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Monday, January 7, 2013

Re: [chottala.com] Bangladesher Dukkho

Well it seems Suffering of Bangladesh is going to be prolonged..as it seems Rezaul Amin is running the Govt of US..he is US military tied who as I come to understand had role in calling in Bomb threat at my Wichita School Campus..Though he Speaks Bengali from Bangladesh..if any thing happens to him his real relatives reacts from Pakistan he is Aga Khani decent..kind of have wide latitude with many things..Men, Women, Black, White what ever he needs..he used to be in Chittagong before the war and moved to US as many Pakistani's stranded left too..

I guess he is Begum Zias adopted son sitting in Marriott Employee should be owned residence where Hillary is guest..well it is KEN BENTZEN & HARRY REID Brother running the country




From: Debasish Barua <gorba196138@yahoo.com>
To: "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>; Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; notun Bangladesh <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, December 28, 2012 9:46 AM
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta,,,His Legacy

Yes Moulana Bhashani devoted significant time in politics..Yes he was with Mujib and others in i think JUKTO FRONT govt..and Bhashani I think was with mujib in forming Awami Legaue..then to split and have his National Awami Party that split into many one was NAP Mujaffar..which did join BAKSAL that is how Awami Legaue got Suranjit & Motia ..it is taking them long time to blend in into Awami Legaue , who else it is once awami league minister and ittefaq & general ershad ally..anwar hossian monju..well they have their rift too that is Barrister moinul....well behind Ittefaq is TIME WARNER..one may wonder why mujib was so harsh on press..and tried to suppress it..he knew jews where trying to distablize his new administration..

The thing is their was difference of opinion  between Bhashani & Mujib..one issue seems to be..Bhashani was in with Zia that involves the Sergeant Zahuraul Haque issue..in addition Bhashani was more for RED ARMY..it was him consistently pleading Mujib to change his policy and he will extend his parties help..that is the reference of Sheikh Mujib much criticized..LAL GHORA..basically tow China line..well Mujib was more for NON ALIGNED movement...and believed in to..well believe it or not NO ALIGNED movement was considered anti west  well I sat thru  those debates those day..it is actually West's back door entry..

Many may remember..the Cuban Missile crisis and why Kennedy retreated..his army was spread in war  in Vietnam a war he inherited..and he could not afford another war in their back yard..he also found out Missile crisis..was also Jews behind it..anti Americanism is strong in may part of the world as Communist did not like it..Problem still in some way is the Right wing Jews and their US religious allies.that includes WEST MORELAND the Catholic General ..that did not want to loose Vietnam..thus arrived the decision..to get into understanding with Russia..

more as i see
 




From: SyedAslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
To: Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; notun Bangladesh <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Saturday, December 22, 2012 4:34 PM
Subject: [chottala.com] Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta

 
Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta
M. WAHEEDUZZAMAN MANIK provides glimpses of the formative phase of the life and struggle of Maulana Bhashani.
Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani was aptly called “Majloom Jononeta� (leader of the oppressed) because of his uncompromising commitment to the needs of the poor, landless, peasants, workers, sharecroppers, abandoned, exploited and repressed people of the society. By any measure, his long political struggle was characterised by his selfless dedication for championing the causes of the most underprivileged segments of our society. Throughout almost six decades of a struggling political life, Maulana Bhashani was both a demanding spirit and a fearless voice for emancipation of the humblest, exploited, terrorised, and oppressed citizens against the overwhelming powers of the governmental machinery and the overweening grip of the ruling elite of the society. Indeed, he had to his credit an unblemished and impeccable record of life-long relentless struggle for the downtrodden, the poor, the vulnerable, the neglected, the deserted and the disinherited. Yet his dignified comportment throughout his eventful political struggle had displayed a quintessential bravery, relentlessness and dauntlessness
However, Maulana Bhashani was more than a defender of the peasantry and working class. He was responsible for building up an epoch-making resistance movement against the infamous Line system and the brutish Bangal Kheda movement in colonial Assam. He was both the maker and shaker of political events during the most turbulent years of the then East Pakistan. The seed of politics of opposition and agitation was carefully planted by Maulana Bhashani in the formative years of Pakistan in an era when the overwhelming majority of Muslim population of the then East Bengal was not yet ready to be disillusioned with the euphoria of Pakistan movement. He had played a defining role in the difficult task of building up East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, a viable opposition party in the then Pakistan. Doubtless, his was the fearless dissenting voice in the formative years of Pakistan. He was an active leader of the Bengali language movement. He was one of the chief organisers of the United Front, an electoral alliance that routed the ruling Muslim League party in the 1954 elections. He was not only the authentic founder of the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (EPAML) but he was also the founder of the National Awami Party (NAP). Therefore, the appearance of Maulana Bhashani in the regressive political scenario of the then East Bengal as the most dauntless dissenting voice and an effective organiser of a sustainable opposition party that was capable of building-up a viable resistance movement against the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Karachi-anchored Pakistani ruling elite was nothing short of a miracle.
It is part of Bangladesh's robust political history that it was Maulana Bhashani who had organised the historic anti-Ayub movement which took place in late 1968 and early 1969 that prompted and hastened the withdrawal of the infamous Agartala Conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from captivity. It is widely acknowledged that he had orchestrated a series of 'gherao' (a form of non-violent sit-in strikes designed to 'encircle' the governmental official against whom a protest was directed) immediately before and during the 1969 student-mass movement eventually led to the shameful downfall of the dictatorial regime of Ayub Khan. Maulana Bhashani's legendary name is also integral part and parcel of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence.
Although Maulana Bhashani was intimately associated with all of the progressive movements during the Pakistan era from 1947 to 1971, no attempt has been made to provide any analysis or chronological details of any of those movements within the limited scope of this article. No effort has been made to discuss his fearless role in building-up the EPAML as a viable opposition political party in the then East Pakistan. Rather, the main purpose of this piece is to reflect on the formative phase of Maulana Bhashani's life and political struggle with specific reference to his struggling life up to late 1920s and early 1930s when he made Assam's Brahmaputra valley his place of residence and political struggle. However, a detailed discussion of strategies and tactics of his anti-Line system and anti-Bangal Kheda movement is not possible within the size of this paper. 

