The Cat is Coming out of the Bag Now...
The Cat's Coming out of the Bag Now...
Originally uploaded by imageining Is it true? Yes, slowly the cat is coming out of the bag. Yes, it's only possible in Bangladesh. BDnews24 reports, (New York, Oct 18)
General Moeen U Ahmed said Wednesday it could be easier to tackle the situation prior to January 11 if there was a national security council. "If there was such a council it would have been possible to maintain balance in the administration in tackling the situation before January 11. If the common people are asked 90 percent of them would not want to go back to pre-1/11 situation."
How could a national security council ensure a fair election in Bangladesh when the ruling BNP-Jamaat Allaince made the EC and CTG very partisan and ineffective? Has any one been charged to make the previous CTG a failure? Has anyone reviewed the partisan acts of the previous Election Commission? No, and most likely not. We enjoy to be oblivious about all the facts that led the political uprising in January.Interestingly, now the Army Chief demands a national security council comprising of the army personnel that could prevent all the political turmoil!! Indeed, only the Bangladesh Army holds the key to all the troubles and challenges that took place in January when BNP-Jamaat arrogance and autocracy led the country to absolute political instability.
Remember the best quote of the Army Chief General Moeen U. Ahmed in April when he said Bangladesh democracy fails. BBC reported at that time: "We do not want to go back to an elective democracy where corruption becomes all pervasive, governance suffers in terms of insecurity and violation of rights, and where political criminalisation threatens the very survival and integrity of the state," Lt Gen Moeen U Ahmed told a conference in the capital Dhaka".
Yes, the cat is coming out of the bag, will soon take the hat off, too.
Posted by Deshi Blogger at 7:25 AM 0 comments
Labels: Army, Democracy, General Moeen
Questions to General Moeen
Symbols of fascist oppression
Originally uploaded by E-Bangladesh.org Bangladesh Army Chief, General Moeen Ahmed, is now visiting the USA. His visit to the USA has been closely observed by the Bangladeshi expatriates. There are so many unanswered questions that are floating now about the political developments of Bangladesh that need to be answered. There are some valid and rational questions and points getting enough attention from the political observers. They are as follows:
1. .General Ahmed has repeatedly stressed that all the approximately 250,000 people arrested so far and the unknown number still detained are all corrupt. There have only been 20 or so trials to date. How has General Ahmed determined that these people are guilty? These people are being presumed guilty and the onus is on them is to prove their innocence in order to obtain their freedom. This is an egregious violation of human rights and due process.
2. General Ahmed has announced at a press conference in London that he intends to expand the size of the present cabinet. The current regime has run for 9 months now. Therefore, if elections are to be held as soon as possible, there is no reason to expand the size. Our constitution also has absolutely no provision for any alteration of the size or form of an interim government. His intention to expand the government is an indication that rather than hold elections as soon as possible, he intends for this regime to stay longer.
3. He has further floated the idea of forming a National Security Council which will have veto power over Parliament. This is completely undemocratic and follows the same path that General Musharraf took in Pakistan. It is simply another vehicle for him to hold on to power and will have the same consequences it did in Pakistan.
4. General Ahmed has proposed changing the structure of our government to alter the power balance. This can only be altered by a two thirds majority of an elected Parliament. There are absolutely no other provisions in our constitution for such changes. Past constitutional changes made by dictators include the removal of the separation of church and state by General Ziaur Rahman and the bar on floor crossings by Members of Parliament by General Ershad. Much of the present difficulties in governing Bangladesh are a direct result of these unconstitutional changes. Unfortunately, it also takes a two thirds majority to reverse them.
5. The military regime has announced that it will hold municipal elections between January and March. Yet the state of emergency is still being maintained. It takes several months to gear up an effective election campaign, which is completely prevented by the state of emergency and the climate of fear it projects. Any elections held under such circumstances will be meaningless.
6. The voters list and electoral laws used in the municipal elections are the same as the ones for national elections. Therefore, if municipal elections can be held by March, there is absolutely no reason why national elections cannot be conducted in this timeframe as well. The only reason to hold municipal elections earlier is that they receive far less monitoring and are, therefore, easier to manipulate. Once municipal posts are controlled, then it becomes easier to manipulate the national elections far ahead of Election Day. This is a tactic that has been employed by all past military regimes.
7. General Ahmed has publicly stated in a speech that "Bangladesh will have to construct its own brand of democracy… with religion being one of several components of its national identity." This further explains the near total immunity the Islamic parties, particularly Jamaat-e-Islami, have enjoyed in spite of evidence of terrorism and corruption against them.
8. Some of the most corrupt politicians from both the major parties remain immune from prosecution and in fact are being actively supported by this regime in trying to break up the two major parties and form new ones. Without the two major parties, the fundamentalist parties will inevitably be the most powerful voice in any new coalition.
Bangladesh deserves democracy. Prolonging a non elected interim government will open doors for autocracy and abuse. People should immediately raise the following demands to the Army Chief:
1. Free detainees who have not been found guilty yet and are clearly not a flight risk. Remaining trials should be conducted in open courts under Bangladeshi penal code and not by closed special tribunals under the Emergency Powers Rule, which are abusive.
