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Tuesday, October 14, 2008

[chottala.com] Its not upto the ladies

Its not upto the ladies
It is not upto those armchair pundits, either. Not if people want to take control of their own destiny.
 
 
Our journalist establishment would like us to beleive that its upto Hasina or Khaleda - only if they learned lessons during last two years - only then we will have good governance in the short run.
 
We couldn't disagree more.
 
If these two ladies only have learned anything - then they will be part of our ongoing march towards development. It would be nice if they could make that adjustment. But if they are incapable of doing that - then - they will be left behind. History will be made with or without them.
 
 
One good question would be to ask whether there is a way to know whether they are learning anything or whether they have learned anything. Yes, there is a way.
 
These two ladies will learn only if the establishment in our local journalistic circle shows some indication that they understand this issue. If they can catch up with the wind, the ladies will too. If our talking heads are too stagnant to catch up with the changes in the peoples mind, specifically the changes in the young generation, they will be left behind - so will be the case for their queens!
 
There is off course another indication. The establishment that reside outside our land - the so-called donors or development partners. The two ladies and their cronies have so far lived and grew up with direct or indirect support of those foreign powers. Would those powers sense the change in the people and support them in a constructive way? If they do not, no body will be served. It is however unfortunate so read the tone of Mr. Milam's analysis (see below). 
 
Its not upto the ladies. It is not upto those armchair pundits, either.
It is upto the people who want to take control of their own destiny.
 
 
If you thought some of the ideas are worth of your reading time, please forward it to others. If you have an ear to the columnists in regular traditional media, please forward it to them. If you have an ear to the journalists and news editors of the electronic media, discuss it with them. Hope they would look at the suggestions and give due diligence.
 
Thanks for your time,
Innovation Line
 
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Note: This is a freelance column, published mainly in different internet based forums. This column is open for contribution by the members of new generation, sometimes referred to as Gen 71. If you identify yourself as someone from that age-group and want to contribute to this column, please feel free to contact. Thanks to the group moderator for publishing the article as Creative Commons contents.
 
Use ICT to practice democracy.
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analysis: It ain't over till it's over —William B Milam

It is a supreme irony that military interventions are dependent on their elected successors for their place in history. It seems to me that short interventions have a chance of avoiding the arrogance and corruption of spirit that inevitably sinks long ones

Pakistan has emerged from another long period of direct and indirect military rule to a very uncertain future. Its former other half, Bangladesh, is about to emerge from a short period of indirect military rule, also into an uncertain future. That is about the only similarity I can think of these days between two countries that used to be one.

In contrast to its previous military interludes, the Bangladeshi military this time chose what I have called the "Turkish Model" of military intervention, the pattern established by the Turkish army in three different coups. The Bangladesh army, averse to prolonged direct rule after its previous times in power, sought immediate help from civil society by appointing a technocratic civilian government to run day-to-day affairs and pledged to stay in power for two years only while it reformed politics and set things right for sustainable democracy.

In contrast, the Pakistan army chose to replicate its traditional model of intervention — root and branch reform over a long period. The results, we all know, were no different than before, and no better.

Does either the long or the short form of military intervention work? Some would contend that the root and branch form succeeded in Chile, but this is tenuous given the enormous human cost.

Almost always, it seems, militaries that intervene with some grand plan of reform become so intent on preserving their power and seeking legitimacy that they forget the agenda that they came to power to implement. The Turkish model is often thought to be more successful because it is short with a more limited agenda of reform, but if that is so, why did the Turkish military have to intervene so often; did it create its own self-fulfilling prophecy? Why did the Mauritanian military take over again after giving government back to civilians only a year earlier, or the Thai people again take to the streets against the present government? To have to repeat interventions time after time hardly seems a definition of success.

And now the latest South Asian attempt at a Turkish model intervention, in Bangladesh, appears to be petering out without having accomplished what it set out to do — reform Bangladeshi political culture so that military intervention would never again be necessary — that is stop the vicious circle that interventions themselves seem to create. Many of us who wish the country nothing but the best feel great disappointment that more has not been done by the interim government that took over in January 2007.

But 22 months later, it all appears to be for nought. The two main political parties, with deep vested interests in the status quo, appear to have gambled that the new interim government meant what is said, that it would remain in power for only two years and, in effect, called its bluff. The parties knew that they could outwait this government if it stuck to that pledge.