Gleanings from his early life
Maulana Bhashani was born in 1885 (circa 1884) at a village named Dhangora within the jurisdiction of Sirajganj subdivision (at present Sirajganj is a district) of the then Pabna district. He was the second son of Alhaj Mohammad Sharafat Ali Khan and Mosammat Majiran Bibi. His father was neither a Zamindar nor a Talukder. Nor was he a Jotedar (intermediary between landlord and peasant) of any kind. Mohammad Sharafat Ali Khan owned a small grocery shop. He also owned a couple of acres of cultivable land. Although he was at best a middle-range farmer when Maulana Bhashani was born, his family status was quite respectable in his village by economic standards of that time. It is believed that he was a religious man who had performed Haj at an early age. According to some accounts, he performed Haj at the age of 35, and it is believed that he had walked from Mecca to Medina barefoot through the desert. The Haji title in those days added prestige not only to the performer of Haj but also added a new status to the family of a Haji.
Alhaj Mohammad Sharafat Ali Khan had named his second son Abdul Hamid Khan. However, Maulana Bhashani was known as Chega Mia during the early phase of his life. From whatever is known about his father and mother, it is plausible to suggest that his father and mother were caring parents. Unfortunately, Chega Mia lost both of his parents when he needed them most. He was hardly five or six years old when his father died at an early age in 1889 leaving behind his wife and young children (three sons and a daughter). Chega Mia (Maulana Bhashani) also lost his grandparents, mother, two brothers, and a sister in an epidemic (cholera) in mid-1890s (most probably in 1894 or in 1895) when he was barely 10 years old. Since he lost both of his parents and his grandfather at a very early phase of his life, he had to journey through a chequered boyhood. Given the fact that his father's untimely demise preceded his grandfather's death, Maulana Bhashani was clearly deprived of his inheritance right to his father's property. He was a student at a junior madrasa for several years but he could not continue his studies due to abject poverty and changed pecuniary circumstance. As a madrasa drop-out, he had no shelter even at his paternal house due to the betrayal of his close relatives. He came to know what hunger and starvation meant as a young boy because he had neither food nor lodge even though his father left behind homestead and cultivable land. So he had started wandering around for several years, and there was no profession left in which he did not try his luck in those trying days.
The orphan son of a mid-range Muslim farmer cum petty grocer and a grandson of a humble peasant, Maulana Bhashani had little reason to anticipate, in those trying times, a dedicated and selfless life of an ardent defender of the oppressed and downtrodden people. As a young disciple of Pir Syed Nasiruddin Shah Baghdadi, he had visited and stayed in Assam in the early years of 1900s (his first visit to Assam is believed to be in 1904). Although his main task in those days was to take care of various household chores of Pir Nasiruddin Baghdadi, Maulana Bhashani had received his basic Islamic education including his skills in the rudiments of Arabic from his association with Pir Syed Nasiruddin Shah Baghdadi. At the behest of this Pir, he had also the rare opportunity to pursue more formal religious education at Deobond Madrasa for almost two years. During his stay at Deobond in 1907-09, he was deeply influenced by Maulana Mahmudul Hasan who was popularly known as 'Shaikhul Hind'. It is being conjectured by most of the biographers of Maulana Bhashani that the progressive Islamic thinkers at Deobond and the liberal traditions of Sufi Islamic preachers might have immensely inspired him to become a fearless fighter against all types of oppression and exploitation including his steep opposition to the perpetuation of British imperialism.
After his return from Deobond, most probably at the end of 1909, Maulana Bhashani started teaching in a primary school which was located at village Kagmari near Tangail town at a monthly remuneration of no more than three rupees. He also taught in a madrasa at village Kala near Haluaghat in Mymensingh district after he had quit his primary school job. Since he used to earn a monthly pittance in both of these places, his pecuniary circumstance had remained sluggish in those days. However, it is fair to suggest that wherever he went to work or live in those almost forgotten years he had demonstrated a knack for getting himself involved with the problems of the common people of that area. For instance, he used to deal with the problems of the poor, the poorest of the poor, the neglected, the hungry, the malnourished and the downtrodden. Maulana Bhashani had a strong desire for motivating and organising the marginal peasants and vulnerable villagers to resist all forms of injustices.
There is little wonder why the targets of his grass root level resistance and protest movements in those days were the Zamindars, Talukders, Jotedars, and Mahajans (money lenders). In fact, the juxtaposition of precarious conditions of the vulnerable tenants vis-à-vis the powerful landed class piqued his interest in the difficult task of defending the peasants, sharecroppers and landless agricultural laborers. If there was a conflict between a tenant (a 'Proja') and a feudal landlord, Maulana Bhashani was always on the side of the tenant. He was not only an ardent defender of the tenants' rights but he was one of the most dedicated and effective organisers of the 'Proja' movement in early 1920s. (Details on the early phase of Maulana Bhashani's life can be gleaned from Chapter I of Syed Abul Maqsud's seminal work titled Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, Bangla Academy, 1994, and Peter Custers' “Maulana Bhashani and the Transition to Secular Politics in East Bengal,� The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. XLVII (47), No. 2, April-June, 2010).
Glimpses of the formative phase of his political struggle
Given the fact that the formative phase of Maulana Bhashani's political struggle is a matter of distant past, it is difficult to ascertain the exact day or month or even the year when he got formally inducted into national or regional politics. He had developed both the compassion and organisational experience before he made his debut in national politics after joining the Indian National Congress in 1917. Although there is a paucity of authoritative details of the nature of his involvement in national politics of that time, there is no doubt that Maulana Bhashani actively participated in the Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat movement, and he was imprisoned for a brief period during that time. He was a great admirer of Ali Brothers (Maulana Mohammad Ali and Maulana Shawkat Ali) and Deshbandhu Chitta Ranjan Das. Maulana Bhashani had joined the Swarajya party with great a deal of enthusiasm being immensely impressed by Deshbandhu's charismatic and compassionate leadership style. He worked hard as a grass-root level foot soldier of the short-lived Swarajya party being essentially moved by the magnitude of personal sacrifices of C.R. Das toward achieving sustainable unity between the Hindus and Muslims in Bengal. Like C.R. Das, Maulana Bhashani sincerely believed and worked very hard for forging Hindu-Muslim unity. He was greatly saddened due to the sad and sudden death of C.R. Das on June 25, 1925.
Although Maulana Bhashani got himself involved in national politics in early 1920s, he voluntarily remained chiefly involved in the difficult task of ventilating, articulating and defending the genuine rights of the most vulnerable peasants of the regions wherever he lived in those years. In other words, he preferred to work among the peasants even though he had emerged in national politics before, during and after the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements. Maulana Bhashani's leadership experiences in the peasant movements in greater Mymensingh district and in other northern districts of Bengal had invariably played a role in his emergence as a charismatic peasant leader in Assam. Banned from the then greater Mymensingh district and eventually after being expelled from various northern districts of the then Bengal province, Maulana Bhashani settled in Char Bhasan (Gaghmari) of Assam in 1926 (according to some accounts, he took permanent residence in Assam in 1928).
As noted by Amalendu Guha, “After his first political experience reportedly as a Khilafatist and Non-cooperator, he (Maulana Bhashani) discovered that the real interests of the Muslim peasantry of Bengal lay in a consistent struggle against the zamindars and moneylenders, who were mostly Hindus. He did not hesitate to exploit the religious sentiment to organize and unite the oppressed Muslim peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming bulk of the Bengal peasantry. … The itinerant Maulana, with his simple and pious habits and great organizing abilities, was accepted by the rural folk not only as a political leader but also as a Pir (saint), believed to be possessed of occult power. Hounded out of Bengal by the zamindars and the police, he settled down on the wastelands of Ghagmari, a few miles from Dhubri in Assam, and also set up another establishment in Bhashanir-char (or Bhashan char), an island in the Brahmaputra (river). Both (places) were in Goalpara district where (Bengali) settlers already formed a fifth of the population. It was after the name of the latter place (Bhashan Char) that he was nick-named 'the Maulana of Bhashani' or simply 'Bhashani' in due course� (Amalendu Guha, “East Bengal Immigrants and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Assam Politics, 1928-'47,� The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Volume XIII, No. 4, 1976, p. 426)
Similar views about Maulana Bhashani's intimacy with the peasant movement during the formative stage of his political struggle have been expressed in a recently published article by Peter Custers, a left leaning European scholar. As emphasised by Peter Custers, “Though Bhashani originally hailed from Shirajganj in East Bengal (now Bangladesh), he derived his appellation “Bhashani� from 'char' Bhashan, a low lying area of Assam. It was here, in late (19) twenties, having been forced by the British colonial authorities to seek refuge beyond the borders of Bengal, that Bhashani cleared the jungles to build his own bamboo hut. Already by this time, the fiery theologian had distinguished himself as an opponent of the feudal zamindari system which was the backbone of Britain's rule over Bengal. The Bengal province in the 1920s had seen the emergence of a movement for tenants' rights. The 'proja' movement, protesting unjust impositions by absentee landlords, was actively supported by many rural intellectuals, including lawyers and Islamic preachers. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan, later to be known as 'Bhashani', was not only an advocate for, but also a key organizer of this movement. In fact, he convened several big peasant gatherings before being compelled to shift his habitation to Assam. In Assam, the Maulana re-emerged as an effective and popular peasant leader, ready to champion the cause of the downtrodden� (Custers, Peter.. “Maulana Bhashani and the Transition to Secular Politics in East Bengal,� The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. XLVII (47), No. 2, April-June, 2010, p. 232).
There is no doubt that Maulana Bhashani had become a legendary political figure in Assam in mid-1930s and 1940s. Yet it needs to be underscored that he had Assam connection long before he settled there in later part of 1920s. As a young disciple of Pir Syed Nasiruddin Boghdadi, as noted earlier, he had visited and stayed in Assam in the early years of 1900s. Maulana Bhashani had numerous disciples in Assam even before he permanently migrated there in late 1920s. It is believed that he was a frequent visitor to Brahmaputra valley of Assam in 1920s. He was intimately familiar with the devastating effects of the infamous Line system on the Bengali immigrant peasantry in Assam. He had first-hand knowledge about the deplorable plight of the Bengali Muslim immigrant settlers in Assam before he moved there to live. He also felt the acute need for effectively mobilising and organising the Bengali immigrant settlers throughout the Brahmaputra valley in Assam. In fact, he had realized quite early that his fight against the Line system needs to be backed up by public support and awareness, and his initial efforts were deliberately geared toward garnering such public support. For example, in 1924, Maulana Bhashani had organised a large public meeting of Bengali peasants at "Bhashan Char" (Bhashani Island) of Dubri district. The great success of this mammoth gathering of Bengali migrant settlers in Dubri area had inspired Maulana Bhashani to devote his undivided attention to the task of organising more peasant gatherings and rallies in far flung areas of vast char lands of Brahmaputra valley.
Soon after Maulana Bhashani settled in Assam, he observed that the hardworking Bengali settlers in lower districts of Assam were very vulnerable to all forms of discrimination and exploitation because they were not at all organised to protect their own legitimate rights. It was clear to him that those Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam were not in a position to build up any kind of resistance movement against the government-sponsored discrimination and violence. Although he had never hankered after power or authority, he decided to take that responsibility upon himself to organise and develop a sustainable resistance movement of the immigrant peasants against the overweening powers of the vested interests. Maulana Bhashani's strategy at the initial stage of his struggle against the Line system was to prepare and mobilise the unorganised and vulnerable Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam. He was not willing to waste even a moment in building up a sustainable movement against the infamous Line system.
There was a total absence of any dedicated leadership committed to further the just causes of the migrant settlers in Assam even though some 'Bhadralok' Muslim leaders started showing sympathy for the Muslim immigrants. However, the seasonal or sporadic support or sympathy they had received from the Muslim leaders was at best political posturing before the general elections that were scheduled to be held in Assam in early 1937. Neither the upper class Muslim leaders nor the Bengali-speaking Hindu leaders were the trusted allies of the tormented Bengali Muslim settlers in the Brahmaputra valley. In fact, the educated middle class Bengali speaking people of Assam did not offer any form of tangible support for the legitimate grievances of the Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam. Being apparently disgusted, one Bengali scholar (Amalendu Guha) had characterised the lukewarm support of the Assamese Muslim leaders for the Bengali Muslim immigrant settlers in the Brahmaputra valley as “wordy� and “motivated.� However, neither the upper class Bengali speaking Muslim leaders and nor the Bengali Hindu leaders did hesitate to woo the support or sympathy from the Bengali Muslim settlers when the then Assam government made the unilateral determination in 1935 “to close down the Bengali classes� in the schools and “to encourage the setting up of new aided schools exclusively for Bengali children.�
Maulana Bhashani started holding numerous community meetings throughout Assam for the purpose of forming a viable resistance movement against the vested interests. It is evident that his intent of holding public gatherings was not only to garner mass support and the public opinions in favour of the disinherited Bengali peasantry in Assam but his initial mobilising efforts in Assam were also designed to convince the vulnerable Bengali immigrant settlers, the victims of the Line system, the paramount importance of binding together in self-defense. For instance, Maulana Bhashani organised a huge 'Krishak Shommelon' (Peasants' Conference) at 'Char Bhashan' in 1929. The chief resolutions of this Conference were as follows: abolition of Line system, moratorium on the Bangal Kheda (Eviction of Bangalees) initiatives, the redress of the atrocities of Raja Probhat Kumar Barua (the Zamindar of Gouripur) over the Bengali Muslim migrants, and the introduction of uniform of weighing system throughout Assam (In fact, Maulana Bhashani's serious efforts later led to the adoption of uniform weight system in Assam).
Maulana Bhashani devoted most of his efforts from 1929 through 1935-'37 toward building up numerous organisations of Bengali immigrants throughout Brahmaputra valley. Specifically, he had formed many peasant organisations for the sole purpose of articulating their demands. He also organised the agricultural laborers and landless peasants of Assam through the formation of "Assam Chashi Majoor Samiti" in 1937. During this period, Maulana Bhashani also started holding inter-provincial peasant conferences both in Assam and Bengal districts. For instance, Maulana Bhashani had assembled the 'Bangla-Assam Proja Sommelon' (Bengal-Assam Tenants' Conference) in 1932 at Sirajgunj of the then Pabna district. One of the professed objectives of holding the inter-provincial tenants' and peasants' conference was to sensitise the people of the neighbouring Bengal about the discriminatory policies and initiatives of the Assam Government against the Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam. According to Amalendu Guha, “From 1928 to 1936, while still maintaining his contacts with Bengal, Bhashani used to move up and down the Brahmaputra to visit the riverside immigrant Muslim villages in accessible areas of Assam and organised them on the basis of a peasant programme including the demand for land. The colonisation of Ghagmari and Bhashanir char was due to his own personal efforts. People, suffering under the oppression of zamindars in Bengal, were in any case flocking to Assam in large numbers in order to settle on its beckoning wasteland. By 1936, Bhashani emerged as the accredited leader of the Muslim immigrants of Goalpara. He stood (contested) as a candidate in the 1937 election and returned to the Assam Legislative Assembly, formed under the Act of 1935. He (Maulana Bhashani) remained an important figure in Assam politics during the next ten years� (Amalendu Guha, “East Bengal Immigrants and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Assam Politics, 1928-'47,� The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Volume XIII, No. 4, 1976, p. 427).
Doubtless, the emergence of Maulana Bhashani as the ardent defender of the Bengali immigrant peasantry in Assam was spectacular. As a saviour of his fellow Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam, he had organised a viable resistance movement against both the Line system and the brutish Bangal Kheda movement in 1930s and 1940s. His was the most trusted voice during the agonising years of tears and fears of the repressed Bengali immigrant peasantry in the Brahmaputra valley of Assam. He relentlessly fought against all odds for establishing their rights in the desolated regions of Assam. Maulana Bhashani dedicated himself for a period of at least two decades for ventilating their fair grievances and articulating their legitimate demands. His defiance of the infamous Line system and his fight against the vicious 'Banglal Kheda' policies and ploys of the then Assam Government made him a charismatic leader in Assam and a 'folk hero' in his own time. Since Maulana Bhashani was one of the tormented Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam, his resistance movement can be characterised as the bold and creative defiance and mass rejection of various anti-immigration policies and ploys of the then Assam Government.
***
The cherished yearning of Maulana Bhashani's early life and political struggle in the then greater Mymensingh district and in various districts of northern Bengal was to free the marginal cultivators, sharecroppers, and agricultural laborers from the yoke of the local landlords and their intermediaries and the money lenders. His struggle in the early phase of his political life both in northern districts of Bengal and the lower Assam districts can be characterised as a grassroots struggle for social justice. The emergence of Maulana Bhashani as the most charismatic peasant leader in Assam at a critical juncture was nothing short of a miracle for the discriminated and repressed Bengali peasantry in Assam. His grassroots level efforts towards building organisational infrastructures in rural regions of Bengal and Assam brought the most neglected and vulnerable segments of the society from periphery to the centre of the political spectrum.
There were a variety of voices against the infamous Line system and the brutish Bangal Kheda movement (also known as Bangal Kheda movement). There had been no dearth of criticisms of various anti-Bengali policies and ploys of the then Assam Government. Yet it was Maulana Bhashani who had emerged as the most selfless and dauntless champion of the most repressed and underprivileged Bengali peasantry in Assam. Indeed, his political struggle in Assam was deliberately designed and launched to dismantle the infamous Line system and to establish a moratorium on the Bangal Kheda movement. His heroic defiance of the Line system and his protracted fight against the Bangal Kheda ploys of then Assam Government represented one of the most courageous and principled stands for establishing the legitimate rights of the Bengali speaking immigrants in Assam. Maulana Bhashani's homegrown, community based resistance movement against the Line system and the Bangal Kheda movement was deliberately designed by him to be a movement of the Bengali peasantry, for the Bengali peasantry, and by the Bengali peasantry in Assam.
Doubtless, Maulana Bhashani was a catalyst of the most authentic movement for accruing or establishing both civil and political rights of the Bengali immigrants in colonial Assam. His relentless fight for the salvation of the toiling masses and his uncompromising resolve to fight against all forms of discrimination, oppression, exploitation and injustices had actually rendered credible voices to the most repressed Bengali immigrants in Assam. Maulana Bhashani had imparted a heritage of simple lifestyle, selfless and untainted leadership, and uncompromising resolve to fight for social justice. As the founder of a sustainable resistance movement against the Line system and the Bangal Kheda movement, Maulana Bhashani provided a path-breaking service for the vulnerable Bengali immigrant settlers throughout Brahmaputra valley of Assam. His organised resistance movement against the brutish Line system not only had to overcome the hopelessness and fearlessness of the Bengali immigrant settlers in lower Assam districts but also had to confront the internalised psychological damage that the Government-sponsored Bangal Kheda drive had inflicted on those tormented souls.
Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman (Manik) is a Professor and the Chair of the Department of Public Management and Criminal Justice at Austin Peay State University in Clarksville, Tennessee, USA and can be reached at zamanw@apsu.edu.
http://www.thedailystar.net/forum/2012/January/maulana.htm
[Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani & Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1972.
see Tofail Ahmed in the behind]

