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Thursday, July 16, 2009

[chottala.com] Bangladesh probe targets '71 foes - THE WASHINGTON TIMES



Wednesday, July 15, 2009

Bangladesh probe targets '71 foes

Bangladeshi authorities are investigating "genocide" allegations against opponents of its break with Pakistan nearly 40 years ago, the nation's ambassador to Washington said Tuesday.

The Bangladeshi government, which took office in January following elections that ended two years of emergency rule, blames former paramilitary opponents of independence for 3 million murders and 200,000 rapes during the 1971 conflict.

Ambassador M. Humayun Kabir told editors and reporters at The Washington Times that the country has been yearning to resolve the war-crimes issue for decades. But critics claim the investigation is a thinly disguised attempt to silence opponents in a nation notorious for its political instability.

The country's younger generations - many of whom were too young to participate in or even remember the war - spurred the crusade for justice, as they are "more sensitive after experiencing the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides," Mr. Kabir said.

"Other genocides pricked our consciences, and we now want to catch up with our past," he said.

The government led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina approved a bill in June to set up a tribunal and put former fighters on trial. Mrs. Hasina's alliance controls an overwhelming majority in the parliament.

Local press reports say more than 1,700 people who opposed independence from Pakistan during the nine-month civil war have been identified as possible targets of the probe. Mr. Kabir could not confirm the reports.

He said the probe was not political and that no particular party was being targeted.

But Jamaat-i-Islami, an Islamist party that was part of a coalition that ruled Bangladesh from 2001 to 2006, claims it is the target. The party sought to keep Bangladesh part of Pakistan.

Aktar Hossain, a spokesman for the Muslim Ummah of North America, an organization consisting primarily of Bangladeshi expatriates, called the investigation an attempt to eliminate the opposition.

"The administration is not cooperating with the opposition and is trying to create a one-party parliament," said Mr. Hossain, whose group frequently brings senior officials of Jamaat-i-Islami to Washington for meetings with administration and congressional officials.

"People of Bangladesh are concerned, and we will have millions take to the streets if the investigations continue," Mr. Hossain said.

Crimes committed during the war were addressed in a 1973 reconciliation process, and if the issue is revisited, it should be done in front of the international community, he said.

The government put proposed changes to the 1973 legislation in parliament last week that would reopen the issue, Mr. Kabir said.

Human Rights Watch, an international nongovernmental human-rights-advocacy organization, sent a letter to the prime minister last week, backing the attempt to prosecute war crimes, provided the process was "fair and neutral."

Mr. Kabir said the government investigation and any trials will meet international legal standards.

The U.S. State Department had no immediate comment.

Caitlin J. Rattigan/The Washington Times M. Humayun Kabir, Bangladesh's

Caitlin J. Rattigan/The Washington Times M. Humayun Kabir, Bangladesh's ambassador to the U.S., says his government is investigating decades-old "genocide" allegations because "other genocides pricked our consciences."

 

  • Caitlin J. Rattigan/The Washington Times M. Humayun Kabir, Bangladesh's ambassador to the U.S., says his government is investigating decades-old "genocide" allegations because "other genocides pricked our consciences."
  •  Ambassador to the U.S., says his government is investigating decades-old "genocide" allegations because "other genocides pricked our consciences."

     

     

     

     

    http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/jul/15/genocide-probe-targets-71-independence-foes/

     

     



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    [chottala.com] Re: Shaheed Dhirendra Nath Datta - Real Pioneer of Bangla as the state language of Pakistan ..!



    Mr.Mosharraf Khokon 
     
    Please read it again! The post clearly says:
    "Shaheed Dhirendra Nath Datta - Real Pioneer of Bangla as the
    state language of Pakistan"
    Do you defy that  Shaheed Dhirendra Nath Datta was "The first to
    formally demand Bengali be made one of the
    state languages of Pakistan ?
     
    We have every respect for Dr. Muhammad Sahidullah as an educationist,
    philologist, linguist-scholar and as an academician.... his contribution
    should not be mingled in a political discussion and for political purposes...
     
    You are always welcome to discuss Dr. Mohammad Sahidullah's contributions
    to Bangla Language, literature and our society even his contribution to our
    Bangla Basha Andolon in Pakistan in a diferenent thread.....
     
    BTW, contribution of each individual to our society or towards human
    civilization should be looked and analyzed in the proper perspective and in
    the proper context.
     
