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Sunday, October 12, 2008

[chottala.com] Dr Fakhruddin fails to represent Bangladesh at UN session


FARAKKA ISSUE IGNORED
Dr Fakhruddin fails to represent Bangladesh at UN session
Moinuddin Naser in New York
Despite UNISDR's call for global action to prevent flood in view of the recent flood in Bangladesh, India and Nepal in particular and flood problem in general, Dr.Fakhruddin Ahmed, Chief Adviser to the Caretaker Government, failed to mention about Bangladesh's situation in his speech at the General Assembly. He also did not say anything about Bangladesh's drought problem either. But neighbouring Nepal's Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda urged upon the international community to intervene in this regard and protect the Himalayan glacier in order to mitigate flood problems.
   The call came from the International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (ISDR), a United Nations agency.
   On the other hand, Indian Prime Minister Dr Monmohan Singh only spoke about the issue of drought, but did not say a word about regional cooperation. Singh detailed about investment in new technologies and new production regimes for rain-fed and dry land agriculture and explore cost-effective desalination technologies, to use saline water of the sea for agricultural purpose.
   Coincidently, the statement of the UN agency, and the speeches by the Chief Adviser of Bangladesh, Prime Ministers of Nepal and India were delivered on the same day, September 26, 2008.
   The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (ISDR) in a statement, issued from Geneva, pointed out that 200 million people worldwide living in coastal flood zones and urged all states to take measures to prevent flooding from turning into a disaster.
   The ISDR Secretariat in Geneva in its statement said, the devastation caused by floods was evident recently in Bangladesh, Nepal and India, where thousands of villages were submerged as rivers burst their banks.
   In the statement the ISDR chief Salvano Briceno said, "Flooding is already on the rise due to increasing populations living in flood plains, and climate change will make floods more frequent and severe, with a particular impact on deltas. The recent floods... are glimpses of a future that we need to start adapting to now."
   The statement also mentioned that successful flood control systems have been implemented across several countries such as Viet Nam, which has used mangrove reforestation to considerably reduce the impact of flooding on coastal populations.
   Meanwhile, China has spent around $3 billion in flood control efforts between 1960 and 2000, helping to avert an estimated $12 billion in losses.
   Cost-effective methods to prevent flooding from turning into disaster include risk assessments, evacuation plans, education and not building in flood-prone areas, all of which would require community participation.
   
   Total ignorance
   The UN agency has categorically denounced the building of structure in the flood-prone area. But surprisingly Chief Adviser Fakhruddin seemed totally ignorant about the important issue and did not mention anything about the adverse impact of Farakka Barrage both in drought and flood. Now the question is whether there was no need of regional cooperation to mitigate the effect of flood in the region while Bangladesh as the delta and lowest riparian is the worst affected area.
   The officials in the United Nations, who are from Bangladesh, often said that the mission and Bangladesh government's officers are engaged in lobbying for job in the United States, rather than serving the interest of the country as the Indians do in the United Nation and has in the process been able to create a very strong lobby for themselves. So the Bangladesh diplomats don't try to make India hostile, and remain silent on issues involving India, which never favoured regional cooperation to mitigate the water-related problems in Bangladesh, India and Nepal.
   However Nepal's new Prime Minister Puspa Dahal Prachanda when stating about the flood problem in this region stated that for Nepal, the melting of glaciers and shifting weather patterns are threatening the life and ecosystem undermining the sustainability of agriculture and extreme climate-induced disasters such as frequent floods and landslides. He said: "The Himalayan range provides life supporting water downstream for more than a billion people. The Mt Everest is the roof of the world, and the Himalayan range need to be protected and utilised to contribute to the humanity as a whole. So I strongly appeal to the international community to extend all necessary support and cooperation to protect and promote its pristine environment. We need to create a regime of common but differentiated responsibilities, in which the developed countries will lift the burden of adaptation in the vulnerable countries, such as the least developed countries and small islands."
   
