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Sunday, February 28, 2010

RE: [chottala.com] A feature in Daily Star



Mr. Sajid,
Congratulations for an amazing writing.
Farid
 

To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
From: sajidocean@yahoo.com
Date: Sun, 28 Feb 2010 08:37:23 -0800
Subject: [chottala.com] A feature in Daily Star

 
Dear Brothers
 
This feature may be of your interest! "

 

The legacy of Titanic tragedy and maritime law

 
"Just click...
 
Warm regards
 
MarEngr. Sajid Hussain
Commandant
Marine Academy
Chittagong - Bangladesh


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[chottala.com] Suspected Pak militant held in Dhaka



 
 

Rezwan Ahmed


Suspected Pak militant held in Dhaka
Staff Correspondent

New Age

The Rapid Action Battalion detained five people suspected of being members of Pakistan-based militant organisation Jaish-e-Mohammad at Mirpur and New Market in the capital on Sunday.
   The battalion, however, could not establish if the detained were wanted or enlisted by Interpol, United States State Department or the Bangladesh government.
   One of the detained was identified as Rezwan Ahmed, 26, a Pakistani citizen. Battalion officials said his father's name is Shafi Uddin, a resident of House 170, Road 8 in the Delhi Colony in Karachi.
   'The arrested Pakistani citizen, a member of Jaish-e-Mohammad, was involved in fuelling insurgencies in India using the soil of Bangladesh,' Colonel Motiur Rahman, additional director general of the battalion, told newsmen in the battalion headquarters.
   Three of the detained are said to have been form Hajiganj in Chandpur. They are Mohammad Emad Uddin alias Munna, 18, Abu Naser Munshi, 28, and Sadek Hossain alias Khoka, 19.
   The other detained was named as Nannu Mian alias Belal Mondol alias Billal, 25, a resident of Darampur at Kotwali in Sylhet.
   A battalion team captured Rezwan, Imad Uddin, Abu Naser and Sadek Hossain from a house at Sukanya Tower on the Mirpur Road early Sunday.
   Another team, based on the information provided by the people detained, later arrested Nannu Mian at New Market, said Motiur Rahman.
   The battalion also seized three illegal passports, a knife, a computer, four identity cards, five mobiles and Indian currencies, the battalion official said.
   When the detained were presented before the media, the Pakistani citizen said he had received training in firearms and explosives of different kinds.
   The battalion did not allow the suspects to answer any questions from the media.
   Motiur said Rezwan had been recruiting members of the outfit and acting as its regional coordinator. 'He has been in Bangladesh for three years and half years.'
   Asked whether there was warrant for arrest of any of them, Motiur said, 'We do not have enough information on their enlistment by any country or by Interpol.'
   He said the process of legal action against the detained was under way.
   One of the detained, Nannu Mian, was arrested by earlier by Indian authorities and he had been in jail for 10 years in connection with hijacking a plane in Kathmandu, Nepal, in 1999, the battalion official said.
 
Related:

Jaish-e-Mohammed operative captured

The Daily Star - ‎12 hours ago‎
Jaish-e-Mohammed operative Rezwan Ahmed, a Pakistani national, right, and his four local associates at the Rab headquarters in the city yesterday. ...
 

Terror Rules In Pakistan - South Asia Intelligence Review

Eurasia Review - Ajit Kumar Singh - ‎Feb 8, 2010‎
A former Senator alleged that supporters of the Taliban had captured land worth PKR two billion in the eastern and western parts of Quetta with the covert ...



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[chottala.com] Paban 'behind' cracker blast [Baap ka beta]



Paban 'behind' cracker blast [Baap ka beta]
 
 
 
Monday, March 1, 2010
Front Page

Paban 'behind' cracker blast

Admits his friend upon arrest

Golam Sabbir alias Shovon, a friend of Abdul Hamid Paban, son of BNP Secretary General Khandaker Delwar Hossain, was arrested by Detective Branch (DB) of police on Saturday night from his Kalabagan residence in connection with the blast in front of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia's Gulshan office on February 23. Photo: Star

Abdul Hamid Paban, son of BNP Secretary General Khandaker Delwar Hossain, hired two young men to explode crackers in front of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia's Gulshan office on February 23, revealed Paban's friend arrested in connection with the blasts.

Detective police arrested Golam Sabbir alias Shovon on Saturday night from his Kalabagan residence, and seized his red car that had fled the blast scene right after the incident. Police also seized Paban's car from the same place.

Earlier, police arrested Pradip Saha, secretary of Sonaimuri upazila BNP backed Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), right after the blasts, from an alley next to the scene while he was speeding away on a motorbike, said police detectives.

Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner AKM Shahidul Hoque, at a media briefing yesterday, said, "Both Pradip and Shovon confessed that Paban had hired two other young men to carry out a mock bomb attack on himself, in an effort to draw BNP high-ups' sympathetic attention." The whole charade was aimed at consolidating his own position in the party against competing rivals, added the DMP commissioner.

Arrested Shovon told reporters in the Detective Branch office on Minto Road of the capital that Paban has been trying to grab the post of organising secretary of BNP Dhaka City unit committee, which is scheduled to be formed soon.

