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Tuesday, April 29, 2008

[chottala.com] Gendered independence

Gendered independence

by Nurul Kabir

IT IS indeed an irony of history that 37 years after the national independence of Bangladesh through a war, participated equally by men and women, though in different forms, women still remain unequal to men in many ways – materially the most. There is not even any visible sign, political or otherwise, that the state will adopt any policy towards facilitating equality between men and women in the near future. Rather, the state has recently been displaying sympathy to those religiously opposing the democratic idea of equality between men and women, particularly in terms of the equal inheritance of property! This is a clear betrayal on the part of the state, and its managers, towards the women who took enormous pains in the process of the birth of Bangladesh in 1971.
   The women not only participated in almost all the political movements leading to the war of independence but also took active part, in various forms and in varying degrees, in the victorious war against the Pakistani military occupation. But subsequent developments, political and economic, did not allow them to consolidate the war victory in their favour. Thus, national independence still remains partial, meant primarily for men and that too for the privileged sections of men.
   The military phase of Bangladesh's national independence began, in an unorganised way though, on March 26, 1971, right after the Pakistan army had launched in Dhaka on the night of March 25 one of the most gruesome genocides ever carried out. The people of Bangladesh continued to resist, with arms and otherwise, and quite effectively, against the military occupation of Pakistan until December 6. On December 6, 1971 came the official recognition of sovereign Bangladesh by India – the neighbouring country that provided, along with other support, shelter to some 10 million Bangladeshis fleeing the country in the face of the Pakistan army's attack on millions of civilians. However, the Indian army had by then joined the Bangladeshi freedom fighters, known as Mukti Bahini, in their all-out efforts to defeat the Pakistan army. The Pakistan army was forced to surrender in Dhaka on December 16. Bangladesh emerged as a 'sovereign' nation in the global system of modern states.
   Bangladesh rightly emerged as a 'people's republic'. The nomenclature, People's Republic of Bangladesh that is, was the correct embodiment of the political, economic and cultural aspirations of the entire population who wrestled out Bangladesh from Pakistan, primarily through a prolonged series of pervasive people's movements against the political repression, cultural suppression and economic exploitation of the Bengalis by the military-bureaucratic state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and eventually by a people's war against Pakistan's military occupation. The aspiration of the people as regards Bangladesh was to grow as a 'republic', which would facilitate equal political rights and economic opportunities for all the citizens irrespective of their gender, religious and ethnic identities. But the promise of the 'republic' born out of a bloody independence war remains elusive for most of the people, particularly the women, who had enormous sacrifices for the political and military victory over the Pakistani ruling elite of the day – military and civil. While all sections of our people, ranging from the ordinary rural farmers, urban industrial workers, traders, students, soldiers, to the extra-ordinary civil servants, litterateurs, cultural activists took active part in the war, our women belonging in all the said categories had in no way lagged behind.
   While some of them physically fought battles with arms, undertook the risky responsibility of transporting arms from one place to another and carrying strategically important information about the whereabouts of the enemy soldiers to the muktis, many others ceaselessly propagated the rightful causes of the liberation war in the refugee camps in India to convince them to be muktis, worked as physicians and nurses both in the training camps and the field hospitals, worked with the Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra – the wartime radio station that kept the morale of the people high throughout the war, etc. The rest of the women, who stayed back at home, used to provide shelters to the freedom fighters across the country and guard weapons of the resting muktis, braving the risk of being assaulted by the brutal Pak army. Any war, particularly a guerrilla war, cannot be sustained, let alone won, without women's support and sympathy for the freedom fighters. Bangladesh was no exception, and the war-time exiled government of Bangladesh admitted to this in 1971, by way of circulating a poster that read: 'every Bengali woman is a freedom fighter'. But with the war over, the Bengali rulers not only denied, and are still denying, in practical terms, female citizens of their equal social, political and economic opportunities, but also have refused to recognise the role of the women in the war, the texts of the official history of the liberation war being the glaring example.
   But take the example of, say, Taramon Begum, a teenage daughter of a 'beggar'. Initially recruited as a 'domestic help' in a Mukti camp, Taramon, eventually emerged as one of our great freedom fighters. She displayed enormous courage and commitment while taking active part, with automatic weapons, in many a battle against the Pakistan army. [Muktijuddha Diner Smriti, Bangladesh mohila parishad, Dhaka, 2001, pp 124-128]
   Or look at the story of left-wing Khurshid Jahan of Khulna. A young mother with a two-month-old son in 1971, she took enormous trouble, in the first place, to reach the Mukti headquarters of the Sundarban sub-sector to join her husband and other relations with a view to taking active part in the war. Deep into the mangrove forest, she received arms training, eventually to become a trainer of hundreds of young men who went out to fight and ultimately defeat the occupation army. Besides, she provided invaluable services to the cause of the national war: nursing the ill and wounded freedom fighters, transporting arms and ammunition from one camp to another by boats, preparing food for the guerrillas on operations, stitching dozens of mosquito nets for the freedom fighters and for the trainees inside the forest, etcetera – not to mention the captaincy of the female freedom fighters in the Sundarban sub-sector. The dissatisfaction that she still endures about her role in the war is that she, despite her eagerness, could not manage to directly participate in any military operation.