On Wed, Dec 19, 2012 at 6:43 AM, Abid Bahar <abid.bahar@gmail.com> wrote:
 
" BHASANI WAS A THIEF" SAYS KAMAL DAS, A MUKTOMONA
Abid Bahar

Was Bhasani a thief? One Muktomona secular Hindu gentleman named Kamal Das lately claimed that Bhasani was indeed a thief. Kamal Das is not a street vendor or a vagabond in a cafe shop, he is muktomona and a professor at the university of Chittagong.  

 Who was Bhasani? Bhasani was the founder of Awami Muslim League, Awami League and the NAP party. He also founded the Ittifaque. Both Awami League and the Ittifaq were the two institutions that led to Bengali's fight against Pakistan. Bhasani was a fatherly figure to Sheikh Mujib. Bhasani' led the 1969 mass uprising using the "gherao movement" which led to the fall of Ayub and this also led to the release of Mujib from being hanged by the Pakistani government. Bhasani was fighting against oppressive regimes of his time.

(1) Unfortunately, Das of Muktomona says "Bhashani was a thief ...!" Well, he says " Being reprimanded by his father he left his house after he stole and sold his ox. "

Abul Maksud the biographer of Bhasani says otherwise that Bhasanl's father died when he was five years old ( Maksud, p. 12). We wonder how  a 5 year old child could steal and to sell his ox. It appears that, Kamal Das is a proto historian with Mukto mona's BJP style historian's communal tools. 

(2) Das also says:  "He ( Bhasani) was never a certified Maulana, learned Arabic by rote of the 'Holy Quran'.

Here also Das failed to understand Bhasani. A better understanding of Islamic culture and Bhasani's life would show that Bhasani was originally " Chega Mia" and Abdul Hamid Khan was his real name. He had attended Deoband madrassa but for his disliking didn't complete the diploma. When he returned back to his pir in Assam, Bhasani's followers called him the "Maulana." Like the title "Bhasani", "Maulana" was a given "title" by his followers, not a diploma. It was never seen by Bhasani or his followers except ignorant people like Kamal as a diploma.

Normally Sufi's are trained by their masters. They hardly require to be trained by the orthodox ullama based religious institutions. This type of Islamic education by Sufi pirs
makes it different from the madrassa educated Ullama. Bhasani was a Sufi pir.