The DMP commissioner said police did not arrest Paban right after the blasts due to a lack of sufficient incriminating evidence, but now they are trying to arrest him and the cohorts.

Witnesses said in the immediate aftermath of the blasts Paban pretended to be injured in front of reporters in United Hospital.

The DMP commissioner said in the medical report the doctors however mentioned that Paban had not suffered any external injury, rather he had received treatment for chest pain.

Shovon, who owns an electronic goods shop in Shyamoli of the capital, said Paban with Rony, a leader of Pallabi JCD unit, tried to stage a mock bomb attack at the same spot on February 22 as well, but failed.

So the following day Paban drove to Shovon's house in Kalabagan, parked his own car there, and went to the BNP chairperson's office in Gulshan with Shovon in the latter's car.

After they reached the office, Paban got off the car and went to the gate, while Shovon waited in the car in front of the office.

Before getting off the car Paban asked Shovon to give two of his young associates a ride, as they might be in danger of being attacked by their rivals, Shovon added.

Following the blasts, the two young men rushed to Shovon's car and got in identifying them as Paban's men, and then Shovon dropped the two at Bijoy Sarani on the way back to his house, Shovon claimed.

He said, "Paban took advantage of me, using our friendship, and used my car."

He also said he overheard Paban and Rony, the night before the incident, talking about hiring two young men for exploding crackers in front of the BNP chairperson's office.

Shovon also said as he felt insecure in front of the office on the February 23 night, he called his friend Faruque, an ex-president of Chatkhil upazila JCD, to come to the spot.

Faruque along with Pradip on a motorbike reached the spot from Motijheel, Shovon said adding that Faruque was also in his car on the way back to his house after the blasts.

Detective police said Paban was arrested earlier as well, in connection with a car jacking case during the last BNP-led four-party alliance government, and was also accused in several other cases.

Meanwhile, BNP's Senior Joint Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday brushed aside the allegation that the party secretary general's son and his friend were involved in the blasts.

"We blame each other if anything happens, it is nothing but a part of our political culture," he told reporters in the party's central office in Nayapaltan of the capital.

The BNP leader also claimed although an investigation is going on to identify the perpetrators, the people have doubts about its fairness.
 
Related:
 
 

 

http://www.bangladeshnews24.com/dinersese/home.php

http://khabor.com/news/bangladesh/02/bangladesh_news_02282010_0000002.htm

 

DMP chief alleges: Paban planned blasts near Khaleda's office

The New Nation - ‎12 hours ago‎
The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner, AKM Shahidul Huq, yesterday disclosed that BNP secretary-general Khandaker Delwar Hossain's son, Paban, ...

Paban designed blasts near Khaleda's office: DB

The Daily Star - ‎18 hours ago‎
Abdul Hamid Paban, son of BNP Secretary General Khandaker Delwar Hossain, had plotted the recent cracker blasts in front of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia's ...

Son of BNP leader 'linked' to blasts

Bangladesh News 24 hours - ‎Feb 27, 2010‎
Dhaka, Feb 27 (bdnews24.com) – Detective Branch police have detained a friend of Abdul Hamid Paban, son of BNP secretary general Khandaker Delwar Hossain, ...


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[chottala.com] A feature in Daily Star



Dear Brothers
 
This feature may be of your interest! "

 

The legacy of Titanic tragedy and maritime law

 
"Just click...
 
Warm regards
 
MarEngr. Sajid Hussain
Commandant
Marine Academy
Chittagong - Bangladesh


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Thursday, February 25, 2010

[chottala.com] THE PEELKHANA MUTINY AND MASSACRE (New Article)



AN OLD BRIGADIER GENERAL

Reportedly the RAW pumped in about Rs 60 crore for the entire operation. About 15 foreign gunmen were hired for the execution of the army officers. The RAW operatives and their Bangladeshi assets responsible for handling finances met at the International Club in the Gulshan suburb of Dhaka early in January, soon after Sheikh Hasina became PM. In that meeting the younger brother of Sohel Taj, the Deputy Home Minister, was also present. Both the organisers and the providers of the hired killers, which included a number of Indians and a Russian under-world boss by the name of Lazar Shybazan, met at the Hotel Bab-Al-Shams in Dubai on or just before the 19th. There they finalised the operational plan for the hired killers and their payment arrangements.   

FULL ARTICLE -

http://deshcalling.blogspot.com/2010/02/peelkhana-mutiny-and-massacre.html



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[chottala.com] Rivers dry up, millions become unemployed: GK Project facing closure



 

Rivers dry up, millions become unemployed: GK Project facing closure
 

All the eight major rivers passing through the greater Rajshahi district have almost been dried up. The navigation through these rivers have remained suspended for years while more than three million people who used to depend for their livelihood direct on these rivers have also become unemployed and displaced.(New Nation)

The rivers are the Padma, the Mohananda, the Boral, the Pagla, the Punorbhova, the Atrai, the Karotoa, and the Chhoto Jamuna. The river of Padma has lost its navigability from Shibganj point in Chapainwabganj district to down stream Nagarbari in Pabna district due to withdrawal of water through Farkka Barrage, West Bengal, India. Sand dunes in the form of shoals have emerged in the middle of the river due to stoppage of natural flow of water. Some where in the river there is only spec of water flow while in other places there is knee-deep water. Thousands of people, mainly fishermen and boatmen who used to maintain their livelihood on this river, have become totally unemployed.

