growing so fast!!( 15 Crores ) but our land is so tiny to accomodate! We have enough river , we need more fertile lands. Farakka barrage has helped us to solve these problems. Future barrage or dam like Tipaimukh will also help us to have extra land to accomodate our fast growing population and more fertile land for agriculture projects.
 
Dr. Manik
-------------- Original message from Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com>: --------------

Pungir putera  eita ki shunailo bhai?
               Ayubi


From: Nayan Khan <udarakash08@yahoo.com>
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com; dahuk@yahoogroups.com; dhakamails@yahoogroups.com; Diagnose@yahoogroups.com; khabor@yahoogroups.com; mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; odhora@yahoogroups.com; shetubondhon@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, July 6, 2009 7:34:03 AM
Subject: [notun_bangladesh] Bangladesh can be benefited by Tipaimukh Dam-Water Minister!

Please click here to detail.
 
 
Ramesh Chandra was saying that BD could be benifited from this Dam.
 
০৬ জুলাই, সোমবার (আরটিএনএন)-ভারতের সঙ্গে সম্পর্ক ভাল থাকলে বাংলাদেশ টিপাইমুখ বাঁধ থেকে লাভবানও হতে পারে বলে জানিয়েছেন পানি সম্পদ মন্ত্রী রমেশ চন্দ্র সেন। মন্ত্রী বলেন, যেকোনো বাঁধ শুধু ক্ষতি করবে, এমন কোন কথা নেই। বাংলাদেশ এ বাঁধ থেকে লাভবানও হতে পারে। শুধু বিরোধিতার জন্য বিরোধিতা নয়, গঠনমূলক সমালোচনা করার জন্য তিনি বিরোধী দলের প্রতি আহবান জানান।

সফররত নেদারল্যান্ডের পানি ব্যবস্থাপনা বিষয়ক সহকারী মন্ত্রী জে সি হুইজিঙ্গা হেরিঙ্গার সঙ্গে সোমবার সচিবালয়ে বৈঠক করার পর সাংবাদিকদের তিনি এ কথা বলেন। ভারতের টিপাইমুখ বাঁধ নিয়ে সংসদে আলোচনা হবে বলে জানিয়ে পানি সম্পদ মন্ত্রী সাংবাদিকদের বলেন, 'সংসদীয় দল বিশেষজ্ঞ নিয়ে পরিদর্শনে যাবে, তারàl¾ আসার পর ৩০০ বিধিতে সংসদে অবশ্যই সমগ্র জাতিকে জানাবো।'



বিরোধী দল চাইলে টিপাইমুখ বাঁধ পরিদর্শনে সরকারি প্রতিনিধি দলে তাদের অন্তর্ভুক্ত করা হবে বলে জানান তিনি।


বিরোধীদলের সমালোচনা করে মন্ত্রী বলেন, তাদের সময় এ প্রকল্প শুরু হলেও তখন তারা এ কাজে ভারতকে বাঁধা দেয়নি, প্রতিবাদও করেনি। এখন তারা টিপাইমুখ বাঁধ নিয়ে অহেতুক রাজনৈতিক ইস্যু তৈরির চেষ্টা করছে



সেনানিবাসের বাড়ির দখলের বিষয় আড়াল করতেই বিএনপি টিপাইমুখ বাঁধ ইস্যুটিকে সামনে নিয়ে এসেছে উল্লেখ করে তিনি বলেন, 'তারাতো (বিরোধীদল) ইস্যু তৈরি করবেই। তাদের কাজ কি? একটা ইস্যু তৈরি করে সরকারকে বিব্রত করে ফেলা। বিব্রত করা উচিত না। দেশটার প্রতি আনুগত্য থাকা দরকার সবার।'


টিপাইমুখ বাঁধের সব তথ্য-উপাত্ত পানিসম্পদ মন্ত্রণালয়ে এসে পৌঁছায়নি। শুধু জলবিদ্যুৎ প্রকল্পের তথ্য পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়কে দিয়েছে ভারত।

সফররত নেদারল্যান্ডের পানি ব্যবস্থাপনা বিষয়ক সহকারী মন্ত্রী রমেশ চন্দ্র সেনের সঙ্গে সাক্ষাতের সময় এদেশে পানি ব্যবস্থাপনা ও নদী-ভাঙ্গন রোধে সেদেশের অভিজ্ঞতা কাজে লাগানোর বিষয়ে আগ্রহ প্রকাশ করেন

 


