Mr. M. Al-Jubair
Oh Yeah ! Ms Dina Khan has very correctly observed that "Modudi Nizami Syeedi & others are
not the ideology of Islam they are politicians & are doing politics in the Name of Islam ......"
As a matter of fact no one has the right to proclaim monopoly or sole agency on Islam ....
As always, Jamaati politics culminates into Al-Bodorism .....our nation has seen that
in 1971
Lest we forget and let the nation remain off-guard agaist these criminals, the history may
repeat..... Jamaate Islami has proven itself as a party of the traitors ... once a traitor always
a traitor.
FYI, Mr. Mohammed Jubair, I am not against Islam or any religion:
The spirit of genuine pluralism "Live and let live" is a fundamental basis of
democracy.
I am against all kinds of religion traders who camouflage their ulterior
motives & insidious intents behind the religious cover.
As I have said before, "Islam-trader" Jamaati hypocrites try to exploit the faith
and beliefs of the ordinary muslims.
All hypocrites must be exposed.
FYI, Pakistan has been an Islamic Republic for last 54 years (from 1956)....
with vices & sins like usury, organized prostitution, ..... you name it .... are
in many ways rampant in that country...........!!
Syed Aslam
On 9/2/10, Mohammed Jubair <mohammedjubair@hotmail.com> wrote:
Dina Khan,
I agree with you 100%. But, I am confused - why Mr. Aslam is so interested to keep Islam out of politics or anything to do with power or leadership!
I think he is really scared ! Hello ...Mr. Aslam, there nothing to be scared of if you love your country and it's people regardless of their belief and looks.
M.JOn 9/2/10, dina khan <dina30_khan@yahoo.com> wrote:
Mr. Aslam
It is observed that you (Mr. Aslam) are suffering in mental diseases for Islam.
You should know Islam is the religion of Allah. It does not allow any body to do any work to say any word which is harmful to others.
It may be the cause for you that you can not tolerate the greatness & super quality of Islam. So you are brainless person talking about Islam. Modudi Nizami Syeedi & others are not the ideology of Islam they are politicians & are doing politics in the Name of Islam just like the people who are calling Secular & are doing politics in the name secularism and both are same & the aimed same & the aim is looting public money for power & power for money & both groups people are great for mislead the people..
The ordinary & common people of Bangladesh want to see real education for educating the children for creating them as responsible work & creative persons are provided by the taught personals not creating sessions jot & the people are paying tax vats & vote to the persons forming government to establish social justice on establishing lawful good administration
Responsible media's responsibility is to publishing correct news to helping for smooth & discipline lawful administration
The system of BAKSAL Administration by founding father of Bangladesh was established aiming that to build lawful real people's democracy & lawful honest administration on doing trial of corruption done by any body reasons that was media & other organs were not working lawfully...
People now not want comparison of corruption for doing more corruption but want lawful action against corruption that may be that either from any.
--- On Tue, 31/8/10, Syed_Aslam3 <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:From: Syed_Aslam3 <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal [Bangladesh's Secular Revolution]
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Received: Tuesday, 31 August, 2010, 11:27 PMMr. Mohammed JubairThe top mockers of Islam are the so-called "radical Islamists"and the "Islam-trader Jamaati hypocrats" who exploit the faith ofordinary muslims to achieve their hidden political goals, oftenpersonal. Everything they do is by the way of deceptions.There are about ten registered Islamic-passand political parties in Bangladesh. Why is that ?The answer is : Islamic-passand politics is a lucrative business intoday's world......Analyze Chor Monai er Pir [He owns & rides a chauffeur driven a Mercediz Benz] to Dewan Bagi to Saidee, Nzami gong ... all are fakes ....all are making money under the cover of religion .... theseare the degenerates who are turning our religion into a FARCEthrough their mockery of Islam ......... So, try to understand your own self, before you throwslurs to others ...On Tue, Aug 31, 2010 at 12:02 AM, Mohammed Jubair <mohammedjubair@hotmail.com> wrote:
Mr Aslam
Anthing writing mocking Islam fit for printing -News Corp
Yes, very few of you proud of it. Shame on you...
To: khabor@yahoogroups.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; chottala@yahoogroups.com; SonarBangladesh@yahoogroups.com
From: Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com
Date: Mon, 30 Aug 2010 18:49:47 -0400
Subject: [chottala.com] K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal [Bangladesh's Secular Revolution]
From: Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com
Date: Mon, 30 Aug 2010 18:49:47 -0400
Subject: [chottala.com] K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal [Bangladesh's Secular Revolution]
K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal
Link:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703369704575460973747040644.html
Bangladesh's Secular Revolution
Women are powering the country's rejection of radical Islam, but more must be done.