   On her repeated request, the commander of the Sundarban sub-sector, Major (retd) Ziauddin, had once decided to allow Khurshid Jahan to take part in a guerrilla operation. But, finally, he changed his mind as her husband, who happened to be the second-in-command of the sub-sector, stood in the way for emotional reasons. 'Do you want Taj to become an orphan, sir?' Khurshid Jahan's husband reportedly asked his commander. [Khurshid Jahan Begum Ekjon Muktizoddhar Kichu Smriticharon O Atmopolobdhi, Sajib Enterprise, Khulna, 2005, p.69]
   Or, take the example of Shirin Banu Mitil. A left political activist, she was one of those who put up armed resistance against the Pak military in Pabna right in March 1971. Along with her cousins, she, in disguise of a man, put up armed resistance against the advancing Pak military in Pabna. She eventually crossed the border to receive arms training in India with an intention to come back home to fight the guerrilla war against the occupation army. However, as her female identity was revealed, she eventually had to remain happy with 'softer' responsibilities like working in the Bengali refugee camps in India. [Muktijuddha Diner Smriti, Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, Dhaka, 2001, pp 307-309] The exiled Bengali leadership did not find it appropriate for her to go to the battle fields – thanks to the formers adherence to the gendered social division of labour. It was not just Bengali women, the women belonging to ethnic minorities had their role, both direct and indirect, in Bangladesh's war of independence. Take the example of Kankon Bibi, a Khasia woman of the Sylhet region. Kankon was the wife of a Punjabi soldier posted in the Sunamganj frontier, got moved by the physical tortures and sexual harassments that the young Bengali girls in various Pakistani military camps, and subsequently took actively supported the Muktis. Herself tortured in a military camp, she managed to save her life by her identity of being the wife a Punjabi soldier, who was posted in a Sylhet military camp. At this point, the Pak military assigned her with the responsibility of collecting information about the Muktis in disguise of a beggar. By then, she had made up her mind to do the opposite.
   Kankon not only passed strategically important information regarding Pak army's operation plans and movements on to the muktis, she had contributed to the independence war in every possible manner: she provided medical care to the wounded soldiers in a mukti camp, cooked their food, transported ammunitions, etc. On top of it all, braving a rough river she carried arms and ammunitions, by a craft made of plantain trunk, to the Jordia bridge point in Sylhet to destroy the overpass so that the occupation army would not be able to advance further. Besides, she took part with arms in some twenty battles with the occupation army. [Muktijuddha Diner smriti, Bangladesh mohila parishad, Dhaka, 2001, pp. 48-50] She is still known in the area as Khaissaya Mukti Beti (Female freedom fighter of the Khasia ethnic group).
   There is also no lack of stories of sacrifices of the hill women. Of the some 200,000 women who were exposed to rape during the war, 400 to 500 belonged to the ethnic minority groups living in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. [Nareer Ekattur O Juddahparabarti Kothho Kahini, Ain O Shalish Kendra, Dhaka, 2001, p.92]
   Unfortunately, the official history of the war of independence does not record the contributions, direct and indirect, that these women made to the emergence of the people's republic called Bangladesh. This is unfortunate, but not inexplicable: the mindset of the political leadership that presided over the war of independence was absolutely patriarchal, subscribing to the idea of a gendered social division of labour between man and woman, which usually does not permit women any role outside the four walls of private space. If it ever does, unusually though, it would not go beyond granting women 'softer' responsibilities such as nursing, teaching, preaching, training, campaigning, etc. A recollection by Ayesha Khanam, presently general secretary of the Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, who joined the war of independence as a university girl and worked for the independence in all possible manners, excepting armed fights with the occupation army, clearly underlines the phenomenon. Eager to do more, her desire to fight with a weapon against the occupation army remained unfulfilled. Why? The key political leaders, all male, had been 'thoroughly confused throughout the war about the [ideal] nature of women's participation in the war'. [Muktijuddha Diner Smriti, Bangladesh mohila parishad, Dhaka, 2001, p.30] Notably, Mitil could not come back to fight battles after her female identity was revealed, and Khurshid Jahan was denied the opportunity to take part in an armed operation on following an indirect reminder by her husband that she had the responsibility to rear up the small baby.
   That Kankon and Taramon could physically fight the war was primarily due to the fact that both of them were absolutely poor – isolated from the social and familial bondage sewn by the threads of a patriarchal culture. They had nobody to stand in their ways. They, and the like, therefore, were exception, which only proves the rule – the rule of patriarchy and gendered division of labour between man and woman.
   However, the home truth remains that national independence would have been impossible had the male freedom fighters been refused shelters, food, medical care and other active cooperation provided by the women across the country. That those who ruled the country in the past, and the group that is ruling us now, have failed to recognise this important role of women behind the emergence of the state of Bangladesh is also due to that fact that their patriarchal consciousness is inherently incapable of recognising women's role in a war. For them, in their male supremacist subconscious at the least, war remains an absolutely male affair and, therefore, they do not feel it important that the state, emerging out of the war, has to facilitate equal rights and opportunities to its female citizens.
   There is, therefore, nothing to get surprised, when even the politically powerful sections of the male freedom fighters keep mum as some obscurantist religious groups, many of whom had actively collaborated with the occupation forces of Pakistan during the war of independence, oppose the republican idea of equality between male and female citizens. What is important is to wage another war, primarily cultural, against the male-supremacist politics pursued by the patriarchal elite over the last 37 years. The independence that does not ensure democratic freedom, political and economic, to the women, half of the total population in other words, is not worth being called national independence.