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[chottala.com] BENGALI LANGUAGE MOVEMENT IN EARLY YEARS OF PAKISTAN by Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman Manik



THE MAKING OF THE FORMATIVE PHASES OF THE BENGALI LANGUAGE MOVEMENT IN THE EARLY YEARS OF PAKISTAN

Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman Manik

 

On this day of Twenty First February, in Bengali, simply Ekushey, every year since 1952, the nation solemnly pays homage to the immortal martyrs of the Bengali language movement. Although the commemoration of 21st February has been transformed, over the years, into an occasion of cultural ?celebration? of our Bengal heritage, paying tribute to the language martyrs has remained to be the fundamental spirit of "Amor (immortal) Ekushey February." That spirit of Ekushey has not diminished. Rather, the radiant spirit of the twenty first February has remained ingrained in the core of our hearts and souls even after the elapse of almost half of a century of the historic Bengali language movement. People from all walks of life still come out in thousands in the early hours of February twenty first and mournfully trod the streets of Dhaka, and throng the Central Shaheed Minar (Marty's Monument) for offering their heartfelt tributes to the fallen language martyrs. The memorable lines from Abdul Gaffar Choudhury's "Ekushey" anthem ("Can I forget the Twenty First February which was drenched with my brother's blood? Twenty First February, built with tears of a hundred mothers who were robbed of their sons, Can I ever forget that?") are sung in chorus by those who take part in the mourning processions in the morning of every 21st February.

The saliency of Twenty First February has made the historic movement for establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan synonymous with the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement. However, the movement for making Bengali as one of the State languages of the then Pakistan did not, or could not, start all on a sudden on February 21, 1952. In fact, "Bangla Bhasha Andolon" (the Bengali Language Movement) in the then East Bengal took place in several distinct phases. The first phase of the Bengali language movement started immediately before and after the emergence of Pakistan on August 14, 1947. Although the first phase of the language movement was not a mass uprising by any standard, those initial reactions had prepared the progressive forces of East Bengal to launch an organized movement against the anti-Bengali design of the Pakistani ruling elite. The second phase of the Bengali language movement, which started in early 1948, was essentially confined within the student community and the intelligentsia. The third phase of the Bengali language movement began in early 1952 after Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Prime Minister of the then Pakistan and a life long collaborator of the anti-Bengali ruling coterie, declared in a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on January 26, 1952, that "Urdu would be the "only" State language of Pakistan.

There is no doubt that the provocative speech of Khawja Nazimuddin can be singled out as the immediate cause of the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement. Yet, the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement can also be characterized as the culmination of the earlier phases of Bangalees? resistance against the unilateral adoption of Urdu as the lingua franca of Pakistan. Doubtless, the earlier phases of the language movement, especially the organized resistance of early 1948 by the student community and the progressive forces against the imposition of Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan, had prepared a ground for building up the historic Bengali language movement of early 1952. Thus all of the phase of the Bengali language movement had profound impact on the subsequent political and cultural movements in the then East Bengal. It is within this broader context, an attempt has been made in this commentary to discuss the poignancy of the formative phases of the Bengali Language Movement.

 

The Roots of the Bengali Language Movement

The roots of both the 1948 and 1952 phases of the Bengali Language Movement in East Bengal can be traced back to the widespread support of the non-Bengali leaders of the All-India Muslim League (AIML) in favor of making "Urdu" as the ?lingua franca? of Pakistan, the emerging Muslim State. For instance, one of the professed objectives of a 14-point Manifesto, prepared by the Central Parliamentary Board of AIML in June 1936 clearly underscored the "protection and promotion of the Urdu language and Script." The 25-point program "setting out the special needs of Bengal," drawn in the summer of 1936 by the Central Parliamentary Board of AIML, contained many of the lofty and ambitious goals. Yet, those objectives did not recognize the need for "the protection and promotion" and adoption of the Bengali language and script. The Urdu-speaking leaders of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League (BPML) also spawned the idea that "Urdu" should be the official language of the "Bengali Muslims."