(3) As claimed by Das, Bhasani was not an opportunist. When the Pakistani army was marching toward Tangail to capture " the Kafir" Bhasani they called he in the guise of a refugee mingled with people and crossed the border to India. His house was burnt to ashes. This is when Kamal Das's "debota" Mujib was "dressed up" to surrender to the Pakistan army and was in Pakistan during the entire liberation war.  Bhasani as a rebel leader led the war and remained in Calcutta as the adviser to the Bangladesh government in exile. Later on Bhasani was kept in house arrest by the Indian government when he began preaching for a united Bengal.

(4) Unfortunate that Das, the Muktomona style historian also calls Bhasani an opportunist and greedy leader. This has been the official version of Muktomona about Bhasani.

As opposed to that understanding, history records that unlike most Bangladeshi politicians, Bhasani lived in hut and dined like a Bengali peasant of what was brought for him by his Sufi Sagrits. We know that Bhasani didn't leave anything for his family. He wasn't greedy at all. For this proletarian life style he was branded by westerners as " the Gandhi of Bangladesh."  It is recorded that Bhasani was in the hospital and Ispahani went to see him. Bhasani was very annoyed when Ispahani proposed to give him two houses one in Dhaka and another one in Karachi. He advised Isphani to donate the money in the welfare of his workers.
 

(5) No doubt Kamal Das in the garb of a secularist is a BJP style communal person to propagate lies about Bhasani. This Das is not alone in misrepresenting Bhasani. Bhasani for criticizing BKSAL policies of extrajudicial killing etc. Moni Singh (a closet Indian agent) and a leading member of the BKSAL also threatned him and said he "would destroy Bhasani and cut him into pieces and remove him from the land of Bengal."(E. A. Hossain, p. 5). No doubt, this was Moni Singh's Stalinist fascist expression against a Sufi spiritual leader of Bangladesh.  For Bhasani's fight against Indian aggression, Bhasani was branded by Moni Singh as being "communal-minded." However, in Bhasani's words: "By falsely branding me as communal -minded person they keep me under arrest. For my non communal role, they called me “the agent of India.� In my life I have been through so many abuses. Today they propagate that I am communal minded but when I was the president of the Awami League party, I had five Hindus chosen as ministers who are: Monoranjon Dhar, Dhrendra Dhatta, Kamini Kumar Datta, Basenta Kumar Das and one Sutra Dhar. (. The Weekly Haq Khota, May 12, 1972.)

(6)
I wouldn't go any further to respond to Kamal Das who seems to be ignorant and follows the Indian understanding of Bangladesh history. There are many other instances of such false understanding of Bhasani. The Jugantar (from Calcutta) characterized Bhashani as being “dishonest, ungrateful, communal minded and an Indian enemy.� T

(7) Bhasani was loved by these India-lovers when he led his fight against Pakistan. It all changed when Bhasani led his movement against Mujib's pro-Indian BKSAL one party dictatorship and his Farakka march against India's dam building projects in the upper reaches of Bangladesh.

Finally, Bhasani was  the great spiritual leader of Bangladesh who lived a selfless life and his struggle was against "jalem" (oppressor) for its julum (oppression). That be by Pakistan, India or any other imperalist forces. Obviously, after the independence he was fighting against Indian aggression. No doubt the communal forces in India-lovers would misrepresent Bhasani. Strange but true, some like Kamal Das even would even call him a "thief." Bhasani said: Freedom struggle continues..." True, this time his message was against the Indian collaborators (Bharotio razakars) who are devoted to make Bangladesh a dependent state of India.







Re: [chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs



So that  you Right MrDebasish Barua.
 Being Division of India in 1947 and Being Separation of Pakistan in 1971 did not still able to establish justice of humanity and justice of law in Indo-Pak-Bangla.
Reasons are that the politicians of India Pakistan and Bangladesh  are not doing politics for the people but they are doing POLY-TRICKS to make them HERO politicians naming themselves Mohatma Kaide Azam Bangobhundu fater of the nation  Desh netry Jon netry by misleading the people and doing looting activities.



From: Debasish Barua <gorba196138@yahoo.com>
To: "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, 28 November 2012 8:00 AM
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs

 

It is interesting Pakistanis find Zia to be great MOSLEM and AL some one who separated a Moslem Country..Well Zia fans cannot have it both way as it is claimed ZIA's Legacy is claim to fame of DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF BANGLADESH..well was that not separating Pakistan by a so called MOSLEM..
Well no wonder Zia, Subhash Bose speech are similar and written by a Pak army man ..tied to a Jew..

From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, November 27, 2012 12:37 AM
Subject: [chottala.com] Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs

 
Sheikh Mujib's Unfinished Memoirs



Hamid Mir

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is a villain for many Pakistanis. One sided history books tell us that Mujib was a traitor who broke Pakistan with the help of India. We read in our history books that All India Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1906 but, we don't know why the Pakistan Army surrendered to Indian Army on December 16, 1971, in Dhaka?

We tried to cover the black spots of our history with lies but the The Unfinished Memoirs of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have negated all the official history books taught in our schools and colleges.

This autobiography reveals that the traitor Mujib was actually an active worker of Pakistan movement since his school days. He wrote the truth about himself in his memoirs. He never hid his role for the creation of Muslim League in his hometown Gopalganj in 1939.

He even accepted that at one point the Bengali leader Fazlul Haq refused to submit to the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1941. At this stage the Muslim League started a campaign against Fazlul Haq and Mujib was part of that campaign. He was with Jinnah, not with Fazlul Haq. He was among those young workers of the Muslim League who used to sell a Pro-Pakistan weekly newspaper Millat on the streets of Dhaka.

It is important to note that he wrote this book when he was imprisoned in Dhaka jail during a dictatorial regime under General Ayub Khan. He narrated some important events of the Pakistan movement very honestly. He also exposed the dishonesty of Viceroy Lord Mountbatten, whom, he wrote, was helping the congress party covertly in all sorts of ways against the Muslim League.

He was in the jail of a military dictator at that time but he never tried to please the Congress which was ruling India in those days.

This book is a first-hand account of politics in Pakistan from 1947 to 1955 which was full of intrigues and conspiracies. I think this book is a great source of history for the young generation of Pakistan. It tells us about the communal violence that broke out after the division of India in 1947. One day Sheikh Mujibur Rahman saw that hundreds of Hindus were attacking a Mosque. He cried out “Pakistan Zindabad� with some other young Muslims and started resisting the Hindu mob by throwing bricks.

Why then did this soldier of Muslim League leave the party of Muhammad Ali Jinnah immediately after the creation of Pakistan?

Young Sheikh Mujib was very disappointed when the then prime minister of Pakistan declared in the legislative assembly that people of East Pakistan must accept Urdu as their State language. Young Mujib came out on roads on March 11, 1948, against this declaration.

He was not opposing Pakistan. He was only defending his language which was his political right but he was arrested. Mujib was released on January 21, 1949. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was no more and Mujib left the Muslim League.

He joined the newly formed Awami Muslim League under the leadership of Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy. Within five years Awami League swept Muslim League from East Pakistan and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman won the election from Gopalganj in 1954, taking oath as the provincial minister for Agriculture.

The Muslim League government in centre never accepted its defeat and dismissed the United Front Government in Dhaka. Sheikh Mujib was again arrested.

His memoirs are unfinished but we must accept some historical realities as the ultimate truth in our own interest.

I will not quote any Bangladeshi or Indian writer to point out some historical realities. I will quote only Pakistani writers. When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested in 1954, Army Chief General Ayub Khan was preparing his officers for a military coup. The first Chief of General Staff of Pakistan Army Sher Ali Patudi wrote in his autobiography that Ayub wanted to interfere in politics and had once stated to him: “The bloody politicians and civilians were useless, corrupt and inefficient.�

Legislative assembly asked GHQ to increase the recruitment of Bengalis in army. Patoudi tried to implement the orders of assembly but Ayub was not interested. When Mujib was writing his memoirs in jail, the former Chief Justice of Pakistan Muhammad Munir was the law minister of the Ayub regime.

He wrote a book From Jinnah to Zia in 1979 claiming that Ayub Khan had suggested that he should talk about separation with some influential Bengali leader. One day the Law Minister Munir spoke to a Bengali Minister Ramizudin. His reply was prompt and straight. He asked me whether I was suggesting secession. I said yes or something like confederation or more autonomy. Ramizudin said: “Look here we are the majority province, and it is for the minority province to secede because we are Pakistan.�

Why did Ayub dislike Bengalis? Because Bengalis supported Fatima Jinnah against Ayub in the presidential election in early 1965. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the chief polling agent of Fatima Jinnah in Dhaka.

The fact is that it was not Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who wanted to break Pakistan. He only demanded provincial autonomy in 50s and 60s, but our military regime tried to silence his voice by throwing him in jail. He never abandoned the political struggle and participated in the first general elections of Pakistan in 1970. Awami League emerged as a majority party but the military regime of General Yahya Khan refused the transfer of power to Awami League. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and a military operation was started.

What happened in this operation? I will quote only few lines from the book A Stranger in My own Country by Major General(R) Khadim Hussain Raja who served in Dhaka between 1969 and 1971. He wrote that on March 10, 1971, Lieutenant General Niazi spoke to senior officers in operations room of Dhaka.

Niazi became abusive and started talking in Urdu. He said: “Main iss haramzadi qaum ki nasal badal donga. Yeh mujhey kia samajhtey hain?� He threatened that he would let his soldiers loose on their womenfolk. The next morning a Bengali officer Major Mushtaq went into the bathroom at the command headquarter and shot himself in the head.