   Regional cooperation negated
   About drought Indian Prime Minister Monmohan Singh mentioned in his speech in a different way, which has totally negated the issue of regional cooperation, including the sharing of waters of common basins. He recognised that water might be the cause of many conflicts during the current century but said, "We must reflect how to use this scarce resource efficiently. We need to invest in new technologies and new production regimes for rain-fed and dry-land agriculture and explore cost-effective desalination technologies."
   But for Bangladesh it is important to realise the due and traditional share of water of common basins for which we need regional and international cooperation. But Dr Fakhruddin has totally omitted that subject. Rather he only referred to the issue of climate change as the means of flooding of Bangladesh.
   He said, "Bangladesh is particularly vulnerable to climate change given that we are a low lying delta in one of the highest rainfall areas of the world. There is growing concern that an irreversible climatic shift will displace tens of millions of our people. By some estimates, a one meter sea-level rise would submerge about one-third of the total area in Bangladesh. Given our population and its vulnerabilities, this would result in the greatest humanitarian crisis in history." Though the issue is controversial and the article which was reported in the daily Independent of London, it was challenged by the source of the article in NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration), Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed is still continuing that kind pf propaganda, which is a very palatable issue for the anti-Bangladesh campaign in the international arena.
   Bangladesh mission's failure
   Nepalese Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal in his statement thanked the Secretary General of the United Nations for smooth transfer of UN Regional Centre for Peace Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific from New York to Kathmondhu. The centre was established in 1987 and Nepal's permanent mission to the United Nations signed the agreement and a related Memorandum of Understandings (MOU) on July 21, 2007.
   Regrettably the Permanent Representative of Bangladesh mission in UN had no initiative to seek the relocation of that important centre to Bangladesh, whereas for many reasons Bangladesh could be the most suitable location for such a centre.
   
   Singh ignores Dhaka
   Last but not least, though the government of Dr Fakhruddin is totally sensitive to say anything about India, Indian Prime Minister Dr. Monmohan Singh in his speech though welcomed return of democracy in Pakistan and expressed commitment to resolve all outstanding issues between the two countries including Jammu and Kashmir through peaceful dialogue, and also welcomed the coming to power of democratically elected governments in Nepal and in Bhutan, he did not mention a single word praising the Bangladesh Government's initiative of ongoing political reforms and arrangement of election, as if India did not quite like the arrangement.
 

অদক্ষতা, অযোগ্যতা আর তাবেদারীর মাধ্যমে দেশের হাজার হাজার কোটি টাকা ক্ষতি করার জন্য ওদের আর হেলপারদের বিরুদ্ধে মামলা ,আর ওরা গ্রেফতার হবে কবে?

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[chottala.com] Reflections on Colonel Taher’s death [Who is running the Care Taker Government in Bangladesh ?]

Oh, yeah !
That was the revenge of the "Officers" ..... Colonel Taher was found "guilty as charged"
in sham-trial ..... not only that ... another 253 ordinary soilders were hanged in the
Dhaka Central Jail to "supress the rebellion" and a officerdom was created in Bangladesh.
which is continuing till to day.[Just guess, Who is running the Care Taker Government in Bangladesh ]
 
Read the glimpse of the sham-trial below:
Reflections on Colonel Taher's death

AMM Shawkat Ali
Every year Colonel Taher is remembered on the date he was hanged by the neck until he was dead. The hanging took place in Dhaka Central Jail on July 21, 1976. The verdict on his death by hanging was said to have been passed by a Special Military Tribunal at a time when the country had its first bout of experience with martial law. It may well be called the third bout if the infamous martial laws of 1958 and 1969 of pre-1971 period are taken into account


Remembrance with a difference
   Reflections on Colonel Taher's death this year is significantly different from all previous years. The primary reason is the number of meetings and columns in the media that unfolded some untold stories relating to the circumstances that led to the infamous verdict on his death by hanging. The major contribution in this regard has been made by Lawrence Lifschultz who worked for the Far Eastern Economic Review. Lifschultz appears to have made the point, not unknown to many in Bangladesh, that it was simply a mockery of trial. Indeed, any trial by a specially constituted military tribunal by its very nature is a denial of justice as it is known and understood in a civilised sense. What has been left unsaid is the fact that on August 14, 1975, a duly elected government was overthrown through a military coup organised by a small number of retired and serving army officers of relatively junior rank. They remained above law for a long time and were protected probably to justify the dictum that a successful revolution is its own justification. However, the substantive point made by Lifschultz is that (a) even the trial by the special military tribunal was vitiated by legal flaws, (b) the trial was not held in pubic but in closely guarded high security area within the precincts of the Dhaka Central Jail, (c) the lawyers for the prosecution and defence had to utter oaths of secrecy relating to the trial and (d) the trial was completed with undue haste. In sum, Taher was denied the due process of law which led Lifschultz to conclude that it was utterly wrong and the time has come for the government to admit it to be so. He has cited the cases in other countries and advocated the constitution of a commission more or less on the lines of the Truth Commission of South Africa. The primary objective is to bring out the truth and not force the citizens of today and tomorrow to continue to believe what essentially may well be a pack of lies.
   