2. Lift the state of emergency immediately.
3. Engage the major political parties in any discussions on reforms. Reforms pushed through without their "buy in" will be meaningless and only result in future conflict.
4. Conduct national elections as soon as possible. If municipal elections are possible, then so are national elections in their stead.
----- Original Message ----
From: abid bahar <abidbahar@yahoo.com>
To: abid bahar <abidbahar@yahoo.com>; SouthAsia Watch <sawhr97@aol.com>; NFB News from Bangladesh <nfb@citech-bd.com>; noazabd@gmail.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; "bdresearchers@yahoogroups.combangladesh" <bdresearchers@yahoogroups.com>; khabor@yahoogroups.com; Alochana alochana <alochona@yahoogroups.com>; MBI Munshi <mbimunshi@gmail.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com; zoglul@hotmail.co.uk; khabor@yahoogroups.com; rehman.mohammad@gmail.com; vbrawat@gmail.com; premlaliguras@hotmail.com; mokarram76@yahoo.com; rivercrossinternational@yahoo.com
Cc: Amra Bangladesi <amra-bangladesi@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, July 25, 2008 3:45:02 AM
Subject: Re: Moeen as Bangladesh's Musharraf
Monday, March 10, 2008
Moeen as Bangladesh's Musharraf
Moeen as Bangladesh's Musharraf
By J. Sri Raman
Source: t r u t h o u t
March 2, 2008
In our preoccupation with Pakistan and its embattled president, many of us have almost forgotten another South Asian country and another general encountering another pro-democracy movement. General Moeen U Ahmed, chief of the Bangladesh armed forces, was in New Delhi for a week since February 24 to remind India and the region of his role as the other Pervez Musharraf.
Moeen was supposed to be here on a "military-to-military" mission, and met Indian counterpart Deepak Kapoor and External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, reportedly to discuss cooperation in defense. Moeen, however, did not stop there.
It has been made public on his behalf that that he pleaded with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's government to help make Bangladesh safe for restored democracy by prevailing upon Bangladesh's two most prominent contenders for civilian power not to return to electoral politics. The reported plea warrants the presumption that the recent events in Pakistan prompted Moeen's India visit, which was put off last year on the officially cited ground of floods in Bangladesh.
The Musharraf syndrome is manifestly obvious here. As Pakistan's military ruler, its present president of uncertain powers had for years tried to prevent the country's two most prominent aspirants for civilian power from returning home and joining electoral politics. He was forced, however, to allow the return of former Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif - and even of the elections. Musharraf continues to be engaged in a contained confrontation with Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari - Bhutto's husband who is playing her political role after her horrible end.
Moeen, of course, is no president, but he is the power behind the throne in Bangladesh. The army-backed government in Dhaka, too, tried to exile former Prime Ministers Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Begum Khaleda Zia, but failed. Moeen and his men also tried to prevent the return of Hasina from a visit abroad, and failed again under international pressure. The leaders of the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh National Party (BNP), however, have been kept away from all political activities through a slew of corruption cases and long spells of under-trial detention.
Indications have been reported of Moeen's possible plans to install himself eventually as the president in the place of Fakruddin Ahmed, in charge of the current caretaker regime. It is not known, however, whether something like Pakistan's National Reconciliation Order, freeing the two leaders from corruption cases, will precede such a move. But there is another respect, certainly, in which Moeen is trying to do a Musharraf.
Musharraf may not really have profited by splitting Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and forming a party named after the Quaid-e-Azam (the title of Pakistan's founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah.) The PML-Q has ended up a distant third, after Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the PML-Nawaz, in the recent general election. The example, however, has not deterred Moeen from making a similar effort to give himself political legitimacy in the Bangladesh general election that the caretaker regime has promised to hold before the year end.
Last year, the army-backed government in Dhaka tried its utmost to push Nobel-winning economist Mohmmad Yunus into politics and help him form a party to end both main parties. The attempt proved abortive, with Yunus seeing through the cynical game. Efforts followed to break the both the AL and the BNP. Not much success has attended these efforts, and the parties as a whole have remained loyal to the harassed leaders with halos of their own.
Moeen and his men, however, have not given up. According to informed observers, he would like to be sure of a two-thirds majority in a new parliament to ratify the 37 ordinances, through which he has ruled the country for the last 13 months. Will two split-away parties give Moeen what a single one could not provide Musharraf? Few observers will answer that in the affirmative.
Moeen would appear to have no illusions about what a real democracy can do for him. Even as far back as last April, he caused more than a few political ripples by declaring at a public meeting that Bangladesh would not return to "an elective democracy." Days ago, he elaborated on the same theme. Asserting that the country had tried "Westminster-type parliamentary democracy for the last 15 years," but could not make it work, he called for "a form of democracy that is suitable for us."
The particular form of democracy he has in mind may suit neither the major political parties nor the people used to polls. Nothing, however, would suit the army more, or the religious parties and forces, particularly the Jamaat-e-Islami, which, as a member of Begum Zia's coalition regime, distinguished itself by its divisive role in the Bangladesh society. The poor electoral showing of the clerical parties in Pakistan has not made their Bangladeshi counterparts ardent partisans of ballot politics either.