Although the prospect of carving out a Muslim State was at a rudimentary stage in 1937, the concept of Pakistan caught up the imagination of the Bengali Muslims by early 1940s. There is little wonder why the language issue did not prominently manifest in Bengal province during the elections of 1936-?37 and 1945-?46. There was no dearth of Muslim leaders for championing the cause of Urdu to be the State language of the Muslim nation both before and after the emergence of Pakistan. However, the Muslim middle-class intellectuals, leftist activists, and other progressive forces vehemently opposed such absurd idea, and they demanded that Bengali should be the lingua franca of Bengali Muslims. Indeed, these progressive forces were in the vanguard of the earlier phases as well as the 1952 phase of the language movements for establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

 A debate on the language issue took place in June-July, 1947 between the proponents and opponents of Urdu as the "only" State language of Pakistan, a nation-state which was soon to be carved out of British India. Pursuant to Lord Mountbatten?s declaration of June 3, 1947, the creation of Pakistan through the partition of India was imminent. The Uttar Pradesh based Urdu-speaking stalwarts of the All-India Muslim League (AIML) had already begun mobilizing their support and resources in favor of establishing Urdu language as the lingua franca of Pakistan. For example, Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed, Vice Chancellor of Aligarh University, declared in a Conference on Urdu language that only "Urdu" deserves to be the official language of a Muslim state. However, his advocacy for Urdu did not go unchallenged. Dr.Muhammad Shahidullah, a renowned and respected Bengali scholar, forcefully protested this discriminatory proposal. In a thought provoking article titled "Pakistaner Bhasha Shamashya" ("The Language Problem in Pakistan," published in Daily Azad, July 29, 1947), he effectively refuted the irrelevance, uselessness and unfairness of Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed?s advocacy for the imposition of Urdu as the only lingua franca of Pakistan. He emphasized that "Bengali being the mother tongue of 55% of the total population of Pakistan deserves to be the State language of the new nation. Once Bengali is being adopted as the State language, we may then deliberate to determine the question whether or not Urdu can also be afforded the status of one of the State languages of Pakistan."

Once Pakistan became a reality on August 14, 1947, the unresolved language controversy continued to surface during the early months of independent Pakistan. The Central Government of Pakistan had already started the unilateral use of "Urdu" in money order forms, postal stamps, currencies and coins, railway tickets, and official letterheads and forms even without formally adopting "Urdu" as the "only" State language of Pakistan. The rejection of Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan by the unilateral imposition of Urdu as the "only" State language had spawned the feeling of distrust and discontent among the student community of East Bengal. Even the common people of East Bengal started suspecting motives of Pakistani ruling elite.

The Role of Gono Azadi League (GAL) in Mobilizing Support for Bengali

: Various political forces of East Bengal started mobilizing support for making "Bengali" as one of State languages of the new nation even before the emergence of Pakistan. For instance, in July 1947, some disgruntled and left-leaning Muslim Leaguers, and independent minded political activists had formed the "Gono Azadi League" (People?s Independent League) under the leadership of Kamruddin Ahmed, one of the pioneers of the early phases of the Bengali language movement. Although this party was no more than a political faction, this provided a political platform or cover for many of the non-communal Muslim League dissidents in the early months of independent Pakistan. It was forcefully emphasized, among many other Pro-Bengali statements, in its manifesto titled Ashoo Dabee Kormoshuchee Adarsha (?Immediate Demands, Course of Action, and Ideology?) that "Bangla will be our State language. All necessary steps need to be taken immediately for making Bangla language suitable for all parts of Pakistan. Bangla shall be the only official language of East Pakistan."

The Role of Democratic Youth League (DYL):

The most enlightened segment of the student community of Dhaka University started to oppose various policies of the Central Government even before the year 1947 ended. ?Gonotantric Jubo League? (Democratic Youth League--DYL) was founded in Dhaka on August 5, 1947 by the leftist and progressive students of East Bengal. The DYL held a Youth Conference in Dhaka on September 6 and 7, 1947 for the determination of its future course of actions through deliberations toward the protection of the integrity of Bengali language and culture. One of the professed resolutions of the Youth Conference urged the Central Government of Pakistan to recognize the distinctive features of the language, literature, and culture of various regions of Pakistan. The issue of regional autonomy was also emphasized in the resolution. The DYL took the leadership in forging unity among the various pro-Bengali forces to build up a resistance movement against the imposition of Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan. In spite of the governmental repressive measures against the DYL in the name of eradication of "communism," the dedicated workers of the DYL were in the vanguards of both the 1948 and 1952 phases of the Bengali language movement.