What they saw was a political vacuum in the middle of the body politic, which they would own (even with their leaders in jail) unless it was filled by someone else. There were no leaders of civil society, even though encouraged by the government, who stepped up to do so. The parties refused to jettison their leaders (and the leaders refused to be jettisoned), and they declined to democratise, in effect to give up their old way of life.

Concomitant with political party reform, the interim government set out to extirpate the corruption that had fuelled the poisonous political culture. This objective was overwhelmingly supported by the public and had been, perhaps, the primary motivation of a large segment of the army officer corps for intervention. The perception is that this has also been a failure because, except for a very few, most of those arrested are out of jail on bail and/or appeal. However, a number of those charged with corruption have been indicted, and a few have been convicted.

In other words, an understaffed and under-resourced anti-corruption commission, though facing a daunting forensic task of proving the corruption of hundreds in courts that have been filled for years with crony judges appointed by the two political leaders, has made a brave start. As in most of the reforms that the interim government began, the follow up by the next elected government will make or break the anti-corruption effort. One thing that might persuade the elected government to pursue this with some vigour is that it retains a large measure of public support.

In fact, defenders of the interim government's performance describe the anti-corruption effort as an example and a symbol that it has set in motion a number of reforms that can, if not strangled in their cradle by the elected government that is to follow, slowly change the mindset and modify the behaviour of political actors. The foundation has been laid, they say, that over time can change the poisonous political culture into a benign one, if it is nurtured and protected by the governments that follow, and especially the one to be elected in December of this year.

It is a supreme irony that military interventions are dependent on their elected successors for their place in history. It seems to me that short interventions have a chance of avoiding the arrogance and corruption of spirit that inevitably sinks long ones, but even they cannot succeed if they don't build for their elected successors the foundations of institutions that promote and reward democratic behaviour and punish those who transgress democratic norms.

Those who see the accomplishments of this short-term intervention as a glass half full point to its other achievements as starting blocks for the full-throated reform that is needed if Bangladesh is to come out of the spiral of poison politics, appalling governance, and vicious circles of military intervention.

A completely independent election commission has reregistered 80 million voters with photo ID cards. At least the coming election is almost certain to be fair, and retaining the independence of the commission in the next government will be a highly visible sign of its intentions. The interim government has passed a law that establishes a commission, which includes political party leaders and civil society to recommend high court judges; if this works, it will be a huge step to clean up over time the judiciary that is riddled with political cronies and re-establish the rule of law. An independent civil service commission has been established to oversee the use of the bureaucracy and prevent its misuse.

There are other proposals on the drawing boards or under discussion. Will those already in place, as well as those planned, work?

Only time will tell, and only Sheikh Hasina or Begum Zia will provide insight on whether these reforms should be taken seriously. The history of military interventions as well as the history of Bangladeshi political parties and their leaders does not lend much confidence. Yet it may be that the groundwork is there if they want to use it, and the attitude of the public and civil society will be a large determinant of that.

Certainly, whichever lady becomes the next prime minister will hear much from friendly governments and the rest of us about the virtue of necessary and still-fragile reform. For those of us who have despaired as this interim government seemed to give way to the parties and let the bad guys off after such a good start, whose every effort of the past few months seemed to be stalled or deflected to take account of reality, Yogi Berra's words may hold some hope.

"It ain't over till it's over," he said famously, and in the case of Bangladesh, it won't be over until we hear the tune one of these ladies will sing.

William B Milam is a senior policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington and a former US Ambassador to Pakistan and Bangladesh

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[chottala.com] Only 3 days left! Get tickets to Arnob concert

Only 3 days left! Get tickets to Arnob concert

 

Drishtipat is proud to present ARNOB and friends in a rare performance in one of Washington DC's finest venues!

 

Venue: Historic Synagogue at 6th and I, 600 I Street, Washington DC 20001

Time: 7 pm
Tickets: $25 (general), $45 (reserved), $100 (VIP reception with artists)

 

Buy tickets at the door or purchase them online at https://arnobconcert-dc.ticketleap.com/

 

ARNOB, the young indie/folk-rock star from Bangladesh is pairing up with the throbbing indigenous drums of Nazrul Islam and the smooth jazz saxophone of Andrew Morris. This is part of a five city world tour organized by Drishtipat. All proceeds from the concert are intended for rights- and environment-related projects in Bangladesh. Come support us!