By K. ANIS AHMEDIn the pantheon of Islamic states, Bangladesh seems an unlikely place for a secular revolution. It is a dry country with no bars, casinos or horse races. Bangladesh is not liberal in its social mores, compared to Muslim-majority countries like Turkey or Indonesia. And secular principles are far from being consistently upheld: Madrassas receive state funding, while citizens are often hounded for perceived slights to Islam.
Yet since its landslide election in 2008, the ruling Awami League party has rolled back the Islamization trend of recent decades. In July, the government banned the extremist scholar Syed Abul Ala Maududi's books. A historic Supreme Court ruling last month struck down a constitutional amendment that had paved the way for Islamist politics. And a special tribunal to try war crimes of the 1971 Liberation War began its work last month.
These trials are garnering a significant amount of public attention, as the accused are mostly leaders of Islamist political parties. The Awami League is emboldened no doubt by its resounding majority—its alliance controls 264 out of the 300-seat parliament. Its leaders sense a historic opportunity to redress the past. In the late '90s, the Awami League adopted an arguably more moderate course, but this leniency was violently repaid when an alliance of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-e-Islami won power, when repeated terroristic attacks killed top Awami League leaders. This, combined with the desire to see justice done, has shaped the party's determined mood.
Cynics argue that the trials are politically motivated. The principal target, Jamaat-e-Islami, is a crucial ally of the main opposition BNP. Yet, any perceived benefits to the Awami League are not as straightforward as they may seem. Driving Jamaat underground might make it more dangerous, and any votes lost by Jamaat due to the trials will accrue to BNP, not to the Awami League. Indeed, it might have been safer for the Awami League to ignore the historical injustices. With the advent of the trials, many are now anxious of violent extremist reprisals. Yet repeated opinion polls indicate overwhelming public support for the trials.
Aside from the political jousting, the widespread public support for all the secularizing measures is worth closer scrutiny. Bangladesh's Sufi Islamic roots clearly play a big role. Religious practice in this delta consisted of practices woven gently into the existing cultural fabric, not harshly imposed from outside. While the Islamism that has swept the region in recent decades has left a mark—from greater numbers of madrassas to the prevalence of burqas worn by women—it did not uproot a deeper cultural antipathy to extremism.
Yet this is also a society where the high court dared to declare fatwas illegal and ruled last week that no woman can be forced to wear burqas at work or school; a society where the secular holidays like Bengali New Year and Valentine's Day—both irritating to the fundamentalists—are celebrated by millions of youth. Even in its heyday, Jamaat never garnered more than 10% of the popular vote.
Why? Credit women's empowerment, which provide not only a sign of societal progress, but also remain its most salient cause. The prime minister and the opposition leader are both women. The foreign affairs, home and agricultural ministries are all run by women. Women hold top jobs in government, banks and business, and are especially prominent in legal, medical and social industries. They excel in art, culture and sport. They serve in the armed forces and fly planes for the national airlines. In the lower socio-economic spheres, women work in agriculture, microfinance and the garment industry. Tens of millions of women are economic decision-makers.
Of course the struggle for gender rights and equity still has a long way to go. But the attempt to achieve these worthy goals, led mainly by nongovernmental organizations, has also increased social resiliency against religious fanaticism. In fact, it's not a stretch to argue that the government's actions to stem Islamism could never have been imagined without society's secular backdrop.
The foreign community could reinforce these positive trends by supporting the war crimes tribunal. Important in its own right, the success of the trials is crucial to the secularization process as well. Trade and development partners also need to review their economic policies. The United States, for example, could reduce its punitive tariffs on Bangladeshi garments, providing an immediate boost to the economy.
Just as importantly, it's key to recognize that Bangladesh has come further on its own in the struggle to stay secular than many Muslim countries—even those with greater foreign aid or intervention. Which just goes to show that Bangladeshis can do much to build themselves a better future. Is there a more positive example for the Islamic world?
Mr. Ahmed is vice president of the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh Foundation.
Yet since its landslide election in 2008, the ruling Awami League party has rolled back the Islamization trend of recent decades. In July, the government banned the extremist scholar Syed Abul Ala Maududi's books. A historic Supreme Court ruling last month struck down a constitutional amendment that had paved the way for Islamist politics. And a special tribunal to try war crimes of the 1971 Liberation War began its work last month.
These trials are garnering a significant amount of public attention, as the accused are mostly leaders of Islamist political parties. The Awami League is emboldened no doubt by its resounding majority—its alliance controls 264 out of the 300-seat parliament. Its leaders sense a historic opportunity to redress the past. In the late '90s, the Awami League adopted an arguably more moderate course, but this leniency was violently repaid when an alliance of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-e-Islami won power, when repeated terroristic attacks killed top Awami League leaders. This, combined with the desire to see justice done, has shaped the party's determined mood.