   Is that possible?
   The impassioned appeal made by Lifschultz may well fall on deaf ears if the powers that are or will be in future. For the present government, it is all the more so because of historical connections of the BNP with its founding father, late general Ziaur Rahman. It was during his initial rise to power, after a series of coups and counter-coups, that the ill-framed verdict was announced. In 1976, he was not the chief marital law administrator (CMLA) but was nevertheless the chief of the army. It is a sad and tragic commentary on the role played by a former chief justice who thought it fit to adorn the offices of CMLA as well as the president. Even more saddening is the fact that Lifschultz has cited the commitment of the very same chief justice quoting his own verdict in the case relating to Purnachandra Mandal. In that case, the chief justice asserted that the inalienable right of a citizen as an accused person to have access to the due process of law cannot be interfered with. This commitment of a judge, if Lifschultz is to be believed, vanished when the judge adorned the two most powerful offices of CMLA and president. However, without further material evidence supportive of this conclusion, it is perhaps not fair to arrive at a definite and incontrovertible conclusion.
   
   Freedom of the press denied
   As with will martial law situations, freedom of the press not only in terms of access to information but also the right to publish information on the infamous trial was denied. Lifschultz was first detained and later deported. He, however, could smuggle out his story on the process of trial.
   
   Why special military tribunal?
   The constitution of a Special Military Tribunal cannot perhaps be questioned. That is the standard procedure when a country is under martial law. The precedence in this regard was set first in 1958 and then in 1969 when Bangladesh formed the eastern part of Pakistan. Generally, two types of military courts are set up to quell any resistance to martial law government. A court of inferior jurisdiction called the Summary Martial Law Court and one of higher jurisdiction called the Special Military Court. The debate opened by Lifschultz merits further probe. Did the tribunal which passed the verdict conform to the latter type? During 1958 and in 1969, Special Military Courts held the proceedings of trial in the open public view, of course within the precincts of the court room. The trial of Taher was an exception to the general precedent set by the Pakistani military rulers. This remains the major point of contention of Lifschultz. Again, during 1958 martial law, district or additional sessions judges were made members of the Special Military Court. The Summary Military Courts in some cases included magistrates. The idea probably was to put up an appearance of credibility in public. It is not known or is not otherwise clear from the account given by Lifschultz whether the Special Military Tribunal followed the same lines. This is well worth further investigation.
   
   Why oaths of secrecy for the lawyers?

   Another important area of further probe relates to the oaths of secrecy for the lawyers on either side of the aisle. Is this permitted under the relevant military act and army rules and instructions? Leaving aside this issue, was it permitted by the terms of reference under which the Special Military Tribunal which was constituted by a martial law order (MLO)? Did the then CMLA and President assent to such a horrendous course of action? Above all, why did the celebrated lawyers accept such demeaning arrangement?
   
   Will truth ever be known?
   It is idle to speculate if the mystery surrounding the infamous verdict will ever be known. Lifschultz has suggested one way-out in the form of a Truth Commission. The Truth Commission in South Africa, as far as is known, required voluntary disclosure. Obviously the lawyers participating in the trial, now dead, cannot testify voluntarily. Those who are living are relevant. Will they testify, if not before a Truth Commission which will probably never be formed, at least to the public.
   
   More threads to the untold story
   It is indeed relevant to add to the account given by Lifschultz. If a former chief justice who united in himself the two most powerful sources of authority for governance could not, for reasons as yet unknown, assert his authority in respect of the undue process of trial of Taher, the then Deputy Commissioner (DC) Dhaka did. Immediately after the date of hanging of Taher was fixed, there was an official direction over telephone from the Home Ministry that the DC must be present at hanging site inside Dhaka Central Jail. The DC was neither a trained lawyer nor ever, except as a sub-divisional magistrate, tried any criminal case. He was of only ten years of experience in civil service. Yet, by his sense of judgment and limited experience, he sensed something was wrong.
   