 HEADLINES
   Gendered independence
   Distances
   Agency, 1971, and the
    gender apartheid

   Murdering your children or building one
    nation too many?

 WOMEN AT WAR
   KHURSHID JAHAN BEGUM:
    A mother, a warrior

   SHIRIN BANU MITIL:
    'A shy girl with a gun'

   KANKON BIBI:
    Tale of an unsung warrior

   RASHEDA AMIN:
    'Still a lot of fighting to do'

   NAILA ZAMAN KHAN:
    'History needs to be rewritten'

   REKHA SAHA:
    'The enemy lives on'

   AYESHA KHANAM:
    'Women's role in '71 have been
    minimised to victims of rape'

   SULTANA KAMAL:
    'It took women a hundred years
    to get here'

   FORQUAN BEGUM:
    'We have not been recognised'

   NAZMA SHAHEEN:
    'We have achieved liberation,
    not emancipation'

   FARIDA KHANAM SAKI:
    'We will keep on fighting'

   Another view of the war and after

 
__._,_.___

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[chottala.com] List of Bangladeshis around the world ( www.bangalilink.com )

Looking for a friend or relative that you miss? Lost their contact
information? Now you can find fellow Bangladeshis around the world in a
minute.

www.bangalilink.com

Search for your loved ones.

Please visit, register and ask others to register. Help us make this
the ONLY database for Bangladeshis.