The Role of Tamuddun Majlish

: Founded as a cultural organization in Dhaka on September 1, 1947, Tamaddun Majlish played a historic role in the defense of our mother tongue. Although the main intent of ?Tamuddun Majlish? was to invigorate Islamic spirit and culture among the citizens of the new nation of Pakistan, the vigorous role played by this pro-Islamic organization made it clear to the Bengali speaking Muslim population of Pakistan that the demand for adopting Bengali as one of the State languages was "not at all motivated by the anti-state elements and communists of East Bengal." Tamuddun Majlis issued on September 15, 1947, a well-written pamphlet titled "Pakistaner Rashtra Bhasha: Bangla Na Urdu?" ("Pakistan?s State Language: Bangla or Urdu?"). Among the authors of this historic booklet, Kazi Motahar Hossain, Abul Mansur Ahmed and Professor Abul Kasem (Secretary of Tamuddun Majlish) made a strong case in favor of introducing Bengali as the only language of instruction, offices and courts of East Bengal. They also forcefully articulated the demand for Bengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan. The seminal booklet also contained a succinct proposal, authored by Abul Kasem, a lecturer in Physics of Dhaka University, in favor of Bengali language. Given the landmark nature of the demand for recognition of Bengali, the gist of that proposal is listed as follows (for details, see Badruddin Umar, "Purba Banglar Bhasha Andhoolon o Totkaleen Rajneeti, Mowla Brothers, 1970, p. 14): "1. Bengali will be: a) the medium of instruction in East Pakistan; b) the court language of East Pakistan; and c) the official language of East Pakistan. 2. Urdu and Bengali will be the two official languages of the Central Government of Pakistan. 3. (a) Bengali will be the first language for the purpose of education in East Pakistan which will be learnt by 100 percent of people; (b) Urdu may be treated as the second language or inter-wing language in East Pakistan which can be taught as a second language to those people who will be working in West Pakistan. It will be more than adequate if Urdu is learnt by only 5% to 10% of population of East Pakistan. Urdu may be taught in higher classes at the secondary school level in East Pakistan; and (c) English will be the third or international language of East Pakistan. 4. Both English and Bengali will be used for a few years as the official languages in East Pakistan."

The Role of the First Rastra Bhasha Shangram Parishad

: Aimed at providing an organized resistance against the anti-Bengali policies of the Central Government of Pakistan and to lodge protest against the irresponsible and slanderous comments about Bengali language and script made by Fazlur Rahman, the Central Education Minister, the Tamuddun Majlish took the lead in the formation of the first "Rastra Bhasha Shangram Parishad" (State Language Movement Council) in October 1947. It needs to be mentioned that Fazlur Rahman, the Education Minister of Pakistan and a die-hard collaborator of the anti-Bengali ruling coterie, was one of the champions of introducing "Urdu" as the only State language of Pakistan. Although he was himself a Bangalee from Dhaka district, he had recommended Arabic script for writing Bengali. While his anti-Bengali stand had earned him a reputation among the anti-Bengali ruling clique, the progressive forces of East Bengal, especially the students and teachers of Dhaka University, were outraged with his shameless stand on the language issue.

While Professor Nurul Huque Bhuyain of Dhaka University was elected to be the Convenor of the first Rastrabhasha Bhasha Sangram Parishad, Professor Abul Kasem, the General Secretary of Tamudhun Majlish, played a pivotal role in that rudimentary stage of the language movement. Professor Abul Kasem, almost a forgotten hero of the earlier phases of the Bengali language movement, provided a yeoman?s service for garnering widespread support for adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. He succeeded in enlisting of the younger generations in general, and the teachers and students of Dhaka University and other educational institutions, in particular. Thus the first Rastra Bhasha Sangram Parishad provided the needed organizational structure for launching the language movement in later part of 1947 and early months of 1948.

The first protest meeting was assembled at the campus of Dhaka University on December 6, 1947, under the auspices of Rastra Bhasha Sangram Parishad, to protest the unilateral decision of the National Education Conference, held in Karachi, for adopting Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan. The protest meeting had attracted a large number of students, teachers and informed public from Dhaka University and other educational institutions. While the protest meeting was presided over by Professor Abul Kasem, a number of students and teachers including Munir Choudhury, Abdur Rahman, Kallayan Dasgupta, A.K.M. Ahsan, S. Ahmed, and Farid Ahmed, the Vice President of Dhaka University Central Students? Union (DUCSU) addressed the public meeting. (For details, see Badruddin Umar?s seminal book, "Purba Banglar Bhasha Andhoolon o Totkaleen Rajneeti, Mowla Brothers, 1970, pp. 20-21).

The speakers discussed various aspects of the language issue and vehemently protested the nefarious conspiracy that had been hatched out by the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Pakistani ruling coterie against the very fabric of Bengali language and culture. They urged the people of East Bengal to be ever vigilant against the heinous attack on the rudiments Bengali cultural heritage. Finally, a resolution in support of adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan was proposed by the DUCSU Vice President Farid Ahmed (who has essentially remained an unsung hero of the language movement) and unanimously approved by those in attendance).