Moeen and the army-propped regime were able to delay the democratic process for quite some time with an anti-corruption campaign that brought some of the political luminaries of the past to law. The glamor of the campaign, however, has worn thin, with its perceived excesses hitting the country's economy and with graft in the army and in select political circles appearing to have been placed outside its purview. the anti-corruption crusade has lost its attraction all the more following the recent steep spiral in the prices of rice, pulses and other essential commodities.
All this has not been lost on Moeen and his mandarins in the caretaker regime. They crushed a rebellion of campus origin months ago, but they know that popular discontent can find a dangerous expression again. They have made certain moves to win over the political opposition. This include official initiatives to rehabilitate martyred Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, liberator of Bangladesh and father of Hasina, as the "Father of the Nation," and Ziaur Rahman, former president and husband of Begam Khaleda Zia as a "patriot," besides a promise to try the "war criminals of 1971." By most accounts, however, the moves cannot succeed in stalling the pro-democracy movement.
It is interesting to recall, in this context, that Moeen himself was in Pakistan during the Bangladesh Liberation War and joined and returned to the country's armed forces as a "repatriated officer." The past record itself may not go against his current political ambitions. As in Musharraf's case, however, a massive democratic upsurge can do so.
Posted by Deshi Blogger at 9:17 AM 0 comments
Labels: Army, Diplomacy, General Moeen, Millitary Government, Politics
Thursday, February 28, 2008
No new brand of democracy
Source: UPI Asia Online
Rater Jonaki
Februrary 25, 2008
HONG KONG, China, The chief of the Bangladesh army, General Moeen U Ahmed, has been calling for the country to have its "own brand of democracy" for a long time. The concept, reiterated in the general's recently published book, is a burning topic in the country.
The general has not publicly clarified exactly what he means by his "own brand of democracy" theory; thus people are both curious and suspicious about what it would entail. Would this be another militarized brand of democracy?
In some of his recent media appearances Moeen has emphasized this undisclosed type of democracy in order to criticize current practices of the government of Bangladesh, as well as that of Britain, by calling them "Westminster democracy." In Moeen's view, there are only two political parties in Britain, which do not represent the whole range of public opinion. On the other hand, Bangladesh had been ruled by an extraordinarily powerful prime minister, who has always been supported by the ruling party and opposed by the opposition.
The reality of democracy in Bangladesh is basically that the government is formed through an election in which many voters are deprived of the right to cast their vote, and others are forced to vote a certain way, by the musclemen who control different areas of the country. It is almost more a feudal society than a democratic one.
Sometimes candidates have felt they were defeated as a result of vote-rigging or other malpractice and have lodged complaints with the Election Commission. In some such instances, the commission has failed to reach a judgment until after the current session of Parliament was over. By that time, the person who was elected -- legally or illegally -- has already enjoyed all the perks and privileges of being a member of Parliament, including participating in making legislation.
From the local government to the national elections, the use of excessive muscle power is more or less the same. It does not represent the opinion of the electors.
In decision making, whether in Parliament or at various levels of government, might is right! For instance, according to section 70 (1) of the Constitution of Bangladesh, a member of Parliament will be deemed absent if he votes against his party's position, even if the proposed bill is unrealistic or controversial or contradicts fundamental rights provided in the Constitution. Nothing more is necessary to show how arbitrary is the Constitution in supporting party politics, especially the ruling party. This cannot be called democracy in any sense.
The question is how democracy is perceived and practiced and participated in by society. Democracy requires the rule of law, not the rule of bureaucrats or politicians or the police.
What happens in Bangladesh if someone's civil rights are violated? Can the person lodge a complaint without paying a bribe at the police station? Is there any acceptable institution working to monitor what the police are doing and undoing? Will there be any impartial and honest investigation by the police unless both parties bribe the investigating officer as well as the concerned officials?
Is there any guarantee that there will be no interference by any of the influential groups, including public representatives and public servants, if any of the parties are in a position to involve them? Is there any guarantee that prosecution will take place without any bias or exploitation, by extracting money or delaying the matter if it doesn't serve the interest of the related professionals to resolve it?
Is there any guarantee that the judge or magistrate will be honest during the trial? Is there any guarantee that the order of the court will be implemented, if it requires intervention from any other government institution? Is there any guarantee that authorities will be held responsible for ignoring their jobs or failing to prove their accountability to the citizens?
Unfortunately, the answers to all the above questions will be a frustrated "No." That's why democracy does not work and people do not get the real benefits of it; rather the Bangladeshis are forced to learn how to suffer more and more.
If anyone truly wishes to benefit the people, he or she must make a credible attempt to change the existing system that runs the country. Bangladesh does not need to give birth to any "mule" type of democracy.
Democracy has its own qualities and characteristics, and these include accountability on the part of elected officials. Militarization of all sectors of the country should be avoided. Rather than discussing "reformation" in mocking tones, truly concerned leaders should throw out the repressive systems of government and replace them with effective and functioning institutions that accord with the laws of the land and serve the real needs of the people.