People of Rajshahi, Natore, Pabna and adjacent districts beside the river Padma have forgotten the impact of flood, erosion and the devastation created by the turbulent rush of water. Now, even during the Monsoon (rainy season), more than fifty percent of the river bed remain dried up. To feed her rivers and canals, India does not release water as per the water sharing treaty through Farakka barrage. The truth is that, occasionally, when Farakka is unable to contain a huge pressure of water during flood and monsoon, all the gates of Farakka are let open and thus creating a widespread flood in Bangladeshi.

The water level of the river Padma near Shibganj of Chapinawabganj, at Rajshahi and at Paksey Hardinge Bridge points, remained ever low. In many places there is no water to measure. In Rajshahi, the danger level of water of Padma is 18.5 feet. But for the last ten years, the water level never crossed over nine feet. The condition is far worrying at the foot of Hardinge Bridge, the water level being reduced drastically. Absence of water for ages under Hardinge Bridge may cause severe damage for the guarders as sands use to erode the concrete structure of the guarders and the other structures of the bridge, informed sources working for maintaining the bridge at Paksey.

Moreover, the Ganges-Kobadak Irrigation Project (GK Project) which uses to irrigate thousands of hectares of land in the greater Kushtia and Jessore districts is facing closure due to scanty or no water at the source of the project. Due to scarcity of water, the pump houses situated beside the river have been shifted several times and part of river has been dredged but still only 30 to 35 percent of the total capacity of GK project being used for irrigation purposes. It is apprehended that the GK project might face closure within next few years if no flow of water is increased in Padma.

The conditions of all other river flowing through greater Rajshahi is almost similar.

 http://nation. ittefaq.com/ issues/2010/ 02/24/news0616. htm.





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[chottala.com] Pradeep Saha: Guess Who is this guy !!!!!



Pradeep Saha: Guess Who is this guy !!!!!
 
 
 
 
 
read more at:
 
 
Related Stories:
 

BNP points finger at Mirza Azam: Blast in front of Khaleda's Gulshan office

The New Nation - ‎22 hours ago‎
BNP Senior Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday pointed finger at Awami League leader and whip of parliament Mirza Azam over Tuesday's ...
 


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Wednesday, February 24, 2010

[chottala.com] Amnesty Internation speaks up!



Here is the link:
 
 

Document - Bangladesh: Politically motivated arbitrary arrests hamper impartial investigation of campus violence

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

PUBLIC STATEMENT


23 February 2010

For immediate release

AI Index: ASA 13/005/2010



BANGLADESH: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED ARBITRARY ARRESTS HAMPER IMPARTIAL INVESTIGATION OF CAMPUS VIOLENCE



The government of Bangladesh must refrain from arbitrary mass arrests, which appear to have been directed only at the opposition student activists. Criminal investigations must be impartial, regardless of the suspect's political affiliation or party membership. Moreover, the authorities must ensure that the detainees are brought promptly before a court and allowed to challenge the legality of their detention, that they are not at risk of torture or other ill-treatment, and that they have access to their lawyers, families, and proper medical care.


Last week more than 300 supporters of Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of the opposition party Jamaat-e-Islami, were arrested in Dhaka, Rajshahi, Chittagong and other cities. The majority of them were picked up from dormitories or rented accommodation in and around university campuses. It is not known if any of them have been charged with a recognizable criminal offence.


The arrests followed a wave of violence at major university campuses in Bangladesh, where rival student activists of the ruling Awami League party and opposition parties have fought each other over control of university halls of residence. At least four students, one from Dhaka, two from Rajshahi, and one from Chittagong universities have been killed in the midst of these clashes since early February.


The death of the first student on 2 February at Dhaka University was due to violent clashes between two rival factions of the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League. No members of this group appear to have been investigated for his death. The government's apparent reluctance to investigate in this case further highlights the political motivations underlying its response to the violence at the universities.


Bangladesh Chhatra League members have also been involved in clashes with the Islami Chhatra Shibir at Rajshahi, Chittagong and other university campuses. While members of the Islami Chhatra Shibir have been the main targets of the mass arrests, Bangladesh Chhatra League activists have continued to clash and attack opposition supporters, with no accountability.


Amnesty International acknowledges the responsibility of government authorities to prevent violence at the university campuses and bring those responsible for the killings to justice. However, the one-sided manner in which the police have carried out the arrests so far indicates that criminal investigations into the violence are unlikely to be impartial or fair.


Raids on student residences have been carried out at random and any Islami Chhatra Shibir supporters found there have been detained. People have reportedly been arrested arbitrarily as police have made no efforts at the time of arrest to separate ordinary student members of the Islami Chhatra Shibir from those suspected of involvement in the attacks.