    Thanks
     
    Syed Aslam

    On Thu, Jul 16, 2009 at 4:54 AM, mosharraf khokon <mosharrafkhokon@yahoo.com> wrote:
    How Direndranath could be the real pioneer? Mr. Syed Aslam, please re-read the history of Bangla language at least from the meeting presided by Rabindranath Tagore and gave oppinion that Hindi should be the state lalguage of India and Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah opposed that saying what ever the state language of India i don't bother but Bangla & only Bangla should be the state language of Bengle before 1920.

    Mosharraf Khokon

    On Wed, Jul 15, 2009 at 11:33 PM, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com> wrote:
    Aren't we only gining lip service to Bangla language. How many of us send our children to Bengali medium school these days.  We are only insulting these great souls by trying to glorify them now. We are not doing the things that these greats souls stood for.
                                Ayubi
    From:Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>

    Sent: Tuesday, July 14, 2009 9:33:03 PM
    Subject: [notun_bangladesh] Shaheed Dhirendra Nath Datta - Real Pioneer of Bangla as the state language of Pakistan ..

    Dhirendra Nath Datta - Real Pioneer of Bangla as the state language of Pakistan ..

    Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta


    The first to formally demand Bengali be made one of the state languages of Pakistan[1]
    Born

    November 2, 1886(1886-11-02)
    Ramrail Village, Brahmanbaria District, Bangladesh

    Died

    March 31, 1971 (aged 84)
    Moynamoti, Bangladesh

    Assassination by the Pakistan Army

    The Pakistan establishment never forgot Dhirendranath's continued defiance of state discrimination and authoritarianism. At the onset of Bangladesh Liberation War, he was arrested from his Comilla house on March 29, 1971, three days after the arrest of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and taken with his son, Dilip Kumar Datta, to Moynamoti Cantonment and tortured to death. For this reason, he is referred to as "Shaheed" (martyr) as a sign of respect..

    Champion of Bangla Language:

    http://www.thedaily star.net/ suppliments/ 2007/21stfeb/ dhirendranath. htm

    In defence of Bangla: Bangla as the state language of Pakistan

    Dhirendranath Datta's speech of 23 February 1948 to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in Karachi, presided over by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was the first formal articulation of the demand for Bengali to be made one of the state languages of Pakistan. This culminated in the Language Movement of 1952 and the martyrdom of the Language Heroes. This movement is regarded by many as the first step towards the Liberation Movement leading to independence of Bangladesh in 1971. For this reason, Dhirendranath Datta's speech is regarded as one of the most important events in the history of East Pakistan and Bangladesh.

    The memorandum to the Prime Minister of Pakistan on behalf of the students of Dhaka University demanding the state language status for Bangla was submitted in November 1948.

    Sir, in moving this— the motion that stands in my name--- I can assure the House that I do so not in a spirit of narrow Provincialism, but, Sir, in the spirit that this motion receives the fullest consideration at the hands of members.