   The jail code
   In DC's office, there is a specific branch that deals with criminal cases and complaints relating to jail including police administration. The branch is called Judicial Munshikhana (JM) headed by a magistrate. The DC asked the magistrate-in-charge of JM to see him with the jail code. The magistrate, Khundkar Fazlur Rahman, now a retired secretary to the government, came with the Jail Code. The relevant parts of the Jail Code were carefully examined by the DC. It was found out that (a) the requirement was to send a magistrate and (b) the hanging verdict must come from a duly constituted court of law. The DC asked the magistrate to send a letter to the home ministry correctly reflecting the requirements as stated above. A question was also raised by the DC whether a civil jail should be the appropriate site for hanging since the verdict was passed by a military tribunal. The then home secretary, immediately on receipt of this reference from JM signed by the magistrate in charge, called up the DC. He accepted the point but at the same time stated that the relevant parts of the Jail Code would be amended. A copy of the formal amendment was sent which validated the hanging of Taher in the Dhaka Central Jail. However, the home ministry left untouched the provision of presence of a magistrate of competent jurisdiction at the hanging site. Magistrate Fazlur Rahman attended.
   
   Account of Fazlur Rahman
   Fazlur Rahman told the DC then and also after his retirement from service, the courageous way that Taher faced the 'journey into the undiscovered country from whose bourne no traveller returns'. The DC retired from service in 2001 and Fazlur Rahman, as already stated, did so few years thereafter. They still fondly remember Taher for his undaunted courage of conviction and refusal to be on the receiving side. If only other sections of celebrated citizens in high office could emulate the example set by Taher, the country could be a better place of the citizens. Specially for the DC, it was very shocking. In 1974, the DC happened to issue an appointment to Taher as director of the Dredger Organisation of Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB). The DC then was member-administration of BWDB. The order was issued pursuant to a decision given by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The decision was communicated over telephone by the then minister in charge of flood control and water development, the late lamented Abdur Rab Serniabat.
   Taher met the member administration in his office and received the order of appointment. He was to be based in Narayanganj. Taher, on receipt of the order, requested the member administration to visit his office. The member administration never knew that two years later as DC he would be asked by the government to attend the hanging of Taher.

 

 
Aslo read:
  • Front Page

    ... as the South Asia correspondent of the Far Eastern Economic Review, on Friday said it was time to overturn the judgement in the trial of Colonel Taher, ...
    www.newagebd.com/2006/jul/22/front.html - 71k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
    More results from www.newagebd.com »
  • Putting Factions 'Back in' the Civil-Military Relations Equation ...

    33 The Far Eastern Economic Review, 16th January, 1976. ...... Colonel Taher's 11th sector brigade has been popularly considered as the '4th mukti bahini'. ...
    samaj.revues.org/document230.html - 191k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
    by J Codron - 2007 - Related articles
  • The Daily Star Web Edition Vol. 5 Num 766

    ... South Asia correspondent for the Far Eastern Economic Review which meant I ... July 21 was the 30th anniversary of the execution of Colonel Abu Taher. ...
    www.thedailystar.net/2006/07/23/d607231501118.htm - 14k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
  • [PDF]

    TAHER'S LAST TESTAMENT:

    File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - View as HTML
    Bengali sould have the audacity to pass a sentence on Colonel Taher. ...... the Pakistani crackdown in East Bengal the country's revolutionary Left was far ...
    www.col-taher.com/UnfinishedRevol.pdf - Similar pages - Note this
  • Sent by:
    Syed Aslam

     
    On 10/12/08, Md. Mostafa Kamal <mmk3k@yahoo.com> wrote:

    SIPAHI SIPAHI BHAI BHAI,

    OFFICERER ROKTO CHAI!

     
    This was the suicidal reason that Colonel Taher had to face his own fate.
     
    Md. Mostafa Kamal.


    --- On Sat, 10/11/08, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com> wrote:
     
    From: Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com>
    Subject: Re: [vinnomot] Re: [Dahuk]: Re: [Amra-Bangladesi] Re: [notun_banglades h] Who is runni ng the Care Taker Government in Bangladesh ?
    To: Amra-Bangladesi@yahoogroups.com
    Date: Saturday, October 11, 2008, 3:57 PM


    I guess Taher had to die because he was over ambitious and he had already built a base in the Army and in the civilaian political arena.  Zia felt threatened from him and he felt that if Taher is not eleiminated he is going to be eliminated by Taher. The reason Taher helped in Zia's rescue was to ewlimingfate Khalid Mosharraf. Zia did not want the fate of Mosharraf. So he had to kill him.  It was not a mistake. It was a well calculted murder.
                           Ayubi

    --- On Sat, 10/11/08, mohiuddin@netzero. net <mohiuddin@netzero. net> wrote:
     