The majority of the detainees are being held in jails. More than 70 of them are detained at the Dhaka Central Jail; up to 100 at the Rajshahi Central Jail; and up to 70 at the Chittagong Central Jail. More students have been picked up from other cities. According to reports, lawyers were not allowed to meet them, so they have effectively been deprived of the right to appoint legal counsel and apply for release on bail.


Between 30 and 35 of the Islami Chhatra Shibir detainees are reportedly in police custody under interrogation. Torture in police custody is widespread in Bangladesh. Detainees in police custody have no access to lawyers or family visits during the period of their remand even though there are legal provisions for such access.


The government's politically motivated response to the violence has allowed attacks by members of the ruling party's student wing to continue, including against news reporters covering these attacks. Bangladesh Chhatra League activists attacked and injured 11 journalists working for different Bangladeshi dailies who were covering Bangladesh Chhatra League's incidences of beating of other students on the Rajshahi university campus on 11 February.


Background


Violence at university campuses is a frequent occurrence in Bangladesh. Groups involved in the violence are student wings of the main political parties. These student groups are mainly Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL, affiliated to the Awami League, which has the majority of seats in Parliament but rules in coalition with 13 much smaller parties); Islami Chhatra Shibir, (Shibir, affiliated to Jamaat-e-Islami, currently in opposition), and Bangladesh Chhatra Dhal (BCD, affiliated to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, currently in opposition). These groups have in the past reportedly kept arms and have used violence leading to deaths and injury of people. Political parties have pledged, but failed, to disarm them. None of the political parties has condemned the violence carried out by their own members, while often only blaming their opponents for the violence.



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[chottala.com] HOMAGE TO ÉRIC ROHMER [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from Chittagong Film Centre included below]

HOMAGE TO ÉRIC ROHMER
Éric Rohmer (
4 April 192011 January 2010) was a French Film Director, film critic, journalist, novelist, Screenwriter and teacher. A figure in the post-war New wave cinema, he was a former editor of Cahiers du Cinema Rohmer was the last of the French New Wave Cahiers du Cinema directors to become established. He worked as the editor of the periodical from 1957 to 1963, while most of his Cahiers colleagues like Jean Luc Gordard and Francois Truffaunt, were beginning their careers and gaining international attention.


Chittagong Film Centre has arranged a day long film session titled ´ HOMAGE TO ÉRIC ROHMER' on
26 February 2010.

You are cordially invited.

 

 

26 February 2010

3.00 pm            A good marriage 

5.00 pm            Polin at the beach

7.00 pm            A man and a women

                       

Venue: Studio Theater Auditorium of Muslim Institute, Chittagong



Sazzad Hossain Upal
General Secretary
Chittagong Film Centre
GPO BOX No: 1335, Chittagong-4000
Bangladesh
Cell: 01713-142056
www.chittagongfilmcentre.org


Attachment(s) from Chittagong Film Centre

1 of 1 File(s)


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Tuesday, February 23, 2010

[chottala.com] Present Law and Order [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from Shahid included below]

 

Attachment(s) from Shahid

1 of 1 Photo(s)


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Monday, February 22, 2010

Re: [chottala.com] Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular - Farhad Mazhar



Mr. Majhar may think to teach the subject

a)       what is the constitution

b)       what is the democracy &

c)       what are the duties of public representative

For creating in Bangladesh democratic political leaders to lead the nation & to rule the country lawfully according to the constitution which is composed by the persons elected in the lawful system of democracy.

Democracy should not be classified or any adjective should not be added.

Adding any adjective to the democracy & classifying the democracy will create misunderstanding among the people.

.

Democracy should be lawful system in which system people can elect their leaders in free thought decision as their representative to do work for them.

Islamic democracy or social democracy or control democracy or basic democracy or leadership democracy or secular democracy that must follow the system of lawful democracy...

People should not start in doing as right of democracy hartal work democracy, breaking work democracy, and burning works democracy. Closing works democracy destroying work democracy logy baita fighting democracy to establish their own ideological Democracy either secular or Islamic or Social Democracy logy Baita democracy loot pat & corruption democracy. .

This will make democracy complicated & real democracy will be disappeared.

Mr. Majhar is a wise man but by saying secular democracy he should need to understand that indirectly he is creating inspiration for doing movement to the people who are confused about the meaning of secular & who are disagree with secular...
Democracy should not be complicated. People may be secular or may be religious minded or may be non religion but democracy is democracy. It is a process for expressing their opinion for making rules of law as a constitution for ruling the country or any organization or service code rules of service for the service holders. Guide lines to the people who want to live as civilized people.
Democracy is a very simple procedure. It needs to make in Bangladesh a lawful system. Quality knowledge educations are also needed for providing to the people including political leaders of Bangladesh.
Because
The political leaders of Bangladesh are working

i)                     As quality knowledge fewer leaders.

ii)                   They are not quality knowledge leaders in following lawful system of democracy & rules of constitution,

iii)                  Media people are not thinking as quality knowledge persons for understanding & expressing their thought what the democracy is what the constitution is & what the duties are of the political leaders as public elected representative. ,  

All are needed to be understanding quality knowledge persons to understand

1)       what the democracy

2)       the lawful system in democracy &

3)       the rules of law making with the opinion of the majority people for ruling the country lawfully

4)       to do welfare work for the people of Bangladesh in lawful honest administration

5)       Under constitution.