Bangladesh is overwhelmed by the black hands and arbitrary attitudes of the rulers and their associates. This rubbish needs to be removed from the nation forever.
________________________________
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)
----- Original Message ----
From: abid bahar <abidbahar@yahoo.com>
To: abid bahar <abidbahar@yahoo.com>; SouthAsia Watch <sawhr97@aol.com>; NFB News from Bangladesh <nfb@citech-bd.com>; noazabd@gmail.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; "bdresearchers@yahoogroups.combangladesh" <bdresearchers@yahoogroups.com>; khabor@yahoogroups.com; Alochana alochana <alochona@yahoogroups.com>; MBI Munshi <mbimunshi@gmail.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com; zoglul@hotmail.co.uk; khabor@yahoogroups.com; rehman.mohammad@gmail.com; vbrawat@gmail.com; premlaliguras@hotmail.com; mokarram76@yahoo.com; rivercrossinternational@yahoo.com
Cc: Amra Bangladesi <amra-bangladesi@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, July 25, 2008 3:40:50 AM
Subject: Re: Gen Moeen at Mysterious Harvard Seminar
Wednesday, October 24, 2007
Gen Moeen at Mysterious Harvard Seminar
General Moeen's Mysterious Harvard Seminar
When Bangladeshi news media reported that the Bangladesh's first four star general Gen. Moeen U. Ahmed would deliver a seminar at the prestigious Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government (KSG), we the Bangladeshi Diaspora were delighted. We were reported that the Harvard University invited our "strongman" to deliver a historic speech on crisis management of democracy that would be a model for nations to adopt. We echoed with General's emotions that it would bring prestige to Bangladesh military and would build up our much needed image abroad. It would be historic event as the Harvard's 1st woman President Drew Gilpin Faust in her inaugural speech on October 12, 2007 launched many special initiatives for Asia and we were pleased that our General would lead the President's Asian initiatives.
We were proud and happy at the news and therefore, we called the President's Office to thank her. Unfortunately her office appeared to have no knowledge of our General's scheduled talk. Being frustrated, we contacted other offices of The John F. Kennedy School of Government basically to get an invitation to listen to his historic speech. But to our dismay, we were told that the Bangladeshi general had no public forum or there was no scheduled talk at the university. We were further told that he might have been privately invited by a lecturer of the university for his class. The university administration had no knowledge of it.
Rumors spread quickly. Bangladeshi Diaspora of Boston reported that Professor Sumantra Bose of the Harvard University belonging to West Bengal had requested another well liked Bengali educationist, Dr. Gowher Rizvi, Director of the Harvard's Ash Center of Governance and Innovation to sponsor a public forum for the Bangladeshi General. Few months ago, he arranged a seminar for Professor Rehman Sobhan of Bangladesh. However, when we searched the Ash Center's program events, we did not find any public seminar with General Moeen Ahmed. Instead we find that there was a seminar on "Muslims in America" on October 17th. Our frustration prompted us to call the Center. They politely stated that no Bangladeshi general is their guest speaker at this time. We also inquired at The John F. Kennedy School of Government but of no avail. The mystery intensified.
We were simply stunned at it. Our hopes and expectations got a jolt. How a set program could be so illusive? Following our national leaders especially our Law Advisor Moinul Hossain we immediately thought that there must be a "conspiracy" to undermine Bangladesh and Islam. We speculated it could be The RAW of India might be behind it!! Others quipped that the Bangladesh Embassy officials belonging to BNP-AL might have foiled his scheduled talk at the KSG. To justify our hunch we concocted arguments. When General Moeen arrived in Boston he was neither been accompanied by the Bangladesh Ambassador, nor the PR, nor the Consul General. Secondly, we thought since former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's son Sajeeb Wazed Joy is a student at the Kennedy School, he might have foiled it. However, his classmates reported that they were very busy with Mid-term exams. Third, the AL and the BNP supporters might have arranged a massive protest owing to which the Harvard
University cancelled it. But fact of the matter is, there was no protest, no demonstrations. Interestingly, the local AL Vice President Abul Kalam Azad received General Moeen at the airport. More importantly, we learned that in the 300 plus years history of the Harvard University they never ever withdrew any invitation once it was issued even against all odds and protests. Does it mean that the General's much celebrated trip was a "hoax" or a total lie?
We don't know who tried to foil our General's program or malign our General. Recently, three stories became public about Gen. Moeen. First one pertaining to his receiving loans of Tk. 99 lakh from the Trust Bank that is recorded in the bank's audit statement submitted to the government, the Bangladesh Bank and the Security Exchange. Second, the re-appointment of his elder brother at the Trust Bank of which he is the ex-officio Chairperson and Director thus violating the government regulation that no two family members could be appointed as Directors of the same bank. Third, his brother-in-law grabbed properties of a few people in Maulvibazar by misusing his power. Are these true or manipulated? It is charged that Bangladesh officials that we trust often do manipulate things to meet the wishes of their boss, the rich and the
powerful.