The Role of EPSL

: It was on January 4, 1948 when the East Pakistan Students? League (EPSL, an assortment of pro-Suhrawardy Muslim students of the defunct All Bengal Muslim Students? League (ABMSL), was formed. Many of the younger Muslim leaguers who later organized a convention of the dissidents (Workers? Camp) in January, 1948 were in the forefront of EPSL. The urgent need for vehemently protesting the anti-Bengali policies and postures of the Central Government of Pakistan hastened the formation of EPSL. It is fair to point out that soon after its emergence, EPSL played a crucial role in all of the phases (1948-?52) of the Bengali Language movement.

 

The Role of the "Workers? Camp" of the Dissident Muslim Leaguers: By December 1947, the progressive forces enlisted enough support among the students and intelligentsia in Dhaka for protecting Bengali language. Aimed at building a resistance movement against the reactionary and anti-Bengali coterie of provincial Muslim League, a group of disenchanted dissidents of the ruling party organized a convention of the party workers. This convention of the break-away Muslim leaguers, popularly dubbed as "Workers? Camp," was held in January 1948 at 150 Mogoltoli, Dhaka, the old office of the provincial Muslim League. Although the main objective of the convention was to confront the party?s reactionary leadership of Khwaja Nazimuddin?Akram Khan, the seven-day long Workers? Camp was very critical about various anti-Bengali policies of the ruling Muslim League. The ?Workers? Camp? also deprived the provincial Muslim League of the services and support of the most progressive and dedicated party workers. The organizers of the ?Workers? Camp? were very vocal in articulating the demand for Bengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan. (Most of those Muslim Leaguers were also instrumental in founding the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (EPAML) in June 1949. EPAML played a glorious role in the 1952 phase of the Bengali Language Movement).

The 1948 Phase: Prelude to the 1952 Phase of the Bengali Language Movement

It is abundantly evident from the preceding that the patriotic forces of East Bengal started mobilizing or enlisting support in favor of making "Bengali" as one of the State languages of Pakistan both immediately before and after August 14, 1947. Yet, that resistance movement against the imposition of Urdu as the only official language of Pakistan remained to be confined within the scope of limited rallies and demonstrations, speeches in the meetings, press statements, pamphlets, and articles. The Bengali language movement at this rudimentary stage was by no means a mass movement. Yet, the efforts of the language activists started enlisting mass support in favor of Bengali language movement. The language protestors also exposed the ulterior motives and anti-Bengali designs of the ruling elite of Pakistan. However, the demand for making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan started taking more concrete and volatile shape in the early months of 1948.

Dhirendranath Datta?s Role in Jumpstarting the 1948 Phase of the Language Movement:

Among those who were in the vanguards of the 1948 phase of the Bengali Language Movement, Dhirendranath Datta?s role was seminal in the process of jumpstarting or igniting an organized resistance against those forces who were engaged in repudiating the rudiments of Bengali culture and language through the imposition of Urdu as the only State languages of Pakistan. Dhirendranath Datta moved an amendment at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) on February 25, 1948 for adopting "Bengali" as one of the official languages of the CAP. His amendment was virulently criticized by the Muslim League members of the CAP. Since he was from Hindu community, his patriotism was being openly questioned. His fair and simple amendment was quickly misconstrued as an "anti-state" activity. Finally, his amendment was defeated on March 2, 1948. Doubtless, Dhirendranath Datta made history by articulating and demanding the full recognition and immediate adoption of Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

The rejection of the legitimate demand for adopting Bengali as one of the official languages of the Central Government fully exposed the hidden anti-Bengali design and communal agenda of the ruling coterie of Pakistan. There were protests throughout East Bengal on February 26, 1948 against the irresponsible utterances of Liaquat Ali Khan and Khwaja Nazimuddin on the CAP floor in favor of making Urdu as the ?only? State language of Pakistan. The restive student community also condemned the Muslim League members of the CAP from East Bengal for their opposition to Dhirendranath Datta?s amendment.