 
 
 


--- On Sat, 20/2/10, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular - Farhad Mazhar
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Received: Saturday, 20 February, 2010, 4:06 AM

 
 The Secular State [where the state does not promote any particular religion and freedom to practice any religion exist] is an ingredient of a Democratic System. If it was mechanistically so simple that "Democracy means democracy", then why do the countries need  Constitutions for ? 
The constitutions essentially elaborate the perimeters of democracy, state power and  individual rights in the country. Without a democratic constitution the "real democracy will never appear" !
 
FYI,
 
A secular state is a concept whereby a state or country purports to be officially neutral in matters of religion, supporting neither religion nor irreligion. A secular state treats all its citizens equally regardless of religion, and claims to avoid preferential treatment for a citizen from a particular religion/nonreligio n over other religions/nonreligi on.
A secular state protects freedom of religion. It is also prevents religion from interfering with state affairs, and prevents religion from controlling government or exercising political power. Laws protect each individual including religious minorities from discrimination on the basis of religion.
A secular state is not an atheistic state (e.g. Albiania under Enver Hoxha), in which the state officially opposes all religious beliefs and practices. In some secular states, there can be a huge majority religion in the population (e.g.USA, New Zealand etc.) and in others there may be great religious diversity.
 It is wonderful to see that many people like yourself have moved to New Zealand, America etc and enjoy the benefit d of a secular state and freely practice their religion without any interference from
the Government.
 
Pope: New Zealand Far Too Secular
Sep 22, 2004 ... Pope: New Zealand Far Too Secular. ... Pope John Paul II told an eight-strong delegation of New Zealand Catholic ... Church/State Separation · Religious Right, Extremism · Religion & Theism · Bible Analysis, Commentary ...
atheism.about. com/b/... /pope-new-zealand-far-too-secular.htm - Cached - Similar
Human Rights in New Zealand Today
New Zealand is a secular State with no State religion, where religious and democratic structures are separated. In legislation and policy, the State ...
www.hrc.co.nz/ report/summary/ summary09. html
 
 
On Thu, Feb 18, 2010 at 4:59 AM, dina khan <dina30_khan@ yahoo.com> wrote:
 
 
Democracy means democracy. It should not be classified or any adjective should not be added. If you add any adjective to the democracy it will create misunderstanding among the people. If you say secular democracy then some people may ask for other type of democracy such as Islamic Democracy or social democracy or Control Democracy or Basic Democracy.  Then democracy will be complicated & real democracy will be disappeared.
Mr. Majhar is a wise man but by saying secular democracy indirectly he is creating inspiration for doing movement to the people who are confused about the meaning of secular.
So democracy should not be complicated.
It can be made a very simple procedure. It can be made a lawful system by the opinion of the majority people in  the system of lawful proceeding for doing welfare to the people under the system lawful good administration
 
 
--- On Tue, 16/2/10, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
 

From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular - Farhad Mazhar
To: chottala@yahoogroup s.com
 
Received: Tuesday, 16 February, 2010, 9:29 AM

 
You seem to be confused and mixed up [your business as usual]. The issue is "secular state". Farhad Mazhar has very correctly asserted
that "Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular"

All nations have built democracy through historical processes..
Our Nation is no exception ...........
 
When Abraham Lincoln delivered his famous Gettysburg speech
(November 19, 1863) on democracy: " that government of the people,
by the people, for the people ..."
 
The word  "people" did not include, blacks, red Indians and women and
even non-owner of property ....
 
Your fraustration about FatwaBazi is understandable ...FatwaBazi is
part of Theocracy, not of a Secular Democratic State.
Yes, "Australia New Zealand Canada USA UK is pure lawful democratic country"
and above all, these are Secular Democratic countries
where state and religion are seperated with complete freedom to practice
religion .... any religion. [Although these are Christian majority countries)
There is no second class citizen(s) based on one faith and religion
in these countries.
 
BTW, if you keep your comments within the subject under discussion,
you will be appreciated more .... Again, your proposition ""Secular is the condition of some leader's opinion"  is wrong and your current post is out of context while
discussing Farhad Mazhar's article on Secular State and Democracy ..
[Hope, you read the article, not just the title of the article]
 
On 2/15/10, dina khan <dina30_khan@ yahoo.com> wrote:
Australia New Zealand Canada USA UK is pure lawful democratic country.  Government is for the people of the people by the people not for the leader of any party like Bangladesh
People are free mind thought can do their religion activities according to their faith. No minister could give any fatoa like Bangladesh Minister.
Ministers & political leaders of those countries follow the rules of law & maintain the lawful system of democracy. Not they use false speaking word as like the Bangladesh Ministers use to speaking.
The leaders & politicians of Bangladesh should need to learn knowing what the politic is rules of democracy system of democracy & the duty of people's representative. They should not do practice false speaking ill propaganda for misguiding the people & to make them foolish which make the democracy & system of democracy quality less & meaning less..
--- On Sun, 14/2/10, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
 
From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular - Farhad Mazhar
 
To: chottala@yahoogroup s.com

Received: Sunday, 14 February, 2010, 4:36 AM

 
Where did you find that "Secular is the condition of some leader's opinion". ? Your propostion is totally 
wrong.  Secularism has nothing to do with the leader..... It is socio-political doctrine that the state does
not promote any particular religion, rather freedom to practice all religions according the individual's choice.
 
