Mr. Mokhter Ahmad
No matter how hard you try to divert from the real issue, demand for the
trials of Al-Bodor Death Squad members and the orgainizers of armed
Al-bodor Bahini is a legitimate demand ... during 1971 Jamaate Islami's
Al-Bodor Bahini was engaged mainly in the killings innocent civillians who
were mere supporters of Independence of Bangladesh .....
The procecution & trial process currenly in progress, has been undertaken
by a government which has been duly elected by the people of Bangladesh,
as defined in our system of democracy .....
We don't have any system of referundum in our constitutional frame-works
or tradition to resolve an issue or to exonorate the Murderers who committed
many grievous crimes against our nation & crimes against humanity
including aiding and abetting the genocide and the greatest mass rapes in
the history of mankind.
The Al-Bodor death squad and it's organizers [Golam Azam, Nizami
Mujahid gang] were politically motivated and had even misled
their party's young members in the name of religion.
Jamaate Islami is a party of the gaddars and deeply embedded
with politically motivated history of treachery against our nation.
How can you seperate "politics" from the Jamaat's criminal
actions during our struggle for independence in 1971 .
You are calling Suronjit a "criminal" because he abstained from
signing the constitution in 1972. Very Funny .... especially your
byeline shows that you are a gentleman in an academia.
Is the kind of logic that you teach in your IIUC ?
Anyway, the rules didn't need the constitution to be approved
by unanimous consent. It needed only two-third majority.
Every member had the right to sing or abstain
from signing ...... Suronjit might have acted upon
the dictum of his own conscience with his small voice....!
Suronjit agreed to disagree, which is the bottom line
of democracy. Suronjit was a lone voice ....
Why do you call him a criminal ?
You are even saying:
"I think he should be executed for not signing the original
constitution" ... you want Suronjit's execution ? By whom?
By Jamaat's "reserve force".....?
At the same time, you want to absolve the violences and
murders comitted by Jamaat and it's Al-Bodor caders .....
You are trying to cast some shadow on the trials of
the war criminals, so that Al-Bodori criminals can
getaway with impunity.....
What a travesty of Justice that Jamaat supporters are
preaching .....
You have a real attitude problems:
Anyone with little common sense will understand
from your above statement, why Jamaat justified
and decided to murders of intellectuals in 1971
using it's Al-bodor death squad.
FYI, the proper punishment of Al-Bodor death squad members
and it's organizers will not create any division in the country,
It will rather help our nation to forge new unity on new high moral
ground. The nation will breathe a sigh of relief when they see
that justice has finally been served ...tomorrow will be a better
day for all of us ......
....It is never too late to punish the murderers ... there is no
statute of limitations for the trial of the killers ... and the
process is well under way in Bangladesh !!!
Thanks for your patience .......!!!!!!!
Syed Aslam
On 8/10/10, Mokhter Ahmad <mokhterahmad@gmail.com> wrote: Mr Aslam.
How have you come to know that there is a consensus in Bangladesh regarding annihilating any political party in the name of trial of war criminals? Have u made any statistics? have we gone for any referendum?
Such kind of politicization of the issue will create further division in the society which is already divided. Besides, war crime is the sole prerogative of any particular political party. AL does have many criminals in its lap. is not it?
Besides, Surongit was the criminal was has not signed in the 1972 constitution but now he has been made the co-chair of the constitution review committee. I think he should be executed for not signing the original constitution despite being asked and countersigned by Bangabondhu.
Do you agree?
Md. Mokhter Ahmad
Associate Professor & Coodinator
Center for University requirement Courses (CENURC)
International Islamic University Chittagong, Dhaka Campus
On Sat, Aug 7, 2010 at 11:44 PM, Syed_Aslam3
<Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:
Mr. Ayubi
Why the they are bringing this closed issue now?
Answer is :
Our nation wants it....., it is the popular demand ..... and BAL has got the election mandate fot the Trials of these war criminals who organized and put the Al-Bodor death squads into actions in the killing fields of Bangladesh in 1971.....
Jamaate islami does not represent the spirit of Islam ....it is using Islam as it mask to perpetuate it's own narrow political goals by misleading the masses in the name of Islam, becase this is a muslim majority nation...No one has given Jamaat the "sole agency" of Islam .... Was not Gholam Azam -Nizami-Mujshid gong's decision to support the Tikka-Yahia regime a political decision and aimed at anihilating the spirit of our national independence in 1971 at the instruction of Pakistan's ruling Junta....?
Even now Jamaate Islami is collaborating with Pakistan's ISI to jeopardize the war crime trials in Bangladesh:
Syed Aslam
| What are we going to gain materially by bringing the closed chapter open. My question is that in the past nearly forty years BAL was in the helm of the country for over nine years and they chose to do nothing about the collaborators. Why the they are bringing this closed issue now. The only reason is to anihilate the opposition and banis the spirit of Islam from the country at the instruction of India. In India condition of the Muslims are worse than the Dalits and are bracketted as OBC( other backward classes). |
From: Syed_Aslam3 <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
Subject: [notun_bangladesh] Bangladesh : Bringing a Forgotten Genocide to Justice [Time Magazine] !
To: "notun Bangladesh" <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Thursday, August 5, 2010, 11:28 PM
Also Read: Manabzamin at:
Police arrest Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami, center, chief of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, in Dhaka on June 29, 2010
Lutfor Rahman / Reuters
Two years ago, TIME met Ali Ahsan Mojaheed at the headquarters of his far-right Islamist party, nestled amid a warren of religious bookshops and seminaries in Dhaka. He welcomed this reporter by peeling a clutch of ripe lychees. "Our fruit is the sweetest," said the secretary general of Bangladesh's Jamaat-e-Islami, proffering a sticky hand. But the conversation soon soured. Asked about the traumatic legacy of Bangladesh's 1971 independence — when the territory then known as East Pakistan split from West Pakistan in an orgy of bloodshed — Mojaheed dismissed the need for a proper reckoning with the past. "This is a dead issue," he almost growled. "It cannot be raised."