As per reports, he was invited by a Harvard lecturer who is rumored to be appointed as a Consultant in Bangladesh. The said lecturer is an authority on election reform and US congressional issues. He also takes classes of freshmen lawmakers. It is reported that our General would attend one of his classes along with his students. Each teacher in American universities or colleges routinely invites guest speakers in his/her classes and Gen. Moeen might have got such an invitation. Who knows?
We also checked the KSG bulletin boards. The 2-days that our general would be around Harvard, the KSG will be hosting nearly 7 public seminars and none on issues relating to South Asia or Bangladesh. They had an event on Bangladesh on October 13, the Eid day--- a public lecture of Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus.
Apparently General Moeen did not arrange any meeting with any leader of Massachusetts or of the U. S. Other than Congressman Crowley of New York, he has no appointments either with any U. S. Senators or US Congressmen/women, or with senior State Department officials. Nor there is any especial meeting with the Pentagon or with senior US Army officers as per media reports. He is visiting the U. S. at a time when nine U.S. lawmakers have placed a bill to allow tax-free imports from developing countries including Bangladesh and his courtesy meetings with the US lawmakers could help passing of such bill. However, he refrained from such lobbying. Then question is; why he made such a long trip to US when his each minute is so precious and crucial?
He had a "secret public appearance" for nearly 50 minutes at a location in Holbrook a tiny town, away from Boston on October 21. The guests were instructed to maintain utmost secrecy of the event. The reason for such secrecy is reportedly due to their fear that if Bangladeshi Diaspora knows about the event, they would stage protest demonstrations as they did in Florida.
It was a private dinner party arranged by one Mr. Shaheen Khan, a convenience store owner and more importantly, Mr. Khan is a friend of General's younger brother that lives in Florida. Reportedly this was arranged to thank the General as Mr. Khan's uncle, Nurul Islam, a sacked Secretary to Begum Khaleda Zia has been reinstated. Other than family members, nearly 25/30 local people were invited at the dinner and everybody had to finish their eating before Gen. Moeen enters the venue at 9:15 PM. Private security was arranged by Mr. Khan. However, TV cameramen and selected journalists were invited at the event.
It is an irony that General Moeen, the man who started jihad against corruption and corrupt people was welcomed at the dinner party by none other than a businessman who made his fortunate through bankruptcy and defrauding creditors. He was a real estate developer in 1980s and he collected millions of dollars from thousands of people including many Bangladeshis with the promise to double/triple their investments. Unfortunately, once funds were collected, he
declared bankruptcy and his Ivy Inc. was closed down. For nearly 12 years, he stayed away from public eyes. However, in recent days, he emerged and is currently a leader of the Bangladesh Islamic Society of New England. General Moeen might not know that the man who welcomed him and solicited his help for investment in Bangladesh once defrauded his customers, his bank, and his one time well wishers. Local TV and print media covered it widely when even his lawyer was jailed for fraud.
It is rumored that General's mission to the U. S. is to meet Sheikh Hasina's family members. He visited Florida where his only son, his younger brother and also Hasina's daughter live. At Harvard, it is rumored that he wanted to meet Sajeeb Wazed Joy. It is rumored that instead of a private meeting Joy suggested an open meeting. The General, therefore, have reportedly invited all the four Bangladeshi students of The John F. Kennedy School of Government to have luncheon with him on October 23, the day of his departure to China. It is believed that after this meeting, he would decide as to how to deal with Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the AL party now under detention. It may be mentioned that as per media reports, Joy met Indian Foreign Minister during his trip to New York few weeks ago and that might prompted General Moeen to have a face-to-face dialogue with Joy. General Moeen while answering a question at the Holbrook private dinner jokingly stated that
there could be many changes in the next 14 months - a king can die, even a hoarse can fly (something impossible). Now who knows what is next.
----- Original Message ----
From: abid bahar <abidbahar@yahoo.com>
To: SouthAsia Watch <sawhr97@aol.com>; NFB News from Bangladesh <nfb@citech-bd.com>; noazabd@gmail.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; "bdresearchers@yahoogroups.combangladesh" <bdresearchers@yahoogroups.com>; khabor@yahoogroups.com; Alochana alochana <alochona@yahoogroups.com>; MBI Munshi <mbimunshi@gmail.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com; zoglul@hotmail.co.uk; khabor@yahoogroups.com; rehman.mohammad@gmail.com; vbrawat@gmail.com; premlaliguras@hotmail.com; mokarram76@yahoo.com; rivercrossinternational@yahoo.com; abid bahar <abidbahar@yahoo.com>
Cc: Amra Bangladesi <amra-bangladesi@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, July 25, 2008 3:24:37 AM
Subject: Re: Could India and Bangladesh Be Friends?
Showing posts with label General Moeen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label General Moeen. Show all posts
Wednesday, March 19, 2008
Could India and Bangladesh Be Friends?
Could India and Bangladesh Be Friends?
Anand Kumar
Source: Asia Sentinel
March 12, 2008
Visit by top Bangladesh general a sign of improving relations
Driven by concerns over northeast Indian separatists operating from Bangladeshi border areas and a flood of economic migrants to India, Bangladesh's Army Chief of Staff Gen. Moeen U Ahmed recently spent a week in India to deal with a wide range of issues in arguably the closest example of cooperation between the two countries since Bangladesh's independence in 1971.