Secularism is opposite of communalism and theocracy..
A democratic state is the state of all of it's citizens .....no discrimination based on ethnicity
or religion. There is no second class citizen based on religion or ethnicity.
In a real Democratic Country, the state and religion is seperated .... and all of it's citizens
are free to practice their religion.
 
The state "shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people
peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.  ..."  reflects
the essence of democracy... ..
 
Believe it or not, people from all over the world are  moving  to secular countries like
New  Zealand, Australia and USA etc, livinbg their theocratic homelands behind. In these
countries the citizens are free to practice their own religion without any intervension from the
state.
 
By all accounts New Zealand is a secular country !!!!! [New Zealand Far Too Secular]
 
0  0  Auckland, AU, NZ
8  5  North Shore, AU, NZ
9  5  Takapuna, AU, NZ
12 7  Manukau City, AU, NZ
14 8  Papatoetoe, AU, NZ
15 9  Howick, AU, NZ
18 11 Albany, AU, NZ
20 12 Waitakere, AU, NZ
30 18 Manurewa, AU, NZ

 
Note:Secular state - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A secular state is a concept of secularism, whereby a state or country purports to be .... Australia ·
Federated States of Micronesia · New Zealand ...
en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Secular_state -
On 2/12/10, dina khan <dina30_khan@ yahoo.com> wrote:

Democracy & secularism can not coexist

Because

Democracy is the process of mass people's opinions &

Secular is the condition of some leader's opinion which is not democracy system.

Actual fact is that  

Democracy is the lawful system for the people of the people by people

Whereas

Secular is the fascist dictator system leaded by the leader for the leader of the leader ------

Not for or by or of mass people opinion...


--- On Sat, 13/2/10, Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com> wrote:
From: Syed Aslam <Syed.Aslam3@ gmail.com>
Subject: [
chottala.com] Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular - Farhad Mazhar
To: "notun Bangladesh" <notun_bangladesh@ yahoogroups. com>, "Sonar Bangladesh" <SonarBangladesh@ yahoogroups. com>, history_islam@ yahoogroups. com, chottala@yahoogroup s.com