But this month it finally has. Far from the protective, lackey-patrolled confines of his offices, Mojaheed and three other prominent Jamaat leaders (including the party's leader Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami) are under arrest, appearing for the first time in a war-crimes court to face charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and against peace — the last of which has not been invoked since the trials at Nuremberg. They rank among the topmost figures implicated in the systematic murder of as many as 3 million people in 1971 as the Pakistani army and ethnic Bengali collaborators attempted to quash a Bengali-nationalist rebellion. Their prosecution presents a watershed moment for this beleaguered nation of 160 million. A July 30 op-ed in the
Daily Star, a leading Dhaka-based newspaper, says, "the trials will allow us to close the door, once and for all ... so that we are not forever fighting the battles of the past."
(See the museum that preserved the memory of Bangladesh's atrocities.)That past — Bangladesh's tangled history of violence and discord — goes a long way to explain how one of the 20th century's worst massacres is now largely forgotten in the rest of the world. Bangladesh's origins lie in two bloody partitions: first, in 1947, when British India was carved into two separate independent states, Muslim-majority Pakistan emerged more as a conceit of ideology than one of geography — its two wings separated by a thousand miles of India in between. The artificial union didn't last a quarter-century and Bengali separatism led eventually to a brutal crackdown by the West Pakistani–dominated army, aided by Islamists like Mojaheed and his colleagues, who were loyal to the greater Pakistani cause and who allegedly led or helped organize death squads that targeted Hindus, students and other dissidents. The intervention of Indian troops turned the tide and Bangladesh, as East Pakistan renamed itself, won its freedom in December 1971, its cities hollowed out, the economy in tatters and its population ravaged.
(From TIME's Archives: India and Pakistan poised for war in 1971 over Bangladeshi independence. )But the U.S.'s Cold War alliance with Pakistan's military dictatorship and the opposition of influential Muslim states like Saudi Arabia to Pakistan's partitioning meant there was little international pressure for a proper inquiry into the atrocities of the war. Within Bangladesh, coups, assassinations and vendettas came to define the political landscape. Successive governments became peopled by those with pro-Pakistani or Islamist backgrounds and connections. Mojaheed's Jamaat even found itself in power for a spell within a coalition government. "The primary issue for politicians was to survive," says Ali Riaz, a Bangladesh scholar and professor of political science at Illinois State University. "Thinking about the issue of murders and genocide became secondary."
(From TIME's Archives: The bloody birth of Bangladesh.)Observers say not grappling with what happened has had a profound cost for Bangladesh. "It's incredibly damaging for society," says Caitlin Reiger, director of international policy relations at the International Center for Transitional Justice in New York City. "Imagine the trauma of people who have suffered the loss of family members, rape and other violence and still have to live down the street from the likely perpetrators." Reiger and others claim this has led to Bangladesh's notorious culture of impunity, where corruption is widespread, extrajudicial killings by security personnel is still common and justice is known to come, if ever, oft-delayed and deferred. A tribunal, in theory, would lance the boil at the source of the rot.
(Comment on this story.)In practice, though, these proceedings are far more fraught, especially four decades after the fact. Doubts still swirl around a U.N.-backed tribunal in nearby Cambodia that delivered its first verdict last week, sentencing the chief prison master of the Khmer Rouge — the radical, collectivist regime that oversaw the killings of nearly 2 million people in the mid-1970s — to 35 years in jail. The sentence could possibly be shortened to 19 years and has raised howls of protest from many survivors of the Cambodian genocide. Still, most observers have cautiously applauded this belated, imperfect justice — delivered despite years of foot-dragging by the ruling government, which has ex–Khmer Rouge cadres in its ranks.
In Bangladesh, there's little question about the political will of the present government, run by the secularist Awami League, a party born during the fight for Bangladeshi independence. But there are fears that it is using the trials to grind its proverbial ax and target political enemies. "The process has to be as transparent as possible," says Riaz. "If they fail to do this properly, it'll be a disaster for the nation." At the moment, the country's specially arranged International Crimes Tribunal is operating mostly on its own. As long as the country maintains the death penalty — executing just last year five men responsible for the 1975 murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the country's founding father and also father of the current Prime Minister — assistance from the international community will be limited.
Experts imagine the trials in Bangladesh, like those in Cambodia, may take years. While the four now under arrest may be the most well-known participants in the genocide, countless others remain scattered across the country, abroad in Pakistan and elsewhere; extraditions look unlikely. Prosecutors will also be hampered by a woeful lack of documentary and forensic evidence. Low-lying Bangladesh sits atop an alluvial plain and some of the most common killing zones in 1971 were by water pumping stations and rivers, where bodies were literally flushed away into the sea.
Still, to this day, almost every single household in the country has a story to tell of a family member slain. Most counts of the genocide arrive between 1 million and 3 million people killed; 200,000 to half a million women were raped. In Bangladesh, perhaps more than in any other grim vetting of the past, raw personal testimonies may have to comprise the bulk of the proceedings. "This should never be about targeting one political group," says Reiger, "but about painstakingly following the evidence and seeing where it leads you." For a country seeking to put its ghosts to bed, the road ahead is still shrouded in shadow.
Read more:
http://www.time. com/time/ world/article/ 0,8599,2008085, 00.html#ixzz0vlA TWoWw
--
Md. Mokhter Ahmad
Associate Professor & Coodinator
Center for University requirement Courses (CENURC)
International Islamic University Chittagong, Dhaka Campus
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