Associated Press Activists demand war-crimes trials, March 2010.
Aside from the political jousting, the widespread public support for all the secularizing measures is worth closer scrutiny. Bangladesh's Sufi Islamic roots clearly play a big role. Religious practice in this delta consisted of practices woven gently into the existing cultural fabric, not harshly imposed from outside. While the Islamism that has swept the region in recent decades has left a mark—from greater numbers of madrassas to the prevalence of burqas worn by women—it did not uproot a deeper cultural antipathy to extremism.
Yet this is also a society where the high court dared to declare fatwas illegal and ruled last week that no woman can be forced to wear burqas at work or school; a society where the secular holidays like Bengali New Year and Valentine's Day—both irritating to the fundamentalists—are celebrated by millions of youth. Even in its heyday, Jamaat never garnered more than 10% of the popular vote.
Why? Credit women's empowerment, which provide not only a sign of societal progress, but also remain its most salient cause. The prime minister and the opposition leader are both women. The foreign affairs, home and agricultural ministries are all run by women. Women hold top jobs in government, banks and business, and are especially prominent in legal, medical and social industries. They excel in art, culture and sport. They serve in the armed forces and fly planes for the national airlines. In the lower socio-economic spheres, women work in agriculture, microfinance and the garment industry. Tens of millions of women are economic decision-makers.
Of course the struggle for gender rights and equity still has a long way to go. But the attempt to achieve these worthy goals, led mainly by nongovernmental organizations, has also increased social resiliency against religious fanaticism. In fact, it's not a stretch to argue that the government's actions to stem Islamism could never have been imagined without society's secular backdrop.
The foreign community could reinforce these positive trends by supporting the war crimes tribunal. Important in its own right, the success of the trials is crucial to the secularization process as well. Trade and development partners also need to review their economic policies. The United States, for example, could reduce its punitive tariffs on Bangladeshi garments, providing an immediate boost to the economy.
Just as importantly, it's key to recognize that Bangladesh has come further on its own in the struggle to stay secular than many Muslim countries—even those with greater foreign aid or intervention. Which just goes to show that Bangladeshis can do much to build themselves a better future. Is there a more positive example for the Islamic world?
Mr. Ahmed is vice president of the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh Foundation.
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
From: dina30_khan@yahoo.com
Date: Wed, 1 Sep 2010 22:50:04 -0700
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] Mr Aslam.K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal [Bangladesh's Secular Revolution]
Mr. Aslam
It is observed that you (Mr. Aslam) are suffering in mental diseases for Islam.
You should know Islam is the religion of Allah. It does not allow any body to do any work to say any word which is harmful to others.
It may be the cause for you that you can not tolerate the greatness & super quality of Islam. So you are brainless person talking about Islam. Modudi Nizami Syeedi & others are not the ideology of Islam they are politicians & are doing politics in the Name of Islam just like the people who are calling Secular & are doing politics in the name secularism and both are same & the aimed same & the aim is looting public money for power & power for money & both groups people are great for mislead the people..
The ordinary & common people of Bangladesh want to see real education for educating the children for creating them as responsible work & creative persons are provided by the taught personals not creating sessions jot & the people are paying tax vats & vote to the persons forming government to establish social justice on establishing lawful good administration
Responsible media's responsibility is to publishing correct news to helping for smooth & discipline lawful administration
The system of BAKSAL Administration by founding father of Bangladesh was established aiming that to build lawful real people's democracy & lawful honest administration on doing trial of corruption done by any body reasons that was media & other organs were not working lawfully...
People now not want comparison of corruption for doing more corruption but want lawful action against corruption that may be that either from any.
From: Syed_Aslam3 <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [chottala.com] K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal [Bangladesh's Secular Revolution]
To: chottala@yahoogroups.com
Received: Tuesday, 31 August, 2010, 11:27 PM
Mr. Mohammed JubairThe top mockers of Islam are the so-called "radical Islamists"and the "Islam-trader Jamaati hypocrats" who exploit the faith ofordinary muslims to achieve their hidden political goals, oftenpersonal. Everything they do is by the way of deceptions.There are about ten registered Islamic-passand political parties in Bangladesh. Why is that ?The answer is : Islamic-passand politics is a lucrative business intoday's world......Analyze Chor Monai er Pir [He owns & rides a chauffeur driven a Mercediz Benz] to Dewan Bagi to Saidee, Nzami gong ... all are fakes ....all are making money under the cover of religion .... theseare the degenerates who are turning our religion into a FARCEthrough their mockery of Islam ......... So, try to understand your own self, before you throwslurs to others ...On Tue, Aug 31, 2010 at 12:02 AM, Mohammed Jubair <mohammedjubair@hotmail.com> wrote:
Mr Aslam
Anthing writing mocking Islam fit for printing -News Corp
Yes, very few of you proud of it. Shame on you...