    I know, Sir, that Bengali is a provincial language, but, so far our state is concerned, it is the language of the majority of the people of the state. So although it is a provincial language, as a language of the majority of the people of the state it stands on a different footing. Out of six crores and ninety lakhs [69 million] of people of people inhabiting this State, 4 crores and 40 lakhs [44 million] of people speak the Bengali language. So, Sir, what should be the State language of the State of Pakistan? The State language of the State should be the language which is used by the majority of the people of the State, and for that, Sir, I consider that Bengali language is a lingua franca of our State.
    It may be contended with a certain amount of force that even in our sister dominion the provincial language have not got the status of a lingua franca because in her sister dominion of India the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly is conducted in Hindustani, Hindi or Urdu or English. It is not conducted in the Bengali language but so far as the Bengali is concerned out of 30 cores of people inhabiting that sister dominion two and a half crores speak the Bengali language. Hindustani, Hindi or Urdu has been given an honoured place in the sister dominion because the majority of the people of the Indian Dominion speak that language. So we are to consider that in our state it is found that the majority of the people of the Indian Dominion speak that language. So we are to consider that in our State it is found that the majority of the people of the State do speak the Bengali language then Bengali should have an honoured place even in the Central Government.
    I know, Sir, I voice the sentiments of the vast millions of our. In the meantime I want to let the House Know the feelings of the vastest millions of our State. Even, Sir, in the Eastern Pakistan where the people numbering four crores and forty lakhs [44 million] speak the Bengali language the common man even if he goes to a Post Office and wants to have a money order form finds that the money order is printed in Urdu language and is not printed in Bengali language or it is printed in English. A poor cultivator, who has got his son, Sir, as a student in the Dacca University and who wants to send money to him, goes to a village Post Office and he asks for a money order form, is printed in Urdu language. He can not send the money order but shall have to rush to a distant town and have this money order form translated for him and then the money order, Sir, that is necessary for his boy can be sent. The poor cultivator, Sir, sells a certain plot of land or a poor cultivator purchases a plot of land and goes to the Stamp vendor and pays him money but cannot say whether he has received the value of the money is Stamps. The value of the Stamp, Sir, is written not in Bengali but is written Urdu and English. But he can't say, Sir, whether he has got the real value of the Stamp. These are the difficulties experienced by the common man of the State.
    The language of the State should be such which can be understood by the common man of the State. The common man of the State numbering four crores and forty lakhs 44 million find that the proceedings of the Assembly which is their mother of parliaments is being conducted in a language, Sir which is unknown to them. Then, Sir, English has got an honoured place, Sir, in Rule 29. I know, Sir, English has got an honoured placed because of the International Character. But, Sir, if English can have an honoured place in Rule 29 that the proceedings of the Assembly should be conducted in Urdu or English why Bengalee, which is spoken by the four crores forty lakhs 44 million of people should not have an honoured place, Sir, in Rule 29 of the procedure Rules.
    So, Sir, I know I am voicing the sentiments of the vast millions of our State and therefore Bengali should not be treated as a Provincial Language. It should be treated as the language of the State. And, therefore, Sir, I suggest that after the word 'English, the words 'Bengali' be inserted in Rule 29. I do not wish to detain the House but I wish that the Members of the Constituent Assembly present here should give a consideration to the sentiments of the vast millions of our State, Sir, and should accept the amendment to Rule 29 that has been moved by me."
    Further references

    References

    1. ^ "Dhirendranath Datta: Glimpses of a life" by M. Waheeduzzaman Manik in "The Daily Star " dated 21 February 2007

    [courtesy:

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dhirendranath_Datta



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    [chottala.com] Dhirendranath Datta: Glimpses of a life



    Dhirendranath Datta: Glimpses of a life

    M. Waheeduzzaman Manik

    Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta (1886-1971) was the harbinger of the formative phase of the Bengali language movement, and he had made history on February 25, 1948 by demanding that Bengali to be recognized as one of the State languages of the new nation of Pakistan even though his proposal was meant to be an amendment permitting the use of Bengali along with Urdu and English in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. During the early years of Pakistan, he had remained an ardent defender of the Bengali language both in the CAP and the East Bengal Legislative Assembly. He became a martyr of the liberation war of Bangladesh in April 1971. Despite his pivotal role in jumpstarting the formative phase of the Bengali language movement during the most defining moment of Bangladesh's quest for freedom and self-determination, his name has thus far remained essentially forgotten and neglected. It is also ironic that there exists a serious paucity of literature on the formative phase of his life and political struggle.

    Dhirendranath Datta was born on November 2, 1886 in a village named Ramrail, approximately three miles away from Brahmanbaria, a sub-divisional town of the then Tripura (then spelled as Tipperah) district (later renamed as Comilla district). Dhirendranath Datta was very intimate with his father, who was a very kind man, and he was very inspired by his father's idealism. He inadvertently did not mention his mother's name in his memoirs. However, he mentioned that his father got married with a daughter of Bhubanmohan Rakhhit of Chapitala village under Sadar subdivision of Tripura district. He lost his mother when he was only 9 years old

    After finishing his education at Ripon College, Dhirendranath Datta decided to go back to his home district to live and work, and he made this determination instead of seeking a job or pursuing a legal career in Calcutta, a city where he lived and studied for almost six years. He left Calcutta on February 27, 1910 to start a teaching job in a high school that was located in a remote village named Bangra under the jurisdiction of Muradnagar Thana of the then Tripura district. He worked there as Assistant Headmaster of Bangra Umalochan High (English) School from March 1, 1910 through February 2, 1911. Although he enjoyed his teaching job in that rural high school, he decided to quit this job to pursue a law practice at Comilla town. He formally started his law practice on February 8, 1911 in Comilla town, and he continued to be a distinguished lawyer there till his brutal murder in April 1971 at the hands of the murderous Pakistani army.

