Are military personnel exempt from punishment for corruption?
By Zillur Ahmed,
Are military personnel so special that they are exempt from
punishment for corruption? All patriotic Bangladeshis and well-
wishers of their country would unequivocally answer "NO" to the above
question.
Here are a few points we need to ponder over:
(1) General Moeen Ahmed has repeatedly stressed that all the
approximately 250,000 people arrested so far and the unknown number
still detained are all corrupt. There have only been 20 or so trials
to date. How has General Ahmed determined that these people are
guilty? These people are being presumed guilty and the onus is on
them is to prove their innocence in order to obtain their freedom.
This is an egregious violation of human rights and due process.
(2) General Moeen Ahmed has announced at a press conference in London
that he intends to expand the size of the present cabinet. The
current regime has run for 9 months now. Therefore, if elections are
to be held as soon as possible, there is no reason to expand the
size. Our constitution also has absolutely no provision for any
alteration of the size or form of an interim government. His
intention to expand the government is an indication that rather than
hold elections as soon as possible, he intends for this regime to
stay longer.
(3) He has further floated the idea of forming a National Security
Council which will have veto power over Parliament. This is
completely undemocratic and follows the same path that General
Musharraf took in Pakistan. It is simply another vehicle for him to
hold on to power and will have the same consequences it did in
Pakistan.
(4) General Moeen Ahmed has proposed changing the structure of our
government to alter the power balance. This can only be altered by a
two thirds majority of an elected Parliament. There are absolutely no
other provisions in our constitution for such changes. Past
constitutional changes made by dictators include the removal of the
separation of church and state by General Ziaur Rahman and the bar on
floor crossings by Members of Parliament by General Ershad. Much of
the present difficulties in governing Bangladesh are a direct result
of these unconstitutional changes. Unfortunately, it also takes a two
thirds majority to reverse them.
(5) The military regime has announced that it will hold municipal
elections between January and March. Yet the state of emergency is
still being maintained. It takes several months to gear up an
effective election campaign, which is completely prevented by the
state of emergency and the climate of fear it projects. Any elections
held under such circumstances will be meaningless.
(6) The voters list and electoral laws used in the municipal
elections are the same as the ones for national elections. Therefore,
if municipal elections can be held by March, there is absolutely no
reason why national elections cannot be conducted in this timeframe
as well. The only reason to hold municipal elections earlier is that
they receive far less monitoring and are, therefore, easier to
manipulate. Once municipal posts are controlled, then it becomes
easier to manipulate the national elections far ahead of election
day. This is a tactic that has been employed by all past military
regimes.
(7) General Moeen Ahmed has publicly stated in a speech
that " Bangladesh will have to construct its own brand of democracy…
with religion being one of several components of its national
identity." This further explains the near total immunity the Islamic
parties, particularly Jamaat-e-Islami, have enjoyed in spite of
evidence of terrorism and corruption against them.
(8) Some of the most corrupt politicians from both the major parties
remain immune from prosecution and in fact are being actively
supported by this regime in trying to break up the two major parties
and form new ones. Without the two major parties, the fundamentalist
parties will inevitably be the most powerful voice in any new
coalition.
punishment for corruption? All patriotic Bangladeshis and well-
wishers of their country would unequivocally answer "NO" to the above
question.
Here are a few points we need to ponder over:
(1) General Moeen Ahmed has repeatedly stressed that all the
approximately 250,000 people arrested so far and the unknown number
still detained are all corrupt. There have only been 20 or so trials
to date. How has General Ahmed determined that these people are
guilty? These people are being presumed guilty and the onus is on
them is to prove their innocence in order to obtain their freedom.
This is an egregious violation of human rights and due process.
(2) General Moeen Ahmed has announced at a press conference in London
that he intends to expand the size of the present cabinet. The
current regime has run for 9 months now. Therefore, if elections are
to be held as soon as possible, there is no reason to expand the
size. Our constitution also has absolutely no provision for any
alteration of the size or form of an interim government. His
intention to expand the government is an indication that rather than
hold elections as soon as possible, he intends for this regime to
stay longer.
(3) He has further floated the idea of forming a National Security
Council which will have veto power over Parliament. This is
completely undemocratic and follows the same path that General
Musharraf took in Pakistan. It is simply another vehicle for him to
hold on to power and will have the same consequences it did in
Pakistan.
(4) General Moeen Ahmed has proposed changing the structure of our
government to alter the power balance. This can only be altered by a
two thirds majority of an elected Parliament. There are absolutely no
other provisions in our constitution for such changes. Past
constitutional changes made by dictators include the removal of the
separation of church and state by General Ziaur Rahman and the bar on
floor crossings by Members of Parliament by General Ershad. Much of
the present difficulties in governing Bangladesh are a direct result
of these unconstitutional changes. Unfortunately, it also takes a two
thirds majority to reverse them.
(5) The military regime has announced that it will hold municipal
elections between January and March. Yet the state of emergency is
still being maintained. It takes several months to gear up an
effective election campaign, which is completely prevented by the
state of emergency and the climate of fear it projects. Any elections
held under such circumstances will be meaningless.
(6) The voters list and electoral laws used in the municipal
elections are the same as the ones for national elections. Therefore,
if municipal elections can be held by March, there is absolutely no
reason why national elections cannot be conducted in this timeframe
as well. The only reason to hold municipal elections earlier is that
they receive far less monitoring and are, therefore, easier to
manipulate. Once municipal posts are controlled, then it becomes
easier to manipulate the national elections far ahead of election
day. This is a tactic that has been employed by all past military
regimes.
(7) General Moeen Ahmed has publicly stated in a speech
that " Bangladesh will have to construct its own brand of democracy…
with religion being one of several components of its national
identity." This further explains the near total immunity the Islamic
parties, particularly Jamaat-e-Islami, have enjoyed in spite of
evidence of terrorism and corruption against them.
(8) Some of the most corrupt