Arriving home on March 2 after a week in India, Moeen said progress was so good that rail service would soon begin between Dhaka and Kolkata. "It will be good for all if the train service between India and Bangladesh commences," Moeen told reporters, according to Bangladeshi newspapers. "I hope the train service will start as soon as possible after settling the issue of security of the two countries."
The train service is just the most visible result of the talks. Moeen held extensive discussions with Indian army chief Gen. Deepak Kapoor on ways to further cooperation between the two armed forces in rare high-level military talks. As Bangladesh has emerged as a center for terrorist organizations, many with an anti-India agenda, India hopes the visit will lead to a mechanism for information sharing.
India has been cautious in approaching Bangladesh in the wake of a January 2007 coup that ended years of squabbling between the country's two senior politicians, Begum Khaleda Zia, the last elected prime minister who headed the Bangladesh National Party, and Sheikh Hasina Wazed, who headed the Awami League. Their bitter electoral rivalry ended in chaos, spurring the coup. Both women, and scores of their supporters, remain under arrest on corruption charges. The existing caretaker government is headed by Fakhruddin Ahmad, a former World Bank official and Central Bank governor.
It is clear, however, that the army under Moeen is the spine that stiffens the caretaker government. India has chosen to do business with him as an improvement over its troublesome relationship with earlier governments.
What surprised political observers were the top Indian leaders Moeen met. The list included Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, President Pratibha Patil, Defence Minister AK Antony, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee and National Security Adviser M K Narayanan. India is keen to improve long-term ties in order to secure transit rights for its goods through Bangladesh to the poverty-stricken northeastern Assam region, where India is almost bisected by Bangladesh. India also hopes to gain access to the Chittagong port at the mouth of the Ganges River and a commitment on transit of natural gas from Burma and possibly, the northeastern states.
For the immediate future, India expects a commitment from the general to clamp down on anti-India militants using Bangladesh as a safe haven. India is also concerned about illegal immigration. In return, India has shown its willingness to put Pranab Mukherjee's November promise into effect to make a one-time exception and export a half million tons of rice to Bangladesh, after shortages that led to price increases and general dissatisfaction after natural disasters last year.
Moeen also met Minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh and discussed various possibilities to improve trade and commerce, including the duty-free export of eight million pieces of readymade garments from Bangladesh. In the past, New Delhi has spoken of the possibility of reducing Bangladesh's adverse balance of trade with India by encouraging Indian investment.
Moeen and the caretaker government have taken a relatively friendly approach towards India since assuming power. In return, India has a positive take on the general. He is the first army officer commissioned after the 1971 split with Pakistan to be army chief, and he has solid relationships within the service. His time as Bangladesh's defence attaché to Pakistan also gives him more insight into the geopolitics of South Asia than some of his peers. among the Indian Army brass, there is a sense that Moeen is willing to crack down on the fundamentalists in his country.
Moeen earned a high domestic profile following the January 2007 coup, earning approval from a wide cross section of the country, with the exception of the diehard supporters of Khaleda and Hasina, whose acrimonious rivalry had stunted the economy, allowed Islamist groups to flourish and engendered corruption so thoroughgoing that Transparency International rated Bangladesh the most corrupt country in the world from 2001 to 2004. Despite the end of democracy, there was at least initial support from the population after the coup and subsequent corruption arrests.
Indo-Bangladesh relations have generally depended on the party in power in both countries. The worst depths of the bilateral relationship were during the period of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party in the 2001-2006 coalition headed by Khaleda, a time which the coalition was deaf both to Indian security concerns and economic proposals.
The caretaker government seems relatively friendly towards India. Though opinions differ in India about action taken against Islamist groups like Jamaat-ul-Muslim Bangladesh (JMB) there is a belief that that the government in Bangladesh is seeking to keep Islamists in line and out of India's hair.
India has indicated it favors a stable and friendly Bangladesh that returns to democracy. Indian President Pratibha Patil called for early elections during the joint sitting of India's Parliament, and Moeen also appears willing to follow a roadmap announced earlier for restoration of democracy. Analysts in India believe one of the objectives of his visit was to get the Indian political establishment to advise Hasina and Khaleda to stay out of national elections
The caretaker regime wants India's help to get the two political leaders bow out gracefully. Strong-arm tactics to frighten them off with corruption and murder cases have so far not been successful. Reports have also indicated that Moeen requested Indian authorities not to insist on the release of the two women before elections. India has not responded to the request.
Moeen's push for stronger bilateral relations seems to be working. India assisted in rehabilitation and reconstruction after Cyclone Sidr roared ashore in September 2007, killing 3,500 Bangladeshis. Increasing trade between the two nations has also boosted confidence that has been sorely tested for decades, especially after the assassination of the country's founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a determined secularist, in 1975. Successive governments, whether elected or authoritarian, courted the Islamist fringe, giving India cause for worry.