    Dhirendranath Datta's debut in Bengal politics dates back to his student days at Ripon College. His subsequent political life was enormously conditioned by the life experiences and insights that he had gained during his student days in Calcutta from 1904 to 1910. He was a first year F.A. student in 1905 when he got involved in the anti-British movement to annul the partition of Bengal. In those turbulent years, both the Indian National Congress and the Bengal provincial Congress were dominated by two groups of leaders. While Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920), Bipin Chandra Pal (1870-1932), and Aurobindo Ghosh (1872-1950) led the extremist group, Surendranath Banerjee was the leader of the moderates. Dhirendranath Datta was the supporter of the moderate group in the Congress. However, he was also deeply inspired by the dedication and oratory of Bipin Chandra Pal, the leader of the extremists.

    Dhirendranath Datta worked as a volunteer at the annual meeting of the Indian National Congress which was held in Calcutta in December 1906, and he was deeply inspired by Dadabhai Naoroji's demand for Swaraj (self-rule) for India. In 1908, he also attended the annual conference of the Bengal provincial Congress at Boharampur. Although he was deeply inspired by the Congress demand for boycotting foreign goods, he had protested when some delegates to the Congress conference at Boharampur proposed the creation of the so-called 'Bentwood Chair'.

    Dhirendranath Datta also participated in the social conference that was held in Comilla during the 1914 provincial Congress meeting, and he opposed a proposal for 'widow marriage'. He regretfully recapitulated that incident in the following words: "I am saying this with a sense of shame that I had opposed the question of widow marriage even though I completely changed my view later about widow marriage." In fact, he became a champion of various social reforms even within his own religion throughout his political career, especially during the years between the two World Wars. As a delegate from Tripura district, he attended the Bengal provincial Congress in April 1919 in Mymensingh, and on his return to Comilla he was devastated at hearing the news of the barbaric massacre of innocent civilians by the British on April 13, 1919 at Jalianwalabagh.

    By mid-1920s, Dhirendranath Datta had emerged as a champion of various social reforms even within his own religion. In 1921, he was instrumental in founding the 'Mukti Sangha' at Comilla, the principal aim of which was to eradicate untouchability and caste system from the Hindu society. In 1923, he was also involved in the establishment of 'Abhoy Ashram' at Comilla. He also worked hard to forge a durable unity between Hindus and Muslims. Although he was a supporter of the Congress, he was greatly inspired by many admirable efforts of C.R. Das and his Swarajja party toward forging Hindu-Muslim unity. He was deeply shocked after he heard the news about the sad and sudden death of C.R. Das on June 16, 1925.

    In its historic Lahore Session in late December 1929, the Indian National Congress had demanded 'Purna Swaraj' (full independence) for India, and it was stipulated that if the British Government failed to grant independence by January 26, 1930 then a Civil Disobedience movement would be launched throughout all provinces of India. Dhirendranath Datta made a conscious determination to follow through the Congress directives at any cost. When the time for real action against the British came on January 26, 1930, he wholeheartedly supported and followed all directives of the Congress through his direct participation in the civil disobedience movement.

    Dhirendranath Datta organized a huge mass procession at Comilla town on July 2, 1930 protesting Motilal Nehru's arrest. In defiance of the police order, the protestors under his leadership had refused to disperse the procession. On that day, he was mercilessly lathi-charged by the then British Superintendent of Police of Tripura district. Dhirendranath Datta and a host of other protestors were arrested on July 2, 1930 for defying police orders. After keeping him for several hours in the police station, the law enforcement authority presented him and his fellow protestors at the Deputy Magistrate's Court in the afternoon of the same day. As a gesture of goodwill, the presiding Magistrate had expressed his desire to release them on bail on the condition that they have to attend the Court on the scheduled dates for trial. He firmly replied, "I refuse to recognize you as a Court." The entire Court was filled with 'Bande Mataram' slogans. He was then sent to Comilla jail in the evening of July 2, 1930. After 15 days, he was summarily tried by a Court inside Comilla jail on July 17, 1930 in which he had again refused to recognize the legitimacy of the Court. This summary Court, presided over by the then Sub-Divisional Officer (S.D.O.) of Comilla, Nepalchandra Sen, who was his former roommate and classmate, sentenced him to three months' rigorous imprisonment.