    From: mohiuddin@netzero. net <mohiuddin@netzero. net>
    Subject: Re: [vinnomot] Re: [Dahuk]: Re: [Amra-Bangladesi] Re: [notun_banglades h] Who is runni ng the Care Taker Government in Bangladesh ?
    To: Amra-Bangladesi@ yahoogroups. com
    Cc: Amra-Bangladesi@ yahoogroups. com
    Date: Saturday, October 11, 2008, 4:45 AM

     
     
    Mr. Aslam,
     
      I never justified the killing of Col.Taher( who helped Zia by revolting against pro-Awami  coup led by Awami M.P. Rashed Mosharraf's brother Brig. Khaled Mosharraf)as a result Zia was freed by Sipahi/Jonota from house arrest by revolting Mosharraf follwers.. Without active help from  Taher's Gonobahini ,mobilization of military forces could have been difficult at that time. But  why Taher was punished we still donot know. Personally I think killing the savior was unforgivable mistake by Zia.
       Promoter of Bangladesh's "Scientific Socialism"  theory 'Mehnoti Jonotar Konthoshor' ASM Abdur Rob still alive who once served as Minister under Netri Hasina can inform you  about how many JSD workers were killed by Rakkhibahi and other Petoa Bahini .Of course Gonobahini also killed some followers of Mujib at that time.I don't keep record of those numbers.
       Killing  Chatro Union workers Motiul Kader and killing JSD workers had different objective. Motiul and Kader was B-team members ,unfortunately killed by Mujib's Police force  and there was no commission was formed to find out how those two B-team members were killed. Even B-team leaders had to apologize to Mujib for this demonstration against the A-Team government. B-Team leaders never comemorated those unfortunate workers.
    M.Anwar_
    ____________ _________ _________ _________ ____-
    Mr. Mohiuddin Anwar
     
    Therefore, you are justifying the hanging of Colonel Taher in 1976 because
    some violation was done by "Mujibi Police force". How can one one wrong validates
    other wrong doings? How about your Boiganic Samajtantra? Can you provide us
    with a list of Jassod workers killed by Rakkhi Bahini?

     



     
    2008/10/9 mohiuddin@netzero. net <mohiuddin@netzero. net>
    What happened to Chatro Union workers Motiul/ Kader who were killed by Mujibi Police force in front of Dhaka Press Club just after liberation while observing  Vietnam Day. After the death of Motiul and Kader Chatro Union created Motiul Kader Smriti Stombo in fron of Press club and later removed by unknown group. Why Motia/Shuronjeet never recall their sacrfice ?
    Mujib er ek dhomokei Chatro Uniuon Shur Shur kore A team er kache har mane and Sheikh Mujib er kache kritokormer jonnyo khoma chai. This is the real charecter of Apa party leaders.




    ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ___
    Click to become a massage therapist and work for yourself.

     

     



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    [chottala.com] Bangla speaking peasants in Assam [background]:

    Dear All
     
    As a matter of fact Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan became  Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan
    Bhasani due his leadership in the struggle of Bangali settler-pleasants in Bashan Chor
    in the Dhubri district in Assam. ....... "From Tangail he moved to Ghagmara in Assam in the
    late 1930s to defend the interests of Bangali settlers there. He made his debut as a leader
    at Bhasan Char on the brahmaputra where he constructed an embankment with the
    co-operation of the Bangali settlers, thereby saving the peasants from the scourge of
    annual inundation. Relieved of the recurring floods the local people fondly started to call
    him Bhasani Saheb, an epithet by which the Maulana has been known from then on.
     
    The Assam government made a law restricting Bangali settlement beyond a certain geographical line,an arbitrary settlement which severely affected the interests of the Bangali colonisers. Protected by this restrictive law the locals had launched a movement to oust the Bangali settlers across the so-called line. In 1937 Bhasani joined the Muslim League and became president of Assam unit of the party. On the 'line' issue, hostile relations developed between the Maulana and the Assam Chief Minister, Sir Muhammad Sa'dullah. At partition, Maulana Bhasani was in Goalpara district (Assam) organising the farmers against the line system. [[Bongal Kheda - drive away the Banglees from Assam]  He was arrested by the government of Assam, and released towards the end of 1947 on condition that he would leave Assam for good........"

    [http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/B_0464.htm ]

    Also see:

    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/notun_bangladesh/message/13310

     

    Thanks

    Syed Aslam

    PS Your contention about RAW initiated propaganda about Udalguri tumoil is totally a B/S. Assam has a long history of "Bongal Kheda" politics. The political opportunism and communalism has always resorted to secterian violence. Sporadic violences on Bihari settelers .have also been in the news in recent years:

     

    Bihari settlers killed in Assam:

    [Assam] Assam burns again like 1983 !! [message #5255]
    AssamNet, India - Oct 5, 2008
    Large Bihari and the old immigrants also killed now.Sorrowfully the administration might have fully aware of such underground incidents, but election ...
     