Posted by Deshi Blogger at 8:29 AM 1 comments
Labels: Army, Democracy, General Moeen, Millitary Government
Thursday, March 13, 2008
Gen. Moeen as the man Delhi can trust
Media treats Gen. Moeen as the man Delhi can trust
M. Shahidul Islam
Source: Holiday
March 7, 2008
The army chief's recent visit to India has drawn mythological anecdotes of varied natures. The timing and the texture of the visit aside, this was the first time an incumbent Bangladesh army chief was accorded a very unusually high-profile reception by the Indian government.
Marked by glittering galas and grandiose receptions, General Moeen U Ahmed was afforded closed-door interactions with External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Defence Minister A.K. Antony and the West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, besides the chiefs of the three services of India. Such an opportunity is usually preserved for a senior cabinet minister.
Interestingly, the visit further highlighted how the digit 'six' has become a magic number in the life of the army chief. The duration of the visit was six days long; he was gifted with six horses, and; he met six important personalities and discussed six important bilateral matters with the Indian authorities. The four-star General is also slated to be retired on the sixth day of the sixth month of this year; and he still has at least six more important things to accomplish before giving up a career that he'd successfully traversed for 33 years (3 plus 3 also equal six) to attain the pinnacle.
Despite the Indian High Commissioner Pinak Ranjan Chakrabarty's earlier comment to the media that the visit of "Bangladesh army chief was military-to-military", the itinerary of the visit belied that remark.
During the visit, the army chief has dealt with economic relations and made a fresh appeal to India to expedite the export of rice to Bangladesh and to liberalise bilateral trade. The political agenda included discussion on a plan of action for early return to democracy. The other major topic covered during the visit included bilateral security matters, joint collaboration in war on terror, prisoner extradition treaty, and Dhaka-Kolkata railway link.
The visit got catapulted into an august trajectory due partly to another reason: The President of India had greeted the arrival of Bangladesh army chief with a potent but veiled political message. No sooner the army chief landed in Delhi, President Pratibha Patil said in an address to a joint sitting of Parliament on February 25 that Bangladeshis "would be able to exercise their will through free and fair election for restoration of full democracy and liberalism in their country."
This particular signal was translated by observers as the army chief calling shots in Dhaka for all major decisions and Indian leaders and the media had reasons to treat him as the master of Bangladesh's political affairs, something the General has persistently denied. In more than one conversation with this writer, Gen. Moeen insisted he and the military were only aiding the caretaker government and he personally harbours no political intent.
However, despite all the bright side of the visit, some unwarranted display of power play by the Indian government and the media has truncated the glitters of the displayed symbolism to a great extent. At least six innocent Bangladeshis were killed by BSF in the wake of the army chief's India visit and major Indian media outlets carried an assortment of speculation-ridden stories that did not bode well with what the General's future plan is all about, at least whatever we all know. That aside, most of the Indian media also chose to present the General as the person India can trust, knowing well that a blind-pro Indianism is an anathema to the people of Bangladesh.
Reliable sources say the visit took place on the heels of an assurance from the government of Bangladesh that the army chief will get one year extension to enable him to complete a political mission which he has so enthusiastically undertaken since 1/11 to fine-tune certain fundamental pitfalls of our national polity. That is what has made him more precious to the Indian authorities who think General Moeen will roll past the electoral turmoil awaiting the nation.
Another observable factor was that astute Indian observers not paying much heed to the army chief's repeated assertion of not aiming for a political office, many of who believe the military is in power in Bangladesh.
This fabled perception was elucidated with convincing details in the Statesman newspaper of Kolkata that wrote in its post-editorial of February 29, "Having been a party, along with the USA, Britain and the EU, to giving consent to General Ahmed's takeover of power on 11 January last year so as to stall the "farcical" parliamentary poll that was scheduled for 22 January, India is now keen to know from the General how soon he plans to hold a free and fair poll and hand power back to a democratically elected government. And what plans and schedules he may have drawn up for holding such a poll, which was one of the key promises he had made when taking over. This promise was prompted by the fact that Bangladesh would have witnessed violence and chaos on an unprecedented scale. Major Western donors as well as India concurred with this view as they knew that the country's outgoing Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and her pro-Islamist four-party alliance, before
laying down office, had made elaborate arrangement to rig the poll. In fact the caretaker government, which was to oversee the exercise, had also been usurped by her with this end in view."
The Statesman's post-editorial was penned by none other than the paper's editor, Manash Ghosh, who, however, did not fail to make an insightful observation while dealing with the nuances of the prevailing political situation in Bangladesh.
Ghosh observed, "The General also realises that Khaleda Zia, who made him Army Chief, superseding four other generals, will never forgive him for his "betrayal" of putting her behind bars on "frivolous corruption charges". Khaleda's party may go for retribution. Sheikh Hasina and her party's reaction will be much the same, because he also put her behind bars on "frivolous corruption charges".
The High Court having struck down her detention as illegal has not made things any easier for the General. He is convinced that if the Hasina-led alliance wins the poll, it will wreak vengeance on him and the military. Therefore the need for him to have his own political party and secure a two-thirds majority in the poll."