Received: Saturday, 13 February, 2010, 12:11 AM

 
Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular  -  Farhad Mazhar, a leading intellectual, tells New Age
Friday 17 July 09
You were culturally active before and during the country's war of national independence, which was a culmination of a series of social, political and cultural movements against the Pakistani military rulers of the day. What were your political motivations behind your active role in the war of national independence?
   My activism primarily was poetic. This was the time when we were imagining ourselves as a new political community representing urban middle class. We thought imagining ourselves as a homogenous population was possible because by then agrarian Bangladesh was undergoing transformation. Zamindari system has been abolished and the possibility of an agrarian capitalist transformation in a progressive sense was becoming imminent.
   Since the colonial period, peasant movement was primarily focused on land reform measures to change land ownership and production relationships in land. Despite the fact that zaminders were also members, a major step in the direction of land reforms dates back to the formation of Bengal Land Reforms Commission in 1940, Francis Floud as the chairman. We must remember the contribution of AK Fazlul Huq and his Krishak Praja Party. The fascinating part of the history was that Floud recommended abolition of zamindaris, which meant abolition of all rent-receiving interests above the tiller of the soil. All subinfeudation of land holdings was abandoned. The commission wanted abolishment of all interests existing between state power i.e., the government and the peasant behind the plough, the actual cultivators. Before the draft legislation to abolish zamindari could be passed, we were in 1947, Bengal was partitioned.
   The point I am raising is, that in 1947 imagination of the peasantry at large against the zaminders and mahajons, who were mostly Hindu, played the major role in forming the ideology of Pakistan. However, it started to change immediately after 1947 with rise of the new technology of communication, i.e., print technology, creating possibility of a 'pramit' bangla and a literature that could appear as homogenous in contrast to diverse idiolects. The so-called banglabhasha of print-language created a homogeneity through a unified field of exchange and communication and created possibility of a new national consciousness. This time imagining the new political community came from urban middle-classes in contrast to the peasantry of '40s or the peasant movement led by Sher-e-Bangla AK Fazlul Huq. Given the colonial education received by the urban educated middle-class, and their familiarity with colonial history rather than their own past and own people, the nationalism of 1971 was shaped by linguistic model. Nevertheless we retained the contradiction between our peasant mind and colonised urban mentality lacking any sense of history.
   This background is important to understand the role many of us played in 1971. I particularly would like to mention about Ahmed Safa, Humayun Kabir and most of the members of Lekhak Sangram Shibir. Lekhak Sangram Shibir was led by Safa; the radical poet Humayun and I played organising role. Safa, on one hand, was critical of peasant mind or peasant imagination, very obvious in his monumental essay 'bangali musalmaner mon', on the other, he was akin to and great fan of European enlightenment. He is interesting because in him we can identify the dilemma of that period. The same dilemma is quite obvious in my first book of poem titled 'Khokon ebong tar protipurush'. This was the struggle of the poet who is encaged in urban middle-class imaginations, created by the poetics of print-technology, i.e. adhunik bangla kabita, but who could easily anticipate the arrival of a new bloody era of battle field not merely outside, but inside as well. A historical battle between two types of political community — the community of the masses and the community of the urban middle class. Unfortunately, until today we failed to settle this dilemma, contradiction and antagonism – no matter how you phrase it.
   So, culturally speaking, I do not agree with the way you have posed the question. 1971 was not the culmination of a series of social, political and cultural movements against the Pakistani military rulers of the day. This was how it appeared and became the dominant narrative of that faction of elite Bengali middle-class lacking understanding of history and the dynamics of the class and cultural struggles. History to them is only the '9-month-of-war' . It is rather culmination of the unfinished tasks of peasant revolutionary movements – failure of the anti-feudal democratic forces both in India and Pakistan and our failure to constitute ourselves as homogeneous political community. Again, from cultural point of view, it was inevitable, because the so-called Bengali imaginations of literate population created by print-technology are perversely posed against the culture of the masses, their daily individual and collective struggle. Bengali nationalists imagined that they can constitute a political community based only on language and culture. But when after 1971, peasantry started to reassert the role of Islam and the values and cultures they cherish, we ended up splitting into two political camps. Now it has erupted as war between secularists and the Islamists – threatening the very existence of Bangladesh.
   All along these years, my primary motivation as a cultural activist, was to resolve this historical contradiction and explore ways to constitute us as a political community that could integrate mass imagination into the imagination of the urban middle-class that played positive role in 1971, or vice versa, making Bangladesh a viable state. We must develop cultural capacity to fight against the present era of imperialism, particularly the so-called war against terrorism that targets mainly Muslim population. We must learn ways to become a part of global community and reject all forms of identity politics — language, culture or religion, except what Gayatri Spivak calls 'strategic essentialism' — an identity that is strategically necessary to confront predatory cultures and imperialism, without reducing it as our sole essence, our eternal identity. Except this strategic essentialism, I oppose all forms of identity politics. I am not a Bengali nationalist or a Bangladeshi and thanks Allah, I am not an Islamist either. We may blame each other and cut each others' throat. But we must contemplate on what went wrong in our history, what were historical accidents that cannot be understood in linear simple terms, what are the socio-economic and political dynamics of our historical formation that is full of contradictions and problems.
   I was striving to become the voice of the time, struggling hard to aesthetically capture the emerging subjectivity that was forming during the early periods of liberation movement, before '71. It was not an easy task. My political motivation was also guided by the keen interest in demonstrating the political possibility of poetry, but not to reduce poetry to achieve the goal of politics. Honestly speaking, I am not an intellectual or cultural activist. My hesitation comes from the dominant notion of such terms. They conveniently cloak petty-bourgeois egoism as if we can indeed contribute to resolve the challenges of our time by merely being 'intellectual' or 'cultural' activists in urban elite setting. I would rather invite all to the festivity of being together, to be inclusive as much as possible without denying the spaces we need to explore ourselves on our own. We cannot solve the problems of the real people by constructing imaginary 'people' and their imaginary 'problems' in drawing rooms, that only fits our own intellectual and cultural prejudices. This is what I have learnt from Mao Ze Dong – the cultural of massline – the line that empowers the oppressed. Yes I have always followed the massline.
   We are afraid (and perhaps intellectually incapable) to question our prejudices; for example, our notion of 'nationalism', our totally unhistorical and often Eurocentric (if not racist) conception of 'secularism' as if all societies must be casted by the model of the Europe, or America. Our persistent effort to contrast 'secularism' against 'Islam' or Islamism is simply amazing. Our Idea of Islam – that never goes beyond theology and clerical explanation devoid of philosophy or even the very primary nuances of the Sufis is bizarre. There are many types of secularisms as there are many kinds of Islams; however, we do not even recognise the need to understand different trends and politics, we rather love to throw and divide all in two baskets. We are not even aware that in the name of 'secularism' in the era of 'war against terrorism' we often unknowingly implement the 'Project of New American' century. We are not mature enough to draw our difference from the predatory and violent politics of George Bush, the junior because we insist, like any cleric, to understand Islam as theology or political project to establish the rule of the Muslims. We cannot read Islam as philosophy and culture.
   For historical reasons, urban middle-classes are largely communal because of the legacy they carry from colonialism and their inability to reckon with anything which is 'strange' to them, even the indigenous tradition is nothing more than 'native' culture in colonial sense; in their discourse they are discussed as 'lokayata' or 'oitijjaya' — culture of the local people in contrast to 'global' —- lacking any universal or global significance. We have deep prejudice against theology, religion or any unfolding of the spirit that confronts the project of 'modernity', i.e., colonialism and imperialism. These are all manifestation of the historical failure that I spoke before.
   