     On10/10/08,mohiuddin@... mohiuddin@...> wrote

     

    Mr. Syed Aslam,

    Many thanks to you for correcting my opinion. I did not know those so called Bangladesh migrants migrated to undivided India  during the British Raj and before partition and Bangladesh's birth. As concerened Bangladeshi we must resist this RAW initiated propaganda war against our motherland Bangladesh.Unfortunaty pro-Indians(Bharoter Dalal) of Bangladesh reamined silent about this massacre.

    Sincerely,

    M.Anwar

    On 10/9/08, Syed Aslam <syed.aslam3@...> wrote:

    Dear All

     
    The so-called "illegal Bangladeshis" in Asasam are not Bangladeshis at all. Many of them may have origin in current Bangladesh and have started their settlement in Assam during British period, and definitely before the birth of Bangladesh. All of these so-called "illegal Bangladeshis" are Indian citizens [mostly Bangla speaking].
     
    The Udalguri is situated in Assam, India, its geographical coordinates are 27° 33' 0" North, 95° 15' 0" East , about  200 Km north-east of Bangladesh border. Earlier, Udalgiri was a sub-divisional headquarters in Darrang District [see map]
     

    After signing of Bodo Accord to end the demand for a Separate Bodoland State, An Autonomous District called Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District (BTAD) was created and Udalguri district became one of the four Districts under BTAD.  This district is bounded by Bhutan and West Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh state in the north, Sonitpur district in the east, Darrang district in the south and Baksa district in the west.

     

    See Assam map [Udalguri is situated in the Darrang district ]
    District Map of Assam
     
    About the current turmoil and killings in Udalguri, one commentator has put
    "It's two oppressed communities of the state are fighting and the elites are
      enjoying to instigate them".......
     
    The Bangla speaking people of Udalguri are Indian citizens and at it's
    worst can be called Neo-Assamese. Mr. Mohiuddin Anwar is requested to do some
    home work before making illogical comments and putting forward his communal slant.
     
     
     
    Bangla speaking peasants in Assam [background]:
  • AsiaSource Interview with Professor Sanjib Baruah

    Second, the province of Assam, as constituted in 1874, included large Bengali- speaking districts, most importantly, Sylhet (in today's Bangladesh). ...
    www.asiasource.org/news/special_reports/assam.cfm - 39k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
  • Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist ... - Google Books Result

    by Gail Omvedt - 1993 - Social Science - 353 pages
    But in the 1970s dissatisfaction began to arise in Assam itself, the river valley- ... Bengali peasants had brought waves of migration, a gradual spread and ...
    books.google.com/books?isbn=0873327853...
  • UNITED LIBERATION FRONT OF ASSAM (ULFA) – A Deviated Movement?

    Though, large scale influx of Bengali speaking peasantry in Assam .... Illegal migrants from Bangladesh was an issue of prime concern for ULFA in the year ...
    www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers14%5Cpaper1307.html - 61k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
  • History of Bangladesh

    Unlike the jotedars and peasants, the ashraf in Bengal spoke Urdu. ... the move to separate the Bengali-speaking areas in East Bengal and Assam was a big ...
    asnic.utexas.edu/asnic/countries/bangla/bangladeshm.html - 38k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
  • People of Assam - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    To increase land productivity, the British encouraged Muslim peasants (10) from Mymensingh district of present-day Bangladesh to settle in Assam that began ...
    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People_of_Assam - 39k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
  • Illegal Migration into Assam

    Therefore, the British encouraged Bengali Muslim peasants from present Bangladesh to move into Lower Assam for putting virgin land under cultivation. ...
    www.satp.org/tracking/Goto.asp?ID=75 - 109k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this
  • Assam Portal

    7 posts - 5 authors - Last post: Sep 19
    Influx of Muslim peasantry in Assam converted its wastelands into .... Even though, the Muslim leaders encouraged the Bengali speaking ...
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    [chottala.com] Re: [Amra-Bangladesi]Ground Realities: Colonel Taher murder issue ...