In an oblique reference to the need for Indian support and the disguised political inclination of the military, at least in the author's view, Ghosh wrote, "One can well gauge the popular mood in a country where rice prices, predominantly, determine who the populace want pulling the strings in Dhaka. Perhaps this has prompted General Ahmed's government into starting a dialogue with political parties. Knowing the mind of Sheikh Hasina's alliance, it has begun to make the right noises, like calling Sheikh Mujib "father of the nation" and hinting at the process of trying war criminals of the 1971 liberation war."
The geopolitical twist of the visit came from the Indo American News Service (IANS), which has a fondness in propagating the virtues of the ongoing US-led war on terror. The IANS reported, "With a gift of six horses worth a little over $850,000), New Delhi is attempting to build bridges with Bangladesh's army chief in an attempt to persuade the eastern neighbour to cease support to anti-India insurgent groups operating from that country. The agency quoted an anonymous official for having said, "It's an attempt to build bridges, to move forward in persuading Bangladesh to stop supporting anti-India insurgent groups that are operating from its soil."
The report further said, "Even more worrisome than the anti-India groups are the operations of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Harkat-ul-Jehad-al-Islami (HuJI) extremist group. India blames the HuJI that was established in 1992, reportedly with assistance from Osama bin Laden's International Islamic Front, for two sets of blasts in Hyderabad last year." The report quoted the same anonymous official as saying, "The activities of the ISI and the HuJI will figure in the discussions with General Ahmed."
While we are not sure how much priority such issues were accorded during the army chief's visit, sources maintain the visit was a routine one and did not deal with pending political and economic agenda which the government is expected to conduct. It, nonetheless, cemented the ties of fraternity between the two close neighbours. "The army chief has earned respect at home and abroad by standing firm on cracking down corruption. That is what has prompted the Indian authorities to honour him in a special manner," said one of the sources.
Such a rationale does not seem to pacify a crowd of cynics who think the army chief's series of visits to USA, China and then to India was a calculated move to elicit consent from major powers in order to prepare himself for a political mission that might be necessitated if the forthcoming election does not yield a government of the military's liking, or the election efforts get jeopardised by unwarranted political turmoil of any breed. They reinforce this argument with examples of recent talks on forming a national government.
Others say the General, who spent his childhood studying in Pakistan -- and has had a stint as a defence adviser (DA) to the Bangladesh High Commission in Islamabad -- was either misunderstood, or underestimated, by the India authorities who imperfectly thought him to be pliant to the myriad of wishes presented before him for considerations.
"If the General had promised something, such promises must be materialised through the usual diplomatic channels with input from an elected government," commented an expert on Bangladesh-India relations.
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Sent: Friday, July 25, 2008 2:53:56 AM
Subject: Indian Army chief to visit Bangladesh July 28-30
Thailand NewsIndian Army chief to visit Bangladesh July 28-30
http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/uncategorized/indian-army-chief-to-visit-bangladesh-july-28-30_10075572.htmlJuly 24th, 2008 - 9:07 pm ICT by IANS - Email This Post
New Delhi, July 24 (IANS) The decision by India and Bangladesh to intensify cooperation in combating terrorism will receive a boost when Indian Army chief Gen. Deepak Kapoor visits the eastern neighbour July 28-30, an official said Thursday. Underlining India's commitment to strengthening ties with Bangladesh, Kapoor will be visiting Dhaka with Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta.
New Delhi hopes that the new dispensation in Dhaka would act on its complaints of cadres of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and other militants using Bangladesh as a staging post for raids into India's northeastern region.
Even more worrisome than the anti-India groups are the operations of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Harkat-ul-Jehad-al-Islami (HuJI) extremist group. India has blamed the HuJI, established in 1992 reportedly with assistance from Osama bin Laden's International Islamic Front, for two sets of blasts in Hyderabad last year.
While the official was tight lipped on the agenda for Kapoor's visit, analysts said this would include improving bilateral ties and greater military-military interactions between the Indian and Bangladeshi armed forces.
"This will essentially be a return visit for that of the Bangladesh Army chief (General Moeen U. Ahmed in February), the official added.
That visit, the first by a Bangladesh Army chief of India was considered significant as the political changes and the promulgation of an emergency in the country in January 2007 was strongly backed by the armed forces.
India has been steadily reaching out to Bangladesh and during Ahmed's visit, had gifted him six horses valued at a little over Rs.35 million ($850,000) as a token of goodwill and friendship.
Kapoor had handed over the reigns of the two stallions and four mares to Ahmed.
Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon held talks with his Bangladeshi counterpart Touhid Hossain July 17 on a wide range of bilateral, regional and global issues here in a "friendly atmosphere" aimed at building "trust and understanding" between the two countries.
Speaking to reporters after the two sides ended their annual foreign office consultations, Menon said: "We are convinced that our security is interlinked and that terrorism will have to be tackled resolutely."
"We discussed the issue of terrorism and how we both need to face it together," he said at a joint press briefing with Hossain when asked whether the issue of alleged complicity of Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HUJI), a militant outfit which is suspected to operate from Bangladesh, was involved in recent terror attacks in India.
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