    The dismal failure of the Second Round Table Conference in December 1931 and the arrest of Mahatma Gandhi immediately after his return to India on January 4, 1932 had given birth to the final phase of the Civil Disobedience movement. Dhirendranath Datta was arrested from his Comilla residence on January 9, 1932, and he was kept in jail for one month without any trial. This was his second internment. He was released from jail on February 8, 1932.

    Aimed at courting arrest and violating the conditions of the notice, Dhirendranath Datta addressed a meeting in the evening at the Bar Library on the same day he was released from jail. He did not report to the police station. He was arrested at 8 p.m. on February 8, 1932. After he was kept in jail for a couple of days, he was put on trial in front of a magistrate inside the Comilla jail. He demonstrated his uncompromising commitment to the cause of the civil disobedience movement by refusing to take part in that trial but he had issued a pungent statement in which he stated the following: "The notice that has been served upon me is intended to kill the man in me and I have prevented this murder by disobeying the notice." He was sentenced to rigorous imprisonment for one year. He was released from jail in February, 1933 after he had served the full term of his sentence. On his return to Comilla in February 1933, he found out that his family had to move out of his Comilla residence and started living in his village home under extreme financial difficulties. By 1933, the Civil Disobedience movement died out.

    Dhirendranath Datta was overwhelmingly elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly during the historic provincial legislative election in 1937. Although Dhirendranath Datta had to spend 18 months behind bars during his first tenure (1937-1945) as the member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly, he was one of the most articulate and committed legislators at a critical juncture of the history of the Indian subcontinent. Despite the fact that he was in the opposition in the provincial legislature, he was actively involved in the passage of the Bengal Tenancy Act, the Bengal Debtors' Act, and the Bengal Money Lenders' Act. In 1940, he was elected Deputy Leader (Kiran Shankar was elected as the Leader) of the Congress parliamentary party in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. It was Dhirendranath Datta who brought a cut motion during the budget session in June 1945 that literally led to the downfall of Khwaja Nazimuddin's provincial Government. Pursuant to the fall of the Khwaja Nazimuddin Ministry, the then Governor of Bengal had dissolved the provincial assembly in November 1945 and declared to hold the assembly elections during early (February-March) 1946. As a Congress candidate, Dhirendranath Datta was reelected in 1946 to the Bengal Legislative Assembly. On behalf of the Congress party, Kiranshankar Roy and Dhirendranath Datta were elected to be the Leader and Deputy Leader respectively of the opposition party in the assembly. Since the possibility of partition of India and the province of Bengal was gaining ground in 1946, he had to take some of the most critical decisions of his entire political career.

    A life-long champion of Hindu-Muslim unity, Dhirendranath Datta was horrified to see the rise of communalism and the Hindu-Muslim riots in 1946. On the eve of the division of India, he had several options. As the Deputy Leader of the Congress parliamentary party in the Bengal Legislative Assembly, he could choose to opt for India where his political career would have been protected. He could realize that his future was at best problematic in a Muslim majority country if he opted for Pakistan. Yet Dhirendranath Datta made a conscious determination to opt for the new nation of Pakistan. On a matter of principle, he was unwilling to abandon his constituents. He became a member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) in December 1946 and continued to be a member of the CAP till this body was arbitrarily dissolved in October 1954. He attended the first session of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) on August 12, 1947. He also attended the historic session of the CAP on August 14, 1947 in which Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, had transferred power to M.A. Jinnah, the newly appointed Governor General of the new nation of Pakistan. Dhirendranath Datta had moved an amendment at the CAP on February 25, 1948 for adopting "Bengali" as one of the official languages of the CAP. It is clearly evident from his speech that he also demanded for adopting Bengali as one of the "State" languages of Pakistan. Among many others who were in the vanguard of the formative phase of the Bengali Language Movement, his role was seminal in the process of jumpstarting our resistance against those forces that were engaged in repudiating the rudiments of Bengali language and culture through the imposition of Urdu.

    It is evident from whatever scanty literature is available on the formative phase of his life that his motto of social service was greatly shaped by his concern for his country and his compassion for common masses. Doubtless, he was a good lawyer-politician. However, the most distinctive quality of this extraordinary man of integrity and honesty was that numerous opportunities could not add luster to his reputation. He never shunned the code of ethics of his legal profession. Nor did he ever deviate from his cherished life-long motto of social service. He was regarded as a person of amiable disposition, and it is fair to suggest that he was a gentleman par excellence. His was a graceful and courteous presence both inside and outside of the courtrooms or legislative chambers. However, on a matter of principle, he was not willing to demonstrate any kind of timidity even before the most powerful.