To: khabor@yahoogroups.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; chottala@yahoogroups.com; SonarBangladesh@yahoogroups.com
From: Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com
Date: Mon, 30 Aug 2010 18:49:47 -0400
Subject: [chottala.com] K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street Journal [Bangladesh's Secular Revolution]
K. Anis Ahmed's essay in Wall Street JournalLink:http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703369704575460973747040644.html
Bangladesh's Secular Revolution
Women are powering the country's rejection of radical Islam, but more must be done.
By K. ANIS AHMED
In the pantheon of Islamic states, Bangladesh seems an unlikely place for a secular revolution. It is a dry country with no bars, casinos or horse races. Bangladesh is not liberal in its social mores, compared to Muslim-majority countries like Turkey or Indonesia. And secular principles are far from being consistently upheld: Madrassas receive state funding, while citizens are often hounded for perceived slights to Islam.
Yet since its landslide election in 2008, the ruling Awami League party has rolled back the Islamization trend of recent decades. In July, the government banned the extremist scholar Syed Abul Ala Maududi's books. A historic Supreme Court ruling last month struck down a constitutional amendment that had paved the way for Islamist politics. And a special tribunal to try war crimes of the 1971 Liberation War began its work last month.
These trials are garnering a significant amount of public attention, as the accused are mostly leaders of Islamist political parties. The Awami League is emboldened no doubt by its resounding majority—its alliance controls 264 out of the 300-seat parliament. Its leaders sense a historic opportunity to redress the past. In the late '90s, the Awami League adopted an arguably more moderate course, but this leniency was violently repaid when an alliance of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-e-Islami won power, when repeated terroristic attacks killed top Awami League leaders. This, combined with the desire to see justice done, has shaped the party's determined mood.
Cynics argue that the trials are politically motivated. The principal target, Jamaat-e-Islami, is a crucial ally of the main opposition BNP. Yet, any perceived benefits to the Awami League are not as straightforward as they may seem. Driving Jamaat underground might make it more dangerous, and any votes lost by Jamaat due to the trials will accrue to BNP, not to the Awami League. Indeed, it might have been safer for the Awami League to ignore the historical injustices. With the advent of the trials, many are now anxious of violent extremist reprisals. Yet repeated opinion polls indicate overwhelming public support for the trials.Associated Press Activists demand war-crimes trials, March 2010.
Aside from the political jousting, the widespread public support for all the secularizing measures is worth closer scrutiny. Bangladesh's Sufi Islamic roots clearly play a big role. Religious practice in this delta consisted of practices woven gently into the existing cultural fabric, not harshly imposed from outside. While the Islamism that has swept the region in recent decades has left a mark—from greater numbers of madrassas to the prevalence of burqas worn by women—it did not uproot a deeper cultural antipathy to extremism.
Yet this is also a society where the high court dared to declare fatwas illegal and ruled last week that no woman can be forced to wear burqas at work or school; a society where the secular holidays like Bengali New Year and Valentine's Day—both irritating to the fundamentalists—are celebrated by millions of youth. Even in its heyday, Jamaat never garnered more than 10% of the popular vote.
Why? Credit women's empowerment, which provide not only a sign of societal progress, but also remain its most salient cause. The prime minister and the opposition leader are both women. The foreign affairs, home and agricultural ministries are all run by women. Women hold top jobs in government, banks and business, and are especially prominent in legal, medical and social industries. They excel in art, culture and sport. They serve in the armed forces and fly planes for the national airlines. In the lower socio-economic spheres, women work in agriculture, microfinance and the garment industry. Tens of millions of women are economic decision-makers.
Of course the struggle for gender rights and equity still has a long way to go. But the attempt to achieve these worthy goals, led mainly by nongovernmental organizations, has also increased social resiliency against religious fanaticism. In fact, it's not a stretch to argue that the government's actions to stem Islamism could never have been imagined without society's secular backdrop.
The foreign community could reinforce these positive trends by supporting the war crimes tribunal. Important in its own right, the success of the trials is crucial to the secularization process as well. Trade and development partners also need to review their economic policies. The United States, for example, could reduce its punitive tariffs on Bangladeshi garments, providing an immediate boost to the economy.
Just as importantly, it's key to recognize that Bangladesh has come further on its own in the struggle to stay secular than many Muslim countries—even those with greater foreign aid or intervention. Which just goes to show that Bangladeshis can do much to build themselves a better future. Is there a more positive example for the Islamic world?
Mr. Ahmed is vice president of the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh Foundation.
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