I can quote more books by other Pakistani writers who accepted that our soldiers not only massacred Bengali Muslims in big number, but they also followed the orders of General Niazi and raped women. I will stop here.

I just want to say that the Unfinished Memoirs of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the historical evidence that Bengalis never broke Pakistan but they actually created Pakistan.

In fact political intrigues and blunders of military dictators broke Pakistan. We forced Bengalis to take arms in their hands to defend their women. It's time now to apologise officially from people of Bangladesh.

Remember that only brave people accept their mistakes. It's time to show some bravery by accepting our mistakes and apologising to Bangladeshis. Our apology will not weaken Pakistan but will strengthen Pakistan.

The writer is Executive Editor, Geo TV Pakistan. He read this paper in the launching ceremony of The Unfinished Memoirs held in Islamabad, November 21.

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=258887






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[chottala.com] Long Live Dr. Nabi (Re: [Alapon] Dr. Nabi was sworn in as Councilman of Plainsboro, NJ for 3rd term)



Dear Readers:

We are proud of Muktijodha Dr. Nurun Nabi for his achievement in the States. It is really the time for capable expatriate Bangladeshis (in USA) to get involved in the US Politics to ensure a healthy representation of our motherland Bangladesh. Long live Dr. Nabi.

With best regards,
Muktijodha Dr. Emarat Hossain Pannah (USA)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dr. Em Pannah
Doctor of Management (Cybersecurity, Privacy, and Identity Theft), MS, MSc., CISSP, CAP, CISM, NSA-IAM, NSA-IEM, Foundations of Cybersecurity
Cybersecurity Professional, Textbook Writer/Publisher, and Adjunct Assistant Professor in USA
Primary email: epannah@yahoo.com | Secondary email: em.pannah@faculty.umuc.edu
Primary phone: (443) 690-3955 | Secondary phone: (301) 358-9232
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------



From: Nuran Nabi <nurannabi@gmail.com>
To: "alapon@yahoogroups.com" <alapon@yahoogroups.com>; Ektara Group <ektaracore@yahoogroups.com>; "EkDesh@groups.facebook.com" <EkDesh@groups.facebook.com>; "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>; "bangalibhai@hotmail.com" <bangalibhai@hotmail.com>; "FriendsNFamilys@yahoogroups.com" <FriendsNFamilys@yahoogroups.com>; "info.frontech@yahoo.com" <info.frontech@yahoo.com>
Sent: Sunday, January 6, 2013 9:02 PM
Subject: [Alapon] Dr. Nabi was sworn in as Councilman of Plainsboro, NJ for 3rd term

 
Dear Friends,
Please see the news in the  link below.
Wishing you all a very happy, healthy and prosperous  new year
Nuran Nabi
 
http://www.bostonbanglanews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=18315:2013-01-06-06-37-29&catid=56:2010-10-11-16-53-19&Itemid=133




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[chottala.com] RE: চেতনার আত্মহনন এবং হিন্দি পার্টির দৌরাত্ম্য



MINAR RASHID'S WRITING IS WICKEDLY STRAIGHT FORWARD. HE IS VERY CLEAN IN HIS HEART AND CHOOSES EXAMPLES AND SUBJECTS WHICH ARE NOTORIOUSLY VERY CLOSE TO THE HEART OF ORDINARY BANGLADESHIS.
I WISH I COULD DELIVER ALL HIS ARTICLES TO THE RURAL CITIES AND BAZARS OF BANGLADESH FOR PEOPLE TO PONDER WICKEDNESS OF HASINA'S BOLODS (MOST OF WHOM LIVES IN WELL, THAT ALSO BLIND FOLDED.
 
SHAHADAT SUHRAWARDY 

 

Date: Mon, 7 Jan 2013 09:34:07 -0800
From: zainul321@yahoo.com
Subject: Re: চেতনার আত্মহনন এবং হিন্দি পার্টির দৌরাত্ম্য
To: shahadathussaini@hotmail.com; bangladeshiamericans@googlegroups.com

Salam,

I liked the idea of citizen journalism.

Khoda Hafez,

Zainul Abedin


From: Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com>
To: bangladeshi googlesgroups <bangladeshiamericans@googlegroups.com>; khabor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>; mokto mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>; chottala yahoogroups <chottala@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, January 6, 2013 3:22 PM
Subject: চেতনার আত্মহনন এবং হিন্দি পার্টির দৌরাত্ম্য

চেতনার আত্মহনন এবং হিন্দি পার্টির দৌরাত্ম্য

মিনার রশীদ
তারিখ: ৭ জানুয়ারি, ২০১৩
'কপাল ভিজিয়া গেল নয়নের জলে।' এখানে প্রকৃত শব্দটি ছিল কপোল যার অর্থ হলো গাল। কিন্তু ভুল করে পণ্ডিত মশায় লিখে ফেলেন 'কপাল'। নয়নের জল কখনই মাধ্যাকর্ষণ শক্তিকে অগ্রাহ্য করে কপালে উঠতে পারে না। অন্য দিকে আমাদের মহামান্য প্রেসিডেন্টের নেত্রীর মতো এই পণ্ডিত মশায় কখনো ভুল করতে পারেন না। কাজেই নিজের নির্ভুলতা এবং প্রকৃতির কানুনÑ এই দুইয়ের মধ্যে একটা সামঞ্জস্য টানার জন্য পণ্ডিত মশায় নিজেই নিম্নোক্ত পঙ্ক্তিটি রচনা করেন।
 