The Role of the Language Demonstrations of March 1948:

The protest movement which had initially started on February 26, 1948 in East Bengal under the leadership of the student community, gained new impetus after Dhirendranath Datta?s amendment was summarily rejected on March 2, 1948 by the Muslim Leaguers. In response to such anti-Bengali stand of the Punjabi-Moohajir dominated Pakistan Government, the student community of East Bengal started building up the rudiments of an organized movement with the professed goal of establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. The second "All Party Rastra Bhasha Shangram Parishad" (All Party State Language Movement Action Committee) was quickly formed on March 2, 1948 under the leadership of the students and progressive intelligentsia of East Bengal. The second Rastra Bhasha Sangram Parishad was much broader in structure and representation than the first Rastra Bhasha Sangram Parishad which was formed five months back in October 1947.

A province wide strike was observed and pro-Bengali language demonstrations were staged on March 11, 1948. Instead of conceding to the legitimate demands of the language protestors, Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin had ordered the law enforcing authorities to take repressive measures against the demonstrators. For instance, a large demonstration was tear-gased and stick-charged in Dhaka, and hundreds of protestors were arrested. Professional ruffians (goondas) were let loose on the leaders and participants of the demonstrations in Dhaka (Mohamad Toha, one of the top organizers of the language demonstrations, was mercilessly beaten by those hired ruffians). ?Hoolias? (warrants of arrest) were issued against the top leaders and activists of the language movements. The Muslim League Government of East Bengal also started disseminating blatant falsehoods and slanderous distortions to the effect that the Bengali language movements were "motivated and guided by the enemies of Pakistan."

In spite of the stringent repressive measures of the anti-Bengali Muslim League Government of East Bengal, the participants of the language demonstrations and rallies refused to be cowed down by brute forces. Nor were those dauntless defenders of Bengali language willing to be intimidated and blackmailed by the vilification campaign of the anti-Bengali Government of East Bengal. Indeed, the fearless language protestors kept on pressing for the unconditional release of those who were indiscriminately arrested on various concocted charges. They also demanded for immediate withdrawal of cases of those who were deliberately implicated in numerous fictitious cases by the collusive law-enforcement authorities. The political situation was volatile and the pressure on the Government was so intense that the anti-Bengali Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin was compelled to negotiate an agreement on the language issue with the mainstream leadership of the language movement. On March 15, 1948, a meeting was held between the leaders of the ?All Party Language Movement Action Committee? and Khwaja Nazimuddin. Although the Urdu-speaking Chief Minister was not yet willing to lend his support to the basic demand of the language protestors by recognizing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan, Khwaja Nazimuddin had to concede in writing that "after my discussion with the principal leadership of the All Party Language Action Committee, I am deeply convinced that the language movement for demanding Bengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan is not instigated by the enemies of Pakistan." Pursuant to the stipulations of the agreement, most of the arrested language demonstrators were released from jails, and some of the warrants of arrests were either kept on hold or rescinded. In view of the prevalence of anti-Bengali policies and strategies of both the Central and Provincial Governments in the early years of Pakistan, these concessions from a non-Bengali Chief Minister of Pakistan were not at all insignificant. This limited success of the student protests during early March 1948 against the anti-Bengali policy of Pakistan Government also generated a feeling of unity within East Bengal.

It was expected by the ruling party that the compromise between the Chief Minister of East Bengal and the leaders of the Bengali language movement would subside student protests and create a conducive environment in East Bengal during the tour of the province by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the most powerful Governor General of Pakistan. However, the language issue got rekindled after Jinnah declared in a mammoth public meeting at the Race Course Maidan on March 21, 1948 that "the State language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language." He left no doubt about his anti-Bengali language policy when he repeated almost the similar message in his infamous Convocation Address at the University of Dhaka on March 24, 1948. Among many demeaning comments and insulting sermons, the authoritarian Governor General of Pakistan said: "Make no mistake about it. There can be only One State language, if the component parts of the State are to march forward in unison, and that language, in my opinion, can only be Urdu." Jinnah?s categorical assertion was instantly protested by some of the students in attendance of the Convocation ceremony. Fresh student rallies and protests erupted immediately after Mohammad Ali Jinnah?s a week-long visit to East Bengal in March.

The Muslim League Government of East Bengal was once again forced to enter into an agreement with the leaders of the All-Party Rastra Bhasha Shangram Parishad even though Khwaja Nazimuddin had broken most of his promises he made in an earlier compromise on March 15, 1948. Aimed at digressing the student community from the State language issue, Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin brought a proposal in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly (EBLA) on April 6, 1948 for making Bengali the official language and medium of instruction in East Bengal. However, more than two dozen (27) amendments to Khwaja Nazimuddin?s lean proposal were submitted by the members of both the treasury bench and opposition. Of those amendments, Dhirendranath Datta?s multiple proposals were of great significance. He carefully crafted the language of those amendments in such a way so that the EBLA was at least convinced to recommend to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) for adopting Bengali as a State languages of Pakistan. Yet, Khwaja Nazimuddin refused to lend any support for making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. At the behest of the Urdu-speaking Prime Minister of East Bengal, most of the Muslim Leaguers in the EBLA had defeated Dhirendranath Datta?s multiple amendments. Finally, Khwaja Nazimuddin?s meager proposal on Bengali language with minor modification was adopted by the EBLA.