A division of www.Sonarbangla.ca


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[chottala.com] Dr. Kamal says "No Comment" on Hasina's allegation

International renowned lawyer or Intra-national conspirator whatever you name him was very much angry on Hasina now a days.
Is there any sort of a clause he made in our constitution that he could ratify his black money without going to be asked by anyone?
 
Plz. click here:
 
NK


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[chottala.com] Fw:Join Signature campaign to save laouwachara forest



--- On Tue, 4/29/08, info@environmentmovementbd.org <info@environmentmovementbd.org> wrote:

Dear all, Chavoran say they are going to start their survey in the laouwachara.   We are afraid for their activities. We are start signature campaign to   save Laouwachara. We are requesting all people please take a single   initiative to save the laouwachara national forest.  We are waiting for your initiative. Please find the press release.  Best wishes Sento
_______________________________________________ Media mailing list Media@environmentmovementbd.org http://environmentmovementbd.org/mailman/listinfo/media_environmentmovementbd.org


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[chottala.com] Live Concert Milon Hobe Koto Dine

Live Concert Milon Hobe Koto Dine

 

For The First Time in Washington DC Metro Area

 

Farida Parveen's Life in Focus (Lalon Geeti)

 

Gazi Abdul Hakim's Dhun on Bansi,

 

Saikat Das coming with Purono Diner Gaan

&

Tobla: Khusbu from New York & Ashis Barua

 

When: Saturday, 10th May 2008 at 7:30PM.

Where: Patrick Henry Elementary School.

4643 Taney Ave, Alexandria VA 22304.

Ticket: $ 10.00, $20.00 and VIP $50.00

 

NOTE: Please reserve your ticket ASAP

 

More information: Abu Rumi 703-861-1606, Akther Hossain 703-389-6789,

Inam Haque 571-238-9656, and Shibbir Ahmed 703-472-2318

 

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[chottala.com] Re: [notun_bangladesh] Daily star and prothom alo- collaborator of Black money holder Dr.Kamal

Question is here  that why Alo and star did not publish that news yesterday?
 
Why they have published  today the reaction of black money holder Dr. Kamal?
 
 And from his reaction to hasina's allegationa nd  allegatio from student leaders it is clear that Dr. kamal is black money holder.
 
Mr, ayubi, don't be blind eyed against only hasina and khaleda . 


Salahuddin Ayubi <s_ayubi786@yahoo.com> wrote:
Manonio netrir atikothoner abbhesh ache. Jader ei
abbhesh ache tara kotota sotto ar kotota kothar kotha
bole taken ta bojha dushadho. Shei karone ami tar
kothar khub ekta gurutto dite chai na.
Salahuddin Ayubi
--- mahathir of bd <wouldbemahathirofbd@yahoo.com>
wrote:

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=== message truncated ===

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Re: [chottala.com] Attention drawn to Mr Rashed Khan Menon & Mr A.H Monju.

Ms. dina Khan
 
It is now easily understood if you people are not biased, that 1/11 had come on the International Conspiracy. the USA, Uk & India'n high commissioner are master minder.   

----- Original Message ----
From: dina khan <dina30_khan@yahoo.com>
To: notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; khabor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, April 28, 2008 8:57:04 AM
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Attention drawn to Mr Rashed Khan Menon & Mr A.H Monju.

Attention drawn to Mr Rashed Khan Menon & Mr A.H Monju.

News read in NY Bangla that you have told in Bangladeshi community meeting "11/1 has come on the international conspiracy".

If it is true then

Are you the agents in Bangladesh of the International conspiracy authority for creating the situation to come 11/1 in Bangladesh??

Causes it is seen & known that 11/1 has come due to the nonsense & stupid activities  & road fighting of The Bangladeshi Political activists & political leaders of whom among them you are also the persons for creating situation for coming 1/11.

On creating this horrible situation in Bangladesh there was no seen any internatonal people on the road for doing road fighting for doing closing breaking burning works expect you the Bangladeshi politicians.

So it is now easily understood & can be told that you are the agents of the international  conspirators for creating problems & disaster in Bangladesh.

Is it not correct?? .  

 


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