        Please read the article by Syed Badrul Ahsan is Executive Editor, Dhaka Courier.
    published in 2006 in this connection:
         
                                                                                                                              Ground Realities
    Colonel Taher, Lifschultz and our collective guilt
    by Syed Badrul Ahsan


    Lawrence Lifschultz has been giving us much food for thought lately. More pointedly, he has been informing us, to our undying shame, of all the things we have not done in this country over the past three decades and more. When he speaks of Colonel Abu Taher and the macabre manner of his murder (it was murder pure and simple) in July 1976, he revives within our souls all the pains we have either carefully pushed under the rug all these years or have not been allowed to feel through the long march of untruth in this country.

    There are people in Bangladesh who have some very valid reasons to think that Taher's decision in November 1975 to back Ziaur Rahman against Khaled Musharraf was a new phase in the disaster which had already befallen the country in August 1975. He simply backed the wrong horse, a course he ought not to have taken. But that is not what we mean to speak about here. What concerns us is the terrible manner in which the life of a good soldier, a valiant freedom fighter, was put to an end through what was clearly a sham of a trial in July 1976. Of course, we have known that all these years. Unlike Lifschultz, though, we have stayed quiet about it. We in the journalists' community in Bangladesh have not sought all these thirty years to raise the question of the wrong that was done to Taher. His murder, in effect, was the killing of idealism.

    There was the profoundly reflective in Taher. In March 1971, once the Pakistan army had begun its murder of Bengalis in a soon to die East Pakistan, he walked the streets of distant Quetta brooding over his own political state of being. The intellectual in him was not ready to acknowledge any reality of physical distance. It was inconceivable for the scholar in him to prevent the man of action which lurked within him from making his way to the war front. He did make his way to his battered country, and fought for its freedom, losing a leg in the process. If that is not sacrifice, what is?

    And yet there was the bigger sacrifice that Taher was fated to pay. On July 21, 1976, after a trial that was no trial but a farce enacted under the dark spotlight of a ruthless dictatorship, he lost his life on the gallows. The men who had decreed that he mount those final steps in living form -- President Sayem, General Zia, the judges and the prosecutor -- were to live on, unrepentant and happy. No one in this country wrote about Taher's predicament. And many among the journalists who today cheerfully identify themselves with either Bengali nationalism or the jatiyotabadi way of looking at life stayed quiet at a time when it was an absolute necessity to speak up.

    Lifschultz speaks of the remorselessness which marked Justice Sayem, a good man who had always believed in the rule of law. This same good man did not protest, or not much anyway, when the soldiers he was surrounded by informed him that Taher needed to die. And what was Taher's guilt? He had, said the dictatorship, engaged in conspiracy to overthrow an established government. That is a good point. When does a junta, having ascended to power by sheer force of arms, become a legally established government? The answer here is that no government set in place by a military coup can be a legal one. You can have all the constitutional amendments in the world (and we have the fifth and the seventh, especially) towards ensuring that a violation of law becomes a fact of recognized law. They do not change a thing. Morality cannot be overridden by the passage of a bill that will have the citizen swearing fealty to a soldier suddenly desirous of becoming a democratic politician.

    It is these questions that worry us. When Lifschultz speaks, thirty years after the hanging of Taher, about all the dirt and mud we have not yet removed from our society, he speaks for us. To this day, no government (except for the one in office between 1996 and 2001) has tried telling us of the conspiracy that went into the murder of the four national leaders in jail in November 1975. The truth, it has been made sure, remains under the lid. Or perhaps it has gone to the grave with the dead men?

    But the psychological predicament that people are often left facing once truth is denied or run out of town is that they cannot then relate to the world around them. Their silence in the face of all the questions regarding the murder of their illustrious men is then fundamentally a condoning of the crime that has taken place. As long as you do not finger the men who killed the Mujibnagar leaders in prison, as long as you do not name them and shame them, you will remain part of a nation that is willing, regrettably, to live with shame.

    There are the sad, sordid stories of the army officers who died without probably knowing about their crimes. Brigadier Mohsinuddin maintained till the end, in 1981, that he was not aware of why he was being tried for the Zia murder. Those others who were executed with him were quite clearly home to similar sentiments. Justice Sattar, as the nation's interim president, signed the order of execution.

    Does it not worry you that some of the costliest mistakes in Bangladesh's history have been made by men who have risen to the highest perches of the law? Sayem sent Taher to death, with Zia making sure he did so. And Sattar dispatched those officers to perdition. It was Ershad and his men who stood watch over him as he did so. Neither of these legal luminaries was able to withstand the power of the military in staying the execution of all these valiant men almost all of whom, you will note, had waged war for the country's freedom.