The Status of Language Movement between 1948 and 1951

The controversy over language issue remained dormant between mid-1948 and 1951 due to the fact that the ruling elite of Pakistan was pre-occupied with other burning issues. Certain changes in the political leadership of the new nation also had impact on the language issue. The death of Mohammad Ali Jinnah on September 11, 1948 had delayed the full implementation of Urdu language policy throughout Pakistan. After Jinnah died, Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Urdu speaking Chief Minister of East Bengal, became the Governor General of Pakistan. His elevation to such a coveted position in power structure of Pakistan could be treated as the ultimate price of his life long collaboration with the non-Bengali and anti-Bengali coterie of the Muslim League. But Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, also dwarfed the role of the office of Governor General after the passing away of Jinnah. The real power actually was exercised by the Prime Minister. On the other hand, Khwaja Nazimuddin?s tenure as the Governor General of Pakistan was characterized by dismal failures, timidity, and vacillation. His sole goal was to survive in power structure at any cost. Having himself dealt with the volatile and committed pro-Bengali language activists as the Chief Minister of East Bengal, Khwaja Nazimuddin was too weak either to revisit or deal with the language issue. Therefore, he was in favor of maintaining a status quo. Instead of revisiting the language issue, the anti-Bengali leaders of Pakistan were also waiting for the right moment to declare Urdu as the ?only? State language Pakistan.

Although the ferocity of the language movement relatively waned during the interlude years between mid-1948 and 1951, the relentlessness of the pursuit for establishing Bengali as one of Pakistan?s State languages had never completely stopped. There was a chorus of condemnation from the pro-Bengali language activists and other progressive forces of East Bengal when the so-called Basic Principles Committee Report (BPC) of 1950 "deliberately omitted" Bengali, the mother tongue of the majority of the people of Pakistan, as one of the State languages of Pakistan. The progressive forces including the concerned scholars and intelligentsia of East Bengal remained vigilant about the anti-Bengali policies and ploys of the Pakistani ruling coterie. For example, the Government sponsored evil proposal for Arabization of the Bengali script under the leadership of Fazlur Rahman, the Central Education Minister, was effectively resisted in early 1949 by the pro-Bengali forces of East Bengal. At the East Pakistan Literary Conference held in Dhaka on December 31, 1948, Dr. Mohammad Shahidullah, one of the most celebrated linguistics of the then Indo-Pak subcontinent, provided the most succinct rebuttal to the indecent proposal of Arabization of Bengali script. In its Final Report which was submitted on December 7, December 7, 1950, the East Bengal Language Committee (which was commissioned on March 9, 1949) under the Chairmanship of Maulana Muhahammad Akram Khan, clearly rejected the absurd proposal of introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali.

The patriotic forces of East Bengal vociferously criticized the anti-Bengali policy of the Central Government of Pakistan when the same absurd proposal for the adoption of Arabic script for writing Bengali was re-introduced at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) in April 1950. On the CAP floor, Dhirendranath Datta vehemently opposed the most demeaning proposal of substituting Arabic script for Bengali script. It seems that Fazlur Rahman?s love for substituting Arabic script for Bengali alphabets knew no bounds. His name lives on infamy for his anti-Bengali stance. He introduced the same issue once again on CAP floor on March 27, 1951. Among others, Dhirendranath Datta and Mohammad Habibullah Bahar from East Bengal scathingly criticized the nefarious design of transforming the people of East Bengal into an inferior class of illiterate citizens of Pakistan by introducing an alien script for writing Bengali. Dhirendranath Datta strongly demanded the outright rejection of the discriminatory decision of introducing Arabic script in lieu of Bengali alphabets. He also urged the Government for immediately adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

The students of Dhaka University had remained very active in garnering mass support for establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. At the initiative of the Youth League, a revamped "Dacca University State Language Action Committee" (DUSLAC) was formed in early 1951. Instead of banishing in oblivion or waiting in limbo, the DULSA took a pro-active stand toward adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. Aimed at enlisting the support of the central legislature, a memorandum was circulated among the members of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP). Unfortunately, the anti-Bengali leaderships of both the Government and legislature were unwilling to accept Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan (he stepped down from the position of Governor General to become the Prime Minister after the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan in October 1951), was addressing a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on January 26, 1952 when he clearly echoed what Jinnah said in March 1948, "Urdu shall be the only State language of Pakistan." That was the beginning of the 1952 phase of the Bengali Language Movement.