কপাল ভিজিয়া গেল নয়নের জলে
ঠ্যাং দু'টি বাঁধা ছিল গাছেরও ডালে।
 
আমাদের রাজনীতি ও বুদ্ধিবৃত্তিক জগতে এই ধরনের অনেক পণ্ডিত মশায় রয়েছেন। দরকার পড়লে নিজেদের পা বা ' ঠ্যাং' দু'টি গাছের ডালে বাঁধবেন। তবুও নিজের কৃত কোনো ভুল স্বীকার করবেন না। পণ্ডিত মশায় তবু প্রকৃতির অমোঘ কানুনের প্রতি শ্রদ্ধা দেখিয়ে কষ্ট করে আরেকটি লাইন যোগ করেছেন। আমাদের এই পণ্ডিতেরা তাও করেন না। এ জন্য দরকার পড়লে সব যুক্তি কিংবা নৈতিকতার 'ঠ্যাং' দু'টিও গাছের ডালে বেঁধে ফেলবেন। এরা চুরিতে রাম ধরা খেয়ে মন্ত্রিত্ব খোয়ান বা উজিরে খামাখা হন। তার পরও সর্বোচ্চ জায়গা থেকে প্রশংসা করে বলা হয়, পদত্যাগ করে উদাহরণ সৃষ্টি করেছেন বা দেশপ্রেমের সর্বোচ্চ নমুনা পেশ করেছেন।
হাসান-হোসেনেরা বানিয়েছে লুটপাটের কারবালা। দরবেশ বাবাজীরা শেয়ারবাজারে সৃষ্টি করেছে ৯ মাত্রার ভূমিকম্প। হলমার্ক-হেনরিরা এনেছে চল্লিশ ফুট উঁচু সুনামি। কালো বিড়াল ও সমুদয় বাজিকরেরা ঘটিয়েছে পারমাণবিক রেডিয়েশন। কুইক রেন্টাল ধরিয়েছে আগুন। তার পরও অর্থমন্ত্রী নীরু তার সেই বাঁশিটিই আপন মনে বাজাচ্ছেন। জীবন যন্ত্রণায় অতিষ্ঠ মানুষকে ৬ শতাংশ প্রবৃদ্ধির 'বুলশিট' গল্প শোনানো হচেছ। উন্নত বিশ্বের অর্থনীতির সাইজটি এমন যে তার সামান্য সঙ্কোচন আমাদের মতো গরিব দেশের অর্থনীতির সাকল্য সাইজের চেয়েও বড়। দরিদ্র দেশগুলো এমন তলানিতে থাকে যে এর চেয়ে আর নিচে নামার অবকাশ থাকে না। আতর আলীর আয় ৬ শতাংশ বাড়ার চেয়ে চৌধুরী সাবের আয় ২ ভাগ বাড়ার মধ্যে পার্থক্যটি স্পষ্ট। ৬ সংখ্যাটি ২-এর চেয়ে বড় ভেবে আতর আলীর গতরে আনন্দ ছিটকে পড়লে অসহায় দর্শকদের আর কিছুই করার থাকে না।
অর্থনীতির এই ভূমিকম্প ও সুনামি রাজনীতিতেও আঘাত হেনেছে। মায়ের পেটে অবস্থান করেও কারো কারো রাজবন্দী হওয়ার সুযোগ হয়েছে। জালিমের জুলুম সর্বোচ্চ পয়েন্টে পৌঁছে গেছে। মোনায়েম খান যেমন আওয়ামী লীগ ও বামপন্থীদের স্টার ও সুপারস্টার বানিয়েছিল। একাত্তরের আরেক খান জনাব মহিউদ্দীন খান তেমনিভাবে আজ জামায়াতে ইসলামী থেকে স্টার ও সুপারস্টার বানাচ্ছেন। সংসদীয় গণতন্ত্র প্রতিষ্ঠিত হওয়ায় তৃতীয় ও চতুর্থ রাজনৈতিক দল হিসেবে জামায়াতে ইসলামী ও জাতীয় পার্টির কদর ও গুরুত্ব বেড়ে গেছে। বাংলাদেশের রাজনীতিতে নিষিদ্ধ গন্ধম ফল হলো এই দু'টি দল বিশেষ করে জামায়াতে ইসলামী। তাদের সঙ্গ বা সমর্থনটি অত্যন্ত উপাদেয়। এই নিষিদ্ধ ফল ভক্ষণের জন্য বিএনপিকে সর্বক্ষণ গালমন্দ করা হলেও বিশেষ চেতনাধারীরাও মাঝে মধ্যে এই গন্ধম ফলে কামড় দিয়ে বসেন।
এ ধরনের গোপন কামড়ের প্রমাণ হিসেবে বেগম খালেদা জিয়া আরো একটা ছবি জাতির গোচরে এনেছেন। ছবিটিতে দেখা যাচ্ছে যে তথ্যমন্ত্রী হাসানুল হক ইনু ও মতিউর রহমান নিজামী একটি অনুষ্ঠানে করমর্দন করছেন। এ ধরনের লৌকিকতা সভ্য সমাজে অত্যন্ত স্বাভাবিক। কিন্তু এই স্বাভাবিক আচরণটিই এই ইনুরা অস্বাভাবিক বানিয়ে রেখেছেন। উঁচু বর্ণের ব্রাহ্মণেরা যেমন নিচু বর্ণের মানুষের স্পর্শ এড়িয়ে চলেন। বাংলাদেশের রাজনীতির এই ব্রাহ্মণগণ কথিত নমশুদ্রদের স্পর্শ তেমনিভাবে এড়িয়ে চলেন। কাজেই ছবিটি প্রদর্শন করে খালেদা জিয়া হাটে হাঁড়ি ভেঙে দিয়েছেন। ছবির চেয়েও ভয়ঙ্কর হলো এটি নিয়ে ইনুর ব্যাখ্যা, 'নিজামী আমার পায়ে ধরে মাফ চাইতে এসেছিল। আমি তাকে হাতে ধরে ওঠাতে চেয়েছিলাম।'
ইনুর ব্যাখ্যা ও ছবিটি দেখে সেই একই প্রশ্ন জাগে, নয়নের জল কপালে উঠল কিভাবে? তা মিলাতে গেলে পণ্ডিত মশায়ের মতো ইনুর ঠ্যাং দু'টি গাছের ডালে বাঁধা ছাড়া অন্য উপায় দেখা যাচ্ছে না।
কারণ মতিউর রহমান নিজামী বসে আছেন। ইনু কিছুটা নুইয়ে নিজামীর সাথে করমর্দন করছেন। নিজামীর মুখে কিছুটা উচ্ছ্বাসের ভাব থাকলেও তিনি উঠে দাঁড়াননি। বোঝা যাচ্ছে, সময়টিতে নিজামীর বৃহস্পতি ছিল তুঙ্গে। খুব সম্ভব নিজামী তখন মন্ত্রী এবং ইনু ছোট দলের বড় নেতা। খালি কলসি, তবে আওয়াজটি বরাবরের মতোই একটু বেশি। আওয়ামী লীগের বাঘা বাঘা নেতারা সংস্কারবাদী হয়ে বাদ পড়বেন এবং ৬০০ ভোটের দিলীপ বড়–য়া-ইনুদের ভাগ্য এমনভাবে খুলে যাবে বিষয়টি তখনো ঠাহর করা যায়নি। কাজেই কোন অনুষ্ঠানে সবার সামনে ইনুর পায়ে ধরতে চাইবেন মতিউর রহমান নিজামীÑ অতিরিক্ত মাত্রায় রাশিয়ান ভদকা পান না করলে এ গল্পটি বিশ্বাস করা কঠিন।
এ ধরনের গল্প, ফিকশন ও বাঘ ভাল্লুক মারতে গিয়ে দেশের রাজনীতিকে যারপরনাই কেদাক্ত করা হয়েছে। অথচ সিঙ্গেল ইউনিটের চমৎকার একটি জাতি রাষ্ট্র ছিল আমাদের এই প্রিয় বাংলাদেশ। এখানে পটুয়াখালীর যে কোনো ছেলের সাথে দিনাজপুরের যেকোনো মেয়ের বিয়ে হতে পারে। নিজামী ও ইনু সরাসরি বেয়াই না হলেও নিজামীর কোনো ভাাগিনার সাথে ইনুর কোনো ভাইঝির বিয়ে হতে পারে। এ রকম কোনো অনুষ্ঠানে দু'জনের দেখা হয়ে যেতে পারে। দুই জ্ঞাতি বেয়াই হ্যান্ডশেকও করতে পারেন। এতে কারো জাত যাবে না। এ জন্য ইনুকে কেউ একঘরে করে রাখত না। কারণ এ দেশের স্থপতি নিজেই ১৯৭৪ সালে রাজাকার শিরোমণি সবচেয়ে বড় কালপ্রিট ভুট্টোর সাথে হ্যান্ডশেক, মোলাকাত সব সেরে ফেলেছিলেন। সবুর খান ও ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরীদের খবরাখবর নিতেন। তবে সূর্যের চেয়ে বালুর তেজ সব সময় একটু বেশিই হয়।
এ ধরনের জাত-বিজাতের প্রশ্ন আমাদের মাঝে ছিল না। কিন্তু শ্রেণীহীন সমাজ প্রতিষ্ঠার মন্ত্রে উজ্জীবিত জাত-বিজাতের ব্যাপারটি আমদানির চেষ্টা করছেন। জাহাজ থেকে ছুটিতে বাড়ি এসে একদিন টিভিতে দেখি সম্মিলিত সাংস্কৃতিক জোট অস্তগামী সূর্যের পানে হাত রেখে শপথ করছেন, 'আমরা রাজাকারের ছেলের কাছে মেয়ে বিয়ে দেবো না। কোনো রাজাকারের মেয়েকে নিজের ছেলের বউ করে আনব না।' এই শপথের সময়টি কখন ছিল, তা স্পষ্ট মনে নেই। তবে শপথটি পুতুলের বিয়ের আগে হয়েছিল, তাতে কোনো সন্দেহ নেই। তাদের এই প্রচারণা সমাজের মানুষের মনে কেমন দাগ ফেলেছিল, পুতুলের বিয়েই তার বড় প্রমাণ। নিন্দুকেরা বলেন, ধর্ষণে সেঞ্চুরিয়ানদের সহচরদের চেয়ে রাজাকারের ছেলেরা নাকি মেয়ের জামাই হিসেবে অধিকতর ভালো হয়।