   Why have we not yet been able to institutionalise representative democracy in the true sense of the term? How much responsibility would you attribute to the political class for this failure? And what is about the role of intelligentsia?
   While I understand 'democracy' as the possibility of constituting ourselves as homogeneous member of a political community, defined by democratic constitution based on the rights of persons with responsibility, I see no value to talk about 'representative democracy'. I honestly do not know what representative democracy 'in the true sense of the term' means. Electing representatives to the parliament of a state constituted by undemocratic constitution cannot be democratic; for example. We have elected a parliament recently, but constituted the dictatorial power of a single person, Sheikh Hasina, because of the existing constitution.
   Besides, there are many philosophical problems in the notion of 'representative democracy' – I do not want to get into it. However, I cannot but feel tempted to quote Fakir Lalon Shah in order to think more creatively. I would like to quote from a beautiful song: eke bohe ononta dhara, tumi ami nam bewara, bhober pore. We can interpretatively translate few lines as the following:
   'In One flows the Many and the eternal stream of multiplicity. What does it matter whether it manifests through your Name or Mine? The task is to become that Individual who contains the Multiplicity and has internalized the art of becoming the manifestation of the Many.'
   The challenge Lalon talks about is becoming One in Many. It's not a problem of representation, but developing the capacity to become the will of the Many people in One: One becoming Many. I find this song a fascinating critique of representative democracy. What does it matter if I vote a person to represent my will formally? Is it not more interesting to see who in our time embodies the will of all in his/her activities? Does it matter if the collectivity is asserted by your name or mine?
   
   Many people argue that it is the weak political institutions and lack of democratic practices in and among the political parties that has always paved the way for military intervention, direct or indirect, in the country's political process time and again. What should the political parties/parliament do to ensure civilian control over military establishment at the moment, and stop recurrence of any extra-constitutiona l take over of power by the military in future?

   I think we must understand the intellectual and political capacity of the dominant middle-class, or 'bourgeois' as we can call them politically. Although commercial capital relations have become the dominant mode of economy, we are a society where capitalist relation of production is still stagnant. The highest economic idea of poverty reduction that this class could produce is providing credit to the poor. What else can you expect from this class? Given the military rule of the last two years — we are now collapsing as an economy. So, it is not a problem of institution building but the failure to create economic (material) condition to build democratic institution. I am afraid we are heading for far worse period than we experienced earlier. I anticipate fascistic and anarchic tendencies and rampant human rights violations. We definitely have bad times ahead.
   Secondly, whether you admit it or not — the power of the political parties are derived from the army they maintain. Army rule only reveals the dictatorial and coercive power of the ruling class. In a way it is better for the masses, since they can see and experience the naked power of the ruling elite and realise the futility of the present politics. We need radical democratic change — I guess all the experiments with liberal democracy have terribly failed. We must rethink the future tasks and paths for democratic transition.
   As you have noticed, I have tried to respond to the questions from cultural perspectives. I think the problem should be located in the historical development of the Bengali middle-class and their cultural mind. So far we have seen that they are capable of breeding anarchy or fascism — and not democracy.
   
   A promise of the independence movement was abolition of economic disparities among citizens. But the promise still remains unmet. What, in your view, are the weaknesses of the economic policies pursued by the subsequent governments of Bangladesh that have failed our people to get their economic aspirations met?
   If you are referring to the so-called idea of 'socialism' during the '70s, we should be careful. These ideas, in most cases, were actually socialism of the 'feudal' or petty-bourgeois classes and therefore ended up being bureaucratic capitalism in economics and one-party fascism in politics. Culturally, it produced rampant racism. I will argue that such 'socialism' was one of the main reasons that we failed to install 'democracy'.
   
   Secularism was one of the fundamental principles of Bangladesh during its emergence as a nation state. But, the state has deviated from its original commitment, and finally a military ruler has made Islam the religion of the state. Now that an elected government is in power and that too with a three-fourths majority in parliament, can the country's secular democrats expect amendment to constitution to restore the secular principle of the state?
   I have only one humble observation with regards to this question. If we are indeed committed to have democracy why do we need to talk about 'secularism' separately? Democracy implies that the state will not be based on any theological principle but only on the democratic will of the people. Democratic state by definition cannot be anything but secular. Why do we need secularism over and above 'democracy'?
   First, it manifests our lack of understanding of both 'democracy' and 'secularism'. Secondly, the partisan political force that included secularism over and above democracy as state principle had very different intention than 'secularism' as we understand from the history of Europe. They actually posed linguistic cultural identity against Islam. They believe that Bengali nationalism is incompatible with Islam. Islam has been seen as antagonistic to linguistic nationalism. Islam as an integral component of Bengali culture has also been systematically denied. So here again we see the antagonism between urban middle-class and consciousness of the popular masses — the urban elite middle-class who under the cloak of 'secularism' intended to confront Islam is now facing militant Islam as an outcome of this lack of minimal conceptual understanding of democracy and secularism. Masses, of whom I was speaking earlier, accordingly interpreted secularism as a political project against Islam. They reacted against this project creating political space for Islamism.
   I am afraid we have lost cultural opportunity to resolve this grave problem.
 

 
 
 
 


 
 
 

 

 

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