 

Learn more about the concert here:

http://www.drishtipat.org/concert2008/

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WdGx95PJ_5Q&eurl=http://arnobdrishtipat.wordpress.com/

 

 

Drishtipat DC Team


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[chottala.com] Why is Law Advisor Hasan Arif coming under suspicion and could this affect the holding of free, fair and credible elections?

Why is Law Advisor Hasan Arif coming under suspicion and could this
affect the holding of free, fair and credible elections?

The honesty and integrity of the Law Advisor Hasan Arif was recently
challenged in op-ed pieces published in 'Amader Shomoy' and 'Prothom
Alo.' While I have tended to vehemently disagree with the editorial
policies of these newspapers I have found myself in general agreement
with the opinions expressed on the Law Advisors competence and
honesty. The issue was raised in reference to the appointment of
almost 20 Assistant Attorney Generals (AAG's) and 2 Deputy Attorney
Generals (DAG's) with several more likely to be appointed in the
coming days and will also include judges chosen for elevation to the
High Court Division. According to inside sources the appointment of
the 20 AAG's occurred without the normal procedures being followed or
the necessary vetting by the security agencies. It may be argued how
it is possible for the Law Advisor to act so independently during a
period of national emergency and under the constant supervision of the
military. This will certainly create doubts on the viability of
holding free, fair and credible elections under the caretaker
administration of Fakhruddin Ahmed.

It may be observed that many of the appointees to the AG Office are
close associates of Hasan Arif and Dr. Kamal Hossain and many appear
to have allegiance to the left leaning 14 party alliance. The present
Attorney General is a direct junior of Dr. Kamal Hossain and several
lawyers attached to his chamber now occupy an office in the AG
building but to what objective or purpose still remains unclear. The
appointment of Hasan Arif as Law Advisor similarly came as a surprise
to many lawyers in the High Court and has come under some scrutiny as
it was not properly vetted nor the advice of security agencies sought
on the issue. It may be recalled that Hasan Arif was dismissed as
Attorney General during the last BNP government after spending less
that two years in the post. If it could be convincingly argued that
the recent appointees to the AG Office are highly competent and fit to
fill the post of AAG than the procedures may be relaxed or set aside
(their being already a dearth of qualified candidates) but it appears
that many are completely incompetent or are politically affiliated and
therefore disqualified under the present selections criteria for
appointment after the 1/11 changeover. In light of all this, I am of
the opinion that prior to the elections being held a few of the
advisors should be investigated and their decisions reviewed or
overturned if found unreasonable, irrational or illegal. The charges
brought against Justice Fazlul Haq for massive corruption while he was
advisor should not put beyond belief or credibility the view that the
same underhand activities may be recurring under the present caretaker
administration.

In regard to the situation prevailing in the AG Office, the moral
degeneration of that institution occurred during the tenure of the
previous Attorney General, Barrister Fida Kamal, who earned a
notorious reputation for his escapades and was eventually dismissed
for his role in undermining the standing of the Office. New
allegations are now appearing of corruption within the AG Office
especially in reference to the high profile cases of politicians,
bureaucrats and businessmen. It also appears that certain lawyers in
the employ of the ACC have been playing a highly dubious and suspect
part in these developments. It also appears that certain officials of
the ACC have been deeply involved (or interfering) in the compiling of
lists for recruitment to the AG Office and judiciary although it is
beyond their competence, expertise and jurisdiction. The ACC's
involvement in the appointments process for the AG Office will
necessarily raise questions concerning conflict of interest issues and
also more importantly on its impartiality and neutrality.

These allegations against the Law Advisor, AG Office and ACC clearly
defeats the entire purpose of 1/11 and puts in doubt the program
implemented so far by the caretaker administration. It also allows any
political party to raise objections about the progress towards
elections of which the legal process will play an increasingly
important part over the next few weeks as several important cases will
be heard and which will likely determine the fate of elections and
also the future course of Bangladesh.


--
MBI Munshi

Facebook ID - Mohammad Munshi

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