The patriotic people of East Bengal were outraged--- and they responded. There were series of protests and demonstrations, and a new (third) ?All Parties State Language Action Committee? was formed by the progressive forces of East Bengal to provide a cohesive leadership to the language movement. Kazi Motahar Hussain was elected to be the Convenor of the Action Committee. In comparison with the first Shangram Parishad (which was formed in October 1947) and the second "all-Party Shangram Parishad (which was formed in March 1948), this Action Committee had much broad-based representation from political parties, students and intelligentsia.

It was hard for the growth of opposition parties in the early years of Pakistan. However, by the beginning of 1952, the political parties other than the Muslim League started appearing in the political scene of East Bengal. Of those opposition parties, the rise of the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (EPAML) was a spectacular success. Along with the dedicated language activists of the Youth League and other leftist forces, EPAML and EPSL played prominent role in the Action Committee. An All-Parties Convention was organized by the Action Committee on January 30, 1952, and it was decided to observe protest rallies and a general strike throughout East Bengal on February 21, 1952. In response to this decision, the East Bengal Government banned all processions and rallies on February 21, 1952 through the imposition of the infamous section 144. Although many political leaders were not willing to organize protest rallies through violation of Government order, the younger segments of language activists and students made a conscious determination for violating section 144 by bringing out the protest rallies in support of their demand for adopting Bengali as one of the State languages. During the observance of the general strike and protest rallies on 21st February, 1952, the language protestors were killed by the police. A reign of terror was unleashed on the participants and supporters of the Bengali language movement. Yet, those dauntless language activists made history. And those who had to sacrifice their lives on 21st February, 1952 for defending our mother tongue are the immortal martyrs of the glorious Bengali language movement.

CONCLUSION

Notwithstanding the stringent repressive measures of East Bengal Government, first under Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin, and later under Chief Minister Nurul Amin, protests and demonstrations in support of Bengali language and culture started gaining empathy from the general public throughout East Bengal. The dissemination of the message of the language movement also started reaching the grass roots of our society. These were by no means insignificant accomplishments in an era when the ruling Muslim League party took the unconditional support of the Muslim masses in East Bengal for granted. The formative phases of the language movement for saving Bengali language and culture from the external aggression provided the building blocks in the making of the historic1952 phase of the Bengali language movement. The formative phases were preludes to the Frebruary-1952 phase of the language movement. Although a detailed discussion of the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement is beyond the parameter of this paper, suffice it to underscore that the irresponsible declaration by Khwaja Nazimuddin for adopting Urdu as the "only" State language of Pakistan had rekindled the fire of the historic phase of the Bengali language movement in February 1952.

It is widely recognized that the historic Bengali language movement was one of the most defining moments of Bangladesh?s history, and the foundation of the national identity of today?s Bangladesh was clearly laid down during the Bengali language movement. Thus the legacies of all of the phases of the language movement live on as the emergence of a sovereign Bangladesh owes its origin to the sacrifices of the language activists and language martyrs of the glorious Bengali language movement.

 

Bibliography

Akash, M.M. (1990). Bhasha_Andholon: Shreneebhitti O Rajnoitik Probonotashamoha (Bhasha- Andholon Potobhumi Granthamala # 3). (Dhaka: University Press).

Anisuzzaman (Editor) and Rashid Haider and Minar Monsur as Associate Editors (1994). Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Smarakgrantha (Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Commemoration Volume), published in 1994 by Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Smritiraksha Parishad, Flat # A/3, 126 Moghbazar Apartment, Dhaka 1217)

Datta, Dhirendranath (1995). Shaheed Dhirendranath Datter Atmakatha (Memoirs of Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta, Editor: Dr. Anisuzzaman and Associate Editors: Rashid Haider and Minar Monsur. Posthumously published by Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Smritiraksha Parishad in 1995).

Kabir, Ghulam, Muhammad (1980). Minority Politics in Bangladesh (1947-?71). (New Delhi: Vikas Publishjng House Pvt. Ltd).


The author is an Associate Professor and Coordinator in the Department of Public Management at Austin Peay State University.

 


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