বাংলাদেশের রাজনীতিতে প্রায় দেউলিয়া হলেও এই 'জাতে বাম তালে ঠিক'দের বুদ্ধির প্রভাব থেকে আমাদের সমাজ পুরো মুক্ত থাকতে পারছে না। আমাদের ইতিহাসে যদি একাত্তর সৃষ্টি না হতো তবুও এরা শ্রেণী শত্রু খতমের নামে হিংসা-বিদ্বেষ-ঘৃণা ছড়াতে একটুও পিছপা হতো না। স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক ও তপ্ত রণাঙ্গনের সর্বোচ্চ মুক্তিযোদ্ধাকেও এরা রাজাকার হিসেবে চিত্রিত করতে চায়। দেশের মানুষের বোধ-বিশ্বাস ও নাড়ির সাথে সংযোগ বিচ্ছিন্ন হলেও বিভিন্ন বুদ্ধিবৃত্তিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক আউটলেট গুলিতে এরা জেঁকে বসে আছে। দেশের সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ মানুষ আদম ও ঈভকে তাদের আদি পিতা-মাতা গণ্য করলেও এরা মনে করে জঙ্গলের কোনো বানর-বানরী ছিল তাদের আদি পিতা-মাতা। কাজেই এক বানরের জেনারেশন অন্য বানরের জেনারেশনের কাছে শ্রেণিশত্রু বিবেচিত হওয়াই স্বাভাবিক। তবে এক আদমের সন্তানদের মধ্যে শ্রেণিবিদ্বেষ থাকতে পারে না। এরা তাদের আদি পিতা বানরদের স্মরণ করতে পারবে, কিন্তু অন্যরা তাদের আদি পিতা আদমকে স্মরণ করতে পারবে না।
এখন বিএনপি-জামায়াতকে তাদের শ্রেণিশত্রু গণ্য করলেও ১৯৭২-৭৫ সালে শ্রেণিশত্রু ছিল আওয়ামী লীগ। সদ্য স্বাধীন দেশটিকে ও তার নেতাকে অস্থির করে রেখেছিল ইনুদের এই জাসদ। বামপন্থীদের এক দল সেজেছিল সাপ আর অন্যদল সাজে ওঝা। এক দলের যন্ত্রণায় ও অন্য দলের মন্ত্রণায় আজীবন গণতন্ত্রের পূজারি নেতা গণতন্ত্রকে হত্যা করে বাকশাল কায়েম করেন। তবে এই ভুলের মাশুলটি সেই নেতাকে একাই বহন করতে হয়েছিল।
দেশের মরাল ব্রিগেড বা ছি-ছি-ছি পার্টিটি গঠিত হয়েছে মূলত বাম ঘরানার সাংস্কৃতিক ও রাজনৈতিক ব্যক্তিত্বদের সমন্বয়ে। এত বড় ক্ষতি করার পরও আওয়ামী লীগ তাই এই বামদের ছাড়তে পারছে না। জামায়াত বা জাতীয় পার্টি যখন আওয়ামী লীগের পক্ষ হয়ে কাজ করে, তখন এই ছি-ছি-ছি পার্টির আওয়াজটি ছোট হয়ে যায় কিংবা একেবারে নীরব হয়ে পড়ে। কিন্তু এই দল দু'টি বা একটি যখন বিএনপির সাথে থাকে, তখন এই 'ছি-ছি-ছি' পার্টির আওয়াজ সর্বোচ্চ মার্গে পৌঁছে যায়। এরশাদের অনেক কুকীর্তি আমরা ভুলে গেছি এরশাদ আওয়ামী লীগের পক্ষে অবস্থান করছেন বলে। কামরুল হাসানের 'বিশ্ব বেহায়া' চিত্রটি এখন কোথাও দেখা যায় না। তা নিয়ে কোথাও আলোচনা হয় না। এরশাদ বিএনপির পক্ষে থাকলে কিংবা আওয়ামী লীগ থেকে পৃথক থাকলে দেশের সুশীলসমাজ এ ছাড়টি কখনই দিত না।
মাঝখানে কিছু দিন দূরে থাকলেও এই বামরা আবারো দলবদ্ধভাবে ভর করেছে আওয়ামী লীগের ওপর। ফলে এ দেশের ঐতিহ্যবাহী সবচেয়ে পুরনো দলটির গা থেকে বাকশালের কড়া গন্ধ বের হচ্ছে।
হাইকোর্টের রায়ের দোহাই দিয়ে সেই রায় বের হওয়ার আগেই তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারপদ্ধতিটি বাতিল করা হয়েছে। যে মইয়ের মাধ্যমে ক্ষমতায় আরোহণ করেছে, সেই মই ভেঙে ফেলার 'চিকনা বুদ্ধি'টি এসেছে এই বামদের রাজনৈতিক দর্শন থেকে। বিরোধী রাজনৈতিক দলকে রাজনৈতিক প্রতিদ্বন্দ্বী না ভেবে শত্রু জ্ঞান করার 'চিকনা বুদ্ধিটি এসেছে এই তাত্ত্বিকদের মাথা থেকেই। কুরআন-হাদিসের বইয়ের সাথে এ দেশের জনগণ অনেক আগে থেকেই পরিচিত ছিল। বাংলার প্রতিটি ঘরেই এ-জাতীয় বইপুস্তক রয়েছে। জিহাদ সম্পর্কেও তাদের স্পষ্ট ধারণা রয়েছে। সেসব বইপুস্তককে এক শিরোনামে 'জিহাদি বই' বলে প্রচারণা চালানোর আক্রোশটি সংক্রমিত হয়েছে এই বামদের অন্তর ও মগজ থেকেই। এসব কাজের দরুন তারা জনগণ থেকে বিতাড়িত ও বিচ্ছিন্ন হয়ে পড়েছে। এখন দেশের সবচেয়ে পুরনো দল আওয়ামী লীগের বিচ্ছিন্নতা সৃষ্টির বন্দোবস্ত পাকা করে ফেলেছে।
দাউদ হায়দারকে দেশ ছাড়তে হয়েছিল শেখ মুজিবের শাসন আমলেই। তখন জামায়াত-শিবিরের কোনো অস্তিত্ব ছিল না। কাজেই শাজাহান খানকে বায়তুল মোকাররমে জুতা নিক্ষেপ করার যে ঘটনা ঘটেছে, তাকে শুধু জামায়াত-শিবিরের চক্রান্ত ভাবলে সরকার ভুল করবে। যে মন্ত্রী অন্য আরেক সাবেক মন্ত্রীর চোখ তুলে ফেলার হুমকি দিয়েছেন, সেই জাঁদরেল মন্ত্রীকে প্রকাশ্যে জুতা নিক্ষেপের সাহস জামায়াত-শিবিরের কর্মীরা দেখাতে পারবেন বলে আমার মনে হয় না। এগুলো ধর্মীয় ও অর্থনৈতিক কারণে হতাশ জনগণের হতাশার চূড়ান্ত প্রকাশ। এটি হলো সমস্যার টেল টেইল হোল (Tell Tale Hole); অর্থাৎ যে হোল বা ছিদ্র সমস্যার আগমন বার্তাটি তুলে ধরে এটি হলো সেই হোল।
এ দেশের কমিউনিস্টরা পুঁজিবাদের অনুগ্রহে শরীরে মেদ জমিয়ে সুশীল হয়ে গেছেন। গণতন্ত্র সম্পর্কে এদের শেষ কথা হলোÑ একটি বিশেষ মহল যদি ক্ষমতায় থাকতে না পারে, তবে এই গণতন্ত্রের কোনো দরকার নেই। এক-এগারোর সবচেয়ে বড় বেনিফিশিয়ারি এই গোষ্ঠী। এক-এগারোর পর আওয়ামী লীগকে ক্ষমতায় এনেছে বাম দিকে আরো বেশি কাত করিয়ে।
সমাজে সাহসী ও স্পষ্টবাদী মানুষের স্বল্পতা ছিল এদের মূল পুঁজি। দেশের ষোলো কোটি মানুষ একসাথে কথা বলতে পারে না। তাদের হয়ে কথা বলেন গুটিকয় মানুষ। এই গুটিকয় মানুষের ওপর প্রভাব বিস্তার করতে পারলেই পুরো দেশকে কব্জা করা যায়। এসব ব্রাহ্মণ বাছাইয়ের পুরো নিয়ন্ত্রণটি ঘুরিয়ে ফিরিয়ে তাদেরই হাতে ছিল।
কাজেই অনেক সত্য ও সাহসী কথা বলে যারা একটু অন্যভাবে পরিচিতি পেয়েছেন তাদেরও এ দরবারে মাঝে মধ্যে কিছু নজরানা পাঠাতে হয়। তরুণসমাজের আদর্শ হিসেবে মাঝে মধ্যে স্নেহার্দ্রীদের তুলে ধরতে হয়। কাজেই চিত্তটি এখানে ভয়শূন্য হতে পারে না। কোথা থেকে যেন এখনো টেনে ধরে।
এদের সম্মুখে প্রতিরোধ গড়ে তোলার জন্য কেউ ছিল না। কিন্তু এখন তারা নেচারাল প্রতিরোধের সম্মুখীন হয়ে পড়েছে। এই সিন্ডিকেটকে অকার্যকর করে ফেলেছে সামাজিক যোগাযোগের বিভিন্ন মাধ্যমগুলো। এদের ওপর পুঁজি পুরোপুরি নিয়ন্ত্রণ স্থাপন করতে পারে না। কাজেই ইন্টারনেট, ফেসবুক, টুইটার, মোবাইল, এসএমএস দাঁড়িয়ে গেছে। হাতে হাতে চলে আসা মোবাইল ফোনে ক্যামেরা যোগ হওয়ায় সিটিজেন জার্নালিজম ভিন্ন মাত্রায় পৌঁছে গেছে। ইয়েলো জার্নালিজম করতে গেলে এর বিরুদ্ধে ভিডিও প্রমাণ হাজির হয়ে পড়ে। বিরোধীদলীয় হুইপের হাতের মোবাইলটিকে বাসের দিকে তাক করা পাথরখণ্ড হিসেবে চালিয়ে দিয়েছিল দেশের বহুল প্রচারিত একটি পত্রিকা। কিন্তু তার হাতের সেই মোবাইল কিভাবে পাথর হয়ে গেল, সেই মাজেজা ঠিকভাবে তুলে ধরা সম্ভব হয়েছে সাধারণ জার্নালিজমের পাশাপাশি সিটিজেন জার্নালিজম সক্রিয় হওয়ায়। অতি সম্প্রতি স্কাইপ সংলাপ ফাঁসের ঘটনাটিও মনে হচ্ছে যে সিটিজেন জার্নালিজমেরই এক অবদান। দেশের বাইরে ইকোনমিস্ট বা দেশের ভেতরে আমার দেশ তাই শাসকের রক্তচুকে কোনোরূপ ভয় পাচ্ছে না। ইনু-নিজামীর এ ছবির নিউজ ভ্যালুটি ঠিকই আঁচ করেছিল সেখানে উপস্থিত জনৈক সিটিজেন জার্নালিস্ট। সাইবার ক্রাইমের আবরণে এ ধরনের সিটিজেন জার্নালিজমের প্রসারকে ঠেকানো কখনই সম্ভব হবে না। কারণ অভিযুক্তদের বিচার করবে যে জনতা, সেই জনতাকে জাগানোর হুইসেলটি বোধ হয় এত দিনে ঠিকঠাক তৈরি হয়ে গেছে।
minarrashid@yahoo.com
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[chottala.com] We seriously and strongly condemn and criticize all these types of illegal and notorious killings and all extra judicial killings (EJK)