    Dhirendranath Datta performed a yeoman's service during the non-cooperation movement. At a personal level, however, he went through a social and political transformation during this historic movement. His direct participation in this volatile movement also gave him a rare opportunity to practice politics at the grassroots level in the rural areas even though his extended family had to endure untold financial difficulties. His life was also impacted by the historic Civil Disobedience Movement that was launched by the Congress in early 1930s. During different phases of the civil disobedience movement, he suffered three separate prison terms totaling a period of sixteen months. As a participant in the Satyagraha and the 'Quit India' movements that took place in early 1940s, he was put behind bars twice for a total period of eighteen months. The way he had courted arrests and jail terms during those tumultuous years of Bengal politics is an exemplary testimonial to a true freedom fighter and patriot. Since his direct participation in various anti-British movements involved a great deal of personal risk and sacrifice, his deep sense of patriotism and selflessness and his commitment to other people can be identified as the chief incentive behind his bold decision of staying back in Pakistan for which he had to endure humiliation and various forms of hardship. However, his sacrifices did not go in vain. Dhirendranath Datta's profile in courage that was demonstrated both before and after the partition of India and his role as a dauntless defender of the Bengali language and culture will be remembered beyond the boundaries of time.

    Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman Manik is chairman of the Department of Public Management at Austin Peay State University and writes from Clarksville, Tennessee, USA.
     
     


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    Re: [chottala.com] language followed theory of 2 Nations. Dina khan

    Dina Khan seems a sympathizer of Biharis or pakistani biased. She also justifying Jinnah is correct announcing urdu as state language.
    i think Dina khan either Bihari if not pakistani. I think this forum is NOT for you. You will find all Bangladeshi here. feel sorry for you.


    Nader Chowdhury

    þý


    --- In chottala@yahoogroups.com, dina khan <dina30_khan@...> wrote:
    >
    > Mr Siraj
    > My searching was for trialing war criminals. The reasons of war in 1971 were seeded in 1947 division of Bengal as well as divisions of India.
    > My searching is also to establish social justice & lawful humanity & human right for doing trials of 1971 war criminals it needs to find out the real criminals who were responsible to create the situation of the 1971 war.
    > It was certainly the theory of 2 Nations for 2 Languages Hindi & Urdu for 2 Nations India & Pakistan.
    > Mr. Jinnah who was the Iron man after creation of Pakistan declared that Urdu only Urdu will be the state language of Pakistan according to the theory of 2 nations for 2 Languages Hindi & Urdu as Hindi is the state language of India. So Urdu is for Pakistan.  He is correct...
    > There was no chance for Bengali national or Bengali language or other provincial languages in the theory of 2 Nations for 2 Languages.
    > Now for doing proper lawful trialing why should not be called them who were responsible of establishing theory of 2 nations for 2 languages?.
    >  
    > --- On Mon, 13/7/09, siraj@... <siraj@...> wrote:
    >
    >
    > From: siraj@... <siraj@...>
    > Subject: [chottala.com] language- By dina khan
    > To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
    > Received: Monday, 13 July, 2009, 8:34 PM
    >
    >
    >
    >
    >
    >
    >
    >
    >
    > On the other hand for lawful Administration & justice of humanity & for the cause of Human right you need to think  why had migrated they to East Pakistan what were their right &  reasons?. East Pakistan was created for the Muslim & along with Bengali Muslim to live here Indian migrated Muslims who were also the legal citizens of Bangladesh under the theory of 2 Nations. After their settlement in Bangladesh East Pakistan became a multi language province.. Bangle language to the people of Bangladesh & Urdu language to Indian migrated people. Both have equal right to speak their in own mother language Bangla & Urdu.
    >
    > In this circumstances
    > If Bengali people would fight for their own Mother Language Bangla.
    >  
    > Then
    > Why could not fight migrated people who are the legal citizens of Bangladesh for their own mother Language Urdu?
    > If fighting of Bangladeshi people for their Bangla Language would not be crime
    > Then
    > Why fighting of migrated people for their Urdu language would be crime??
    >  
    > Dear dina khan in answering to your above inquisitiveness:   
    > The question of language would not arise at all provided M.A.Jinnah after his arrival in Dhaka immediately after the creation of  Pakistan would not declare  urdu and urdu sould be the state language. This created  resentment in the mind of  whole of Bengal when they saw their majority speaking Bengali languages were underestimated   and thus by creating all sorts of hatreds for the urdu language in the minds of Bengali speaking people from that very day in 21st Februaruary, 1952 after the firing over the students of Dhaka University killing many of them. There is no history in the world only for language students were killed in the street as it happened  in our Bangladesh. That language movement was the turning point in the history of creation of Bangladesh in 1971. Otherwise Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan (Bangladesh) at that time used to become delighted to speak urdu with the non Bengali urdu speaking Biharis who entered
    > in the then East Pakistan. Many of the Bengalis knew urdu and could talk in urdu very well, but sorry to mention very few non Bengali Biharis could speak in Bengali rather used to show their hatreds in speaking in Bengali though they made up their mind to stay as citizens in Bengal for ever.  If any Bengali speaking people in Bihar try to show their dissatisfaction in urdu what will be the  reaction in the minds of our Bihari brothers? The whole of Bengal- East Bengal of Pakistan and West Bengal of India are the biggest zone of Bengali speaking people. Nobody bother if in this area urdu speaking people speak in urdu and hindi speaking people speak in hindi. The question of language movement arose when in the vast majority of Bengali speaking area urdu were going to be imposed by force as it was tried by M.A. Jinnah in 1952.  I quite aggree with you dina khan as you told Bangladesh is a area of cosmopolitical languages of Urdu, Bengali, English
    > and many other languages but nobody can deny as in majority Bengali speaking area the supremacy always should have to be for Bengali languages.  
    > No question of fighting in concern of Bengali and Urdu  as majority Bengali speaking people in Bangladesh don't  possesses any sorts of hatreds for urdu after so many ups and down.  Fighting always equal vs equal. Not our vast majority of our Bengalis like to fight with a small quantity of non Bengali Biharis until and unless they don't disturb the Bengalis as they used to do during Pakistan time in association with the high headed Pakistanis and in 1971 we lowered down their high headed thinking successfully. Our fighting with Pakistan is over as Pakistanis used to think they are more superior to us and we have shown them in 1971 and make them understand very nicely how much superior they were. Now we want to live in Bangladesh peacefully with all multi language speaking people in a harmony.
    >
    >
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    [chottala.com] Re: language- By dina khan