    And the rest of us? We stayed conveniently silent, afraid of the repercussions of protest. But truth does have a way of coming back to us and at us. It has now come to us in the form of Lawrence Lifschultz. When he wrote about Bangabandhu's assassination and Taher's murder, we were, most of us, impressed with the details of his inquiries. That was all.

    Now that we reopen the old books of record, we realize with shock smeared with crimson shame how opportunistic we have been in saving our own skins and thereby legitimizing the power of the grasping men who have sent some of our best men, all of them our own fellow patriotic citizens, down the road to swift and premature death. The four hundred soldiers hanged by the Zia regime in the 1970s, the murder of General Manzoor, the conspiracy behind the killing of General Ziaur Rahman and the horrible end of the Mujibnagar leaders have left gaping holes in our political history.

    And do not forget that not a single government has ever tried to launch an inquiry into the murder of General Khaled Musharraf, Colonel Huda and Major Haider. Many of the men who instigated their killing as well as the men who forced the life out of them are yet around. No one has taken them in for questioning. The holes have remained, and grown bigger and deeper.

    Those holes need plugging. How we go about doing that is something suggested by Lifschultz. Let there be a Truth Commission, or a series of them. Since history is a long tale of events that have become irreversible through force of time, all we can do in our enlightened self-interest is to delve into the details of the wrongs that have been done, locate the witnesses to these wrongs, go looking for the men responsible for such gross errors of judgement or travesty of history, as the case may be, and arrive at the truth.

    As for reconciliation, that will take time, a lot of patience and thorough psychological preparation on the part of the families that have suffered through three decades of bruising pain.

    It is a fractured society we are part of. And fractures trouble the body and the sensibilities as long as pretence serves as an alternative to truth.

    Syed Badrul Ahsan is Executive Editor, Dhaka Courier.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         

     
    On 10/11/08, Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com> wrote:

    I guess Taher had to die because he was over ambitious and he had already built a base in the Army and in the civilaian political arena.  Zia felt threatened from him and he felt that if Taher is not eleiminated he is going to be eliminated by Taher. The reason Taher helped in Zia's rescue was to ewlimingfate Khalid Mosharraf. Zia did not want the fate of Mosharraf. So he had to kill him.  It was not a mistake. It was a well calculted murder.
                           Ayubi

    --- On Sat, 10/11/08, mohiuddin@netzero.net <mohiuddin@netzero.net> wrote:

     

    <mohiuddin@netzero.net>
    Subject: Re: [vinnomot] Re: [Dahuk]: Re: [Amra-Bangladesi] Re: [notun_banglades h] Who is runni ng the Care Taker Government in Bangladesh ?
    To: Amra-Bangladesi@yahoogroups.com
    Cc: Amra-Bangladesi@yahoogroups.com
    Date: Saturday, October 11, 2008, 4:45 AM
    Mr. Aslam,

     
      I never justified the killing of Col.Taher( who helped Zia by revolting against pro-Awami  coup led by Awami M.P. Rashed Mosharraf's brother Brig. Khaled Mosharraf)as a result Zia was freed by Sipahi/Jonota from house arrest by revolting Mosharraf follwers.. Without active help from  Taher's Gonobahini ,mobilization of military forces could have been difficult at that time. But  why Taher was punished we still donot know. Personally I think killing the savior was unforgivable mistake by Zia.
       Promoter of Bangladesh's "Scientific Socialism"  theory 'Mehnoti Jonotar Konthoshor' ASM Abdur Rob still alive who once served as Minister under Netri Hasina can inform you  about how many JSD workers were killed by Rakkhibahi and other Petoa Bahini .Of course Gonobahini also killed some followers of Mujib at that time.I don't keep record of those numbers.
       Killing  Chatro Union workers Motiul Kader and killing JSD workers had different objective. Motiul and Kader was B-team members ,unfortunately killed by Mujib's Police force  and there was no commission was formed to find out how those two B-team members were killed. Even B-team leaders had to apologize to Mujib for this demonstration against the A-Team government. B-Team leaders never comemorated those unfortunate workers.
    M.Anwar_

     

     On 10/10/08, Syed Aslam <syed.aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:
    Mr. Mohiuddin Anwar
     
    Therefore, you are justifying the hanging of Colonel Taher in 1976 because
    some violation was done by "Mujibi Police force". How can one one wrong validates
    other wrong doings? How about your Boiganic Samajtantra? Can you provide us
    with a list of Jassod workers killed by Rakkhi Bahini?

     

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