We seriously and strongly condemn and criticize all these types of  illegal and notorious killings and extra judicial killings (EJK).

But these types of killings officially and extensively  started after killings of:
 
(a) President of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu, his family, others on 15th August 1975, 
(b) Killing of 4 national leaders in Dhaka Central Jail on 3rd November 1975, 
(c) Army and civilian killings on 7th, 8th November 1975
(d) Illegal hanging of Coln Taher by the then government

Then all other killers and organizations were encouraged and took law in their hand by seeing that there were no trial for those illegal and notorious killings and also no scope of trial for those notorious killings.

--
"Sustha thakon, nirapade thakon ebong valo thakon"

Shuvechhante,

Engr. Shafiqur  Rahman Anu

N.B.: If any one is offended by content of this e-mail, please ignore & delete this e-mail. I also request you to inform me by an e- mail - to delete your name from my contact list.


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[chottala.com] ETV (and other corrupt TV channel and media) promote and patronize politically and financially and morally corrupts people and incompetent people



ETV (and other overt and covert corrupt TV channel and media) will not allow us in their TV talk shows and programmes - they but invite them - who are lesser honest - sincere - competent then us. Their regular hosts are Andalib Prtha, Dr. Mosharraf, Dr. Moin Khan, Tuku, Dr. Pias Karim, Munir Haider, Selim of LDP, Ziauddin Bablu,  etc. 

Doors of ETV (and other corrupt TV channel and media)  are open to them. 
They promote and patronize these politically and  financially and morally corrupts people and incompetent people like R Ratan, Prince, Nurul Kabir and others). To make 'some' balance they some time  invite Suvash, Arafat, Palak ! 

But they hardly invite Dr. Muntasir Mamun, Motia Choudhuri, Dr. Dipu Moni, Engr. Mozammel Babu, Swadesh Roy, Shafiqur Rahman (free lance journalist), Mustafa Jabbar, Pronob Saha, Masuda Bhatti, Musa Sadiq and many more! 

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"Sustha thakon, nirapade thakon ebong valo thakon"

Shuvechhante,

Engr. Shafiqur  Rahman Anu


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[chottala.com] Re: [notun_bangladesh] নরসিংদীতে ইমাম ধর্ষণ করেছে এক নাবালিকাকে : ধর্ষকদের দৃষ্টান্তমূলক শাস্তি দাবি করে মানববন্ধন



Dear Readers:

Please join me in demanding to the Government of Bangladesh:

1. An expedited trial on the incident;
2. Immediate hanging of both the culprits if the crime is proved beyond doubt;
3. Take effective measures to save ours mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters from rapists.

 
With best regards,
Muktijodha Emarat Hossain Pannah (USA)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dr. Em Pannah
Doctor of Management (Cybersecurity, Privacy, and Identity Theft), MS, MSc., CISSP, CAP, CISM, NSA-IAM, NSA-IEM, Foundations of Cybersecurity
Cybersecurity Professional and Adjunct Assistant Professor in USA
Cell: (443) 690-3955
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


From: SyedAslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
To: Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; notun Bangladesh <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, January 7, 2013 8:42 AM
Subject: [notun_bangladesh] নরসিংদীতে ইমাম ধর্ষণ করেছে এক নাবালিকাকে : ধর্ষকদের দৃষ্টান্তমূলক শাস্তি দাবি করে মানববন্ধন

 
নরসিংদীতে শিশু ধর্ষণের শিকার নিজস্ব প্রতিবেদক, নরসিংদী
এবার ধর্ষণের শিকার হলো নরসিংদীর রায়পুরা উপজেলার পঞ্চম শ্রেণীর এক স্কুলছাত্রী। নির্যাতিতার পরিবারের মামলার পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে গতকাল শনিবার সকালে দুজনকে গ্রেপ্তার করেছে পুলিশ। অভিযুক্তরা হলো শ্রীনিধি দাইরেরপাড় জামে মসজিদের ইমাম আল-আমিন মাহমুদ (২৮) ও পাশের বড়কান্দা মধ্যপাড়া গ্রামের আনতু মিয়ার ছেলে ফয়সাল (২০)। 
অভিযুক্তদের জিজ্ঞাসাবাদের জন্য তিন দিনের পুলিশি হেফাজতের (রিমান্ড) আবেদন মঞ্জুর করেছেন আদালত। প্রাথমিক জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে তারা অপরাধের কথা স্বীকার করেছে বলে জানান রায়পুরা থানার ইন্সপেক্টর (তদন্ত) মমিনুর ইসলাম।
পুলিশ ও নির্যাতিতার পরিবার জানায়, প্রতিদিনের মতো গত বৃহস্পতিবার বিকেলেও শিশুটি খেলার জন্য বাড়ি থেকে বের হয়। সন্ধ্যার পরও ফিরে না আসায় পরিবারের লোকজন তাকে খুঁজতে থাকে। রাতভর গ্রামের বিভিন্ন স্থানে ও স্বজনদের বাড়িতে খোঁজ করেও মেয়েটির সন্ধান পায়নি তারা। শুক্রবার ভোরে সে নিজেই বাড়িতে ফিরে আসে। তার কাছ থেকেই ঘটনা জানতে পারে পরিবারের লোকজন। সে জানায়, বৃহস্পতিবার খেলতে যাওয়ার সময় তাকে কৌশলে নিজের ঘরে ডেকে নিয়ে যায় আল-আমিন। নির্যাতনের পর তাকে গামছা ও রুমাল দিয়ে বেঁধে রাখা হয়। পরে আল-আমিন মোবাইল ফোনের মাধ্যমে তার বন্ধু ফয়সালকে ডেকে আনে। রাতে তারা দুজনই শিশুটির ওপর অত্যাচার চালায়। শুক্রবার ভোরে তারা শিশুটিকে ছেড়ে দেয়।
এ ঘটনায় নির্যাতিতার মা গত শুক্রবার রাতে আল-আমিন মাহমুদ ও ফয়সালের বিরুদ্ধে রায়পুরা থানায় নারী ও শিশু নির্যাতন দমন আইনে মামলা করেন। এর পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে পুলিশ অভিযুক্ত দুজনকে তাদের বাড়ি থেকে গ্রেপ্তার করে। গতকাল পুলিশের ১০ দিনের রিমান্ড আবেদনের বিপরীতে তিন দিনের রিমান্ড মঞ্জুর করেন নরসিংদী জেলা আদালতের সিনিয়র জুডিশিয়াল ম্যাজিস্ট্রেট শামিমা আক্তার।
এদিকে আহত শিশুটিকে গতকাল নরসিংদী সদর হাসপাতালে চিকিৎসা দেওয়া হয়েছে। বর্তমানে মেয়েটি বাড়িতে রয়েছে। তার মা সাংবাদিকদের বলেন, 'আমার অবুঝ মেয়েটি ইমামকে শ্রদ্ধা করত। তাই তার ডাকে সে ঘরে গিয়েছিল। কিন্তু ইমাম যে এমন নিকৃষ্ট কাজ করতে পারে, আমার মেয়ে ভাবতে পারেনি। শুধু ইমাম নিজে নয়, সে তার বন্ধুকেও এ কাজে জড়িয়ে আমার মেয়েকে নির্যাতন করেছে। এর পর থেকে মেয়েটি সারা দিন কাঁদছে। সে এখন ভয়ে মানুষের সামনে আসে না। আমরা দোষীদের দৃষ্টান্তমূলক বিচার দাবি করছি।'
http://www.kalerkantho.com/?view=details&type=gold&data=news&pub_no=1114&cat_id=1&menu_id=13&news_type_id=1&index=9&archiev=yes&arch_date=06-01-2013

নরসিংদীতে ইমাম ধর্ষণ করেছে এক নাবালিকাকে : ধর্ষকদের দৃষ্টান্তমূলক ...

উল্লেখ্য, গত ৩ জানুয়ারি শ্রীনিধি দাইরেরপাড় জামে মসজিদের ইমাম আল-আমিন মাহমুদ ও তার বন্ধু ফয়সাল একই এলাকার এক নাবালিকাকে ডেকে নিয়ে ঘরের ভেতর আটক করে সারারাত উপর্যুপরি ধর্ষণ করে। সকালে তারা নাবালিকাকে ছেড়ে দিলে সে বাড়ি গিয়ে তার মাকে ঘটনা খুলে বলে। এ অবস্থায় তারা রায়পুরা থানায় ইমাম আল-আমিন ও ফয়সালের বিরুদ্ধে ...

মুন্সীগঞ্জে ৭ বছরের শিশু ধর্ষিত, বাঘায় ধর্ষণের পর হত্যাচেষ্টা

15 ঘন্টা আগে – গত ৩ জানুয়ারি শ্রীনিধি দাইরেরপাড় জামে মসজিদের ইমাম আল-আমিন মাহমুদ ও তার বন্ধু ফয়সাল একই এলাকার এক নাবালিকাকে ডেকে নিয়ে ঘরের ভেতর আটক করে সারারাত উপর্যুপরি ধর্ষণ করে। পুলিশ জানিয়েছে, ধর্ষকরা তাদের ধর্ষণের ঘটনা স্বীকার করেছে। বাগেরহাটের মোড়েলগঞ্জের চিংড়াখালী গ্রামে স্বামীকে গাছে বেঁধে স্ত্রীকে ...



মহিলা নেতৃত্বের স্বর্ণযুগে কেন এত নারী ধর্ষণ?

http://www.amardeshonline.com/pages/details/2013/01/07/181598#.UOq9qaysDox


 





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