    Dina Khan seems a sympathizer of Biharis. She prefer Biharis over Banglees. i am ýwondering if she herself is Bihariþ.þ ý


    Nader Chowdhury

    --- In chottala@yahoogroups.com, siraj uddowllah wrote:
    >
    >
    >
    >
    > On the other hand for lawful Administration & justice of humanity & for the cause of Human right you need to think why had migrated they to East Pakistan what were their right & reasons?. East Pakistan was created for the Muslim & along with Bengali Muslim to live here Indian migrated Muslims who were also the legal citizens of Bangladesh under the theory of 2 Nations. After their settlement in Bangladesh East Pakistan became a multi language province.. Bangle language to the people of Bangladesh & Urdu language to Indian migrated people. Both have equal right to speak their in own mother language Bangla & Urdu.
    >
    > In this circumstances
    > If Bengali people would fight for their own Mother Language Bangla.
    >
    > Then
    > Why could not fight migrated people who are the legal citizens of Bangladesh for their own mother Language Urdu?
    > If fighting of Bangladeshi people for their Bangla Language would not be crime
    > Then
    > Why fighting of migrated people for their Urdu language would be crime??
    >
    > Dear dina khan in answering to your above inquisitiveness:
    > The question of language would not arise at all provided M.A.Jinnah after his arrival in Dhaka immediately after the creation of Pakistan would not declare urdu and urdu sould be the state language. This created resentment in the mind of whole of Bengal when they saw their majority speaking Bengali languages were underestimated and thus by creating all sorts of hatreds for the urdu language in the minds of Bengali speaking people from that very day in 21st Februaruary,1952 after the firing over the students of Dhaka University killing many of them. There is no history in the world only for language students were killed in the street as it happened in our Bangladesh. That language movement was the turning point in the history of creation of Bangladesh in 1971. Otherwise Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan (Bangladesh) at that time used to become delighted to speak urdu with the non Bengali urdu speaking Biharis who entered in the then East Pakistan. Many of the Bengalis knew urdu and could talk in urdu very well, but sorry to mention very few non Bengali Biharis could speak in Bengali rather used to show their hatreds in speaking in Bengali though they made up their mind to stay as citizens in Bengal for ever. If any Bengali speaking people in Bihar try to show their dissatisfaction in urdu what will be the reaction in the minds of our Bihari brothers? The whole of Bengal- East Bengal of Pakistan and West Bengal of India are the biggest zone of Bengali speaking people. Nobody bother if in this area urdu speaking people speak in urdu and hindi speaking people speak in hindi. The question of language movement arose when in the vast majority of Bengali speaking area urdu were going to be imposed by force as it was tried by M.A. Jinnah in 1952. I quite aggree with you dina khan as you told Bangladesh is a area of cosmopolitical languages of Urdu, Bengali, English and many other languages but nobody can deny as in majority Bengali speaking area the supremacy always should have to be for Bengali languages.
    > No question of fighting in concern of Bengali and Urdu as majority Bengali speaking people in Bangladesh don't possesses any sorts of hatreds for urdu after so many ups and down. Fighting always equal vs equal. Not our vast majority of our Bengalis like to fight with a small quantity of non Bengali Biharis until and unless they don't disturb the Bengalis as they used to do during Pakistan time in association with the high headed Pakistanis and in 1971 we lowered down their high headed thinking successfully. Our fighting with Pakistan is over as Pakistanis used to think they are more superior to us and we have shown them in 1971 and make them understand very nicely how much superior they were. Now we want to live in Bangladesh peacefully with all multi language speaking people in a harmony.
    > _________________________________________________________________
    > Stay in the loop and chat with friends, right from your inbox!
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    >


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    [chottala.com] Forests best chance for new climate pact: economist




     Finalizing the United Nations' forest conservation scheme is an obvious and critical step to agreeing a new global climate change pact, an economist at the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has said.

    The G8 and other major economies last week agreed to restrict global warming to 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 Fahrenheit).

    But they failed to persuade top emitter China and India to join a push to halve greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 -- a blow to efforts to secure a successor climate treaty to the Kyoto Protocol after its 2012 expiry.

    "There should be a complete reversal of priorities and countries should get on with what they can agree on, which is curbing deforestation," Pavan Sukhdev, a senior banker at Deutsche Bank currently on secondment with UNEP, told Reuters on Tuesday.

    "We should be rewarding countries that are reducing deforestation and improving their conservation practices; nobody disagrees with this."

    Reduced emissions from deforestation and degradation (REDD), the U.N.'s market-based forestry scheme, issues carbon credits as financial incentive to dissuade forest owners from logging.

    Delegates from nearly 200 countries will meet for U.N. climate talks in Copenhagen in December to work toward a new agreement.

    "I don't see the mainstream climate negotiation carrying big stories other than frustration and more frustration," Sukhdev said, adding that 24 percent of global carbon dioxide emissions and 18 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions come from deforestation.

    "With REDD, it's sitting there staring at you, waiting for you to do the obvious," he said.

    REDD trial schemes are now being run in developing countries like Cambodia, Indonesia and Brazil.

    FOREST FUNDS

    Distribution of REDD credit revenues still needs to be worked out, with the question addressed of how much cash will be invested in replanting in damaged or degraded areas.

    Forest-rich governments should encourage developed nations to pledge some $20-30 billion per year to their REDD strategies, then create a fund to allocate the money to the best projects, Sukhdev said. "More money then will come from the private sector, but getting started is the problem," he added.
    ---
    Rubeel
    www.jzom.com




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    [chottala.com] New SC judges take oath



    he four new judges to the Appellate Division took oath to office on Thursday.

    Chief justice MM Ruhul Amin administered the swearing-in ceremony at 10:30am at the Judges' Lounge of the Supreme Court.

    President Zillur Rahman on Tuesday appointed them according to section 95(1) of the constitution, raising to 11 the total number of judges in the highest appeals court hamstrung by the shortage.

    The new judges are justices BK Das, ABM Khairul Haque, Mohammed Muzammel Hossain and Surendra Kumar Sinha.

    Change was made to the Appellate Division bench following the new appointment — three benches were arranged in place of two.

    The chief justice, justices MA Matin, BK Das and Mohammad Muzammel Hossain were supposed to be seated in the first bench while justices Mohammad Fazlul Karim, Jainal Abedin, Shah Abu Naim Mominur Rahman and ABM Khairul Haque in the second bench.

    The newly formed third bench was arranged for justices Mohammad Tafazzal Islam and SK Sinha.
     
    ---
    Rubeel
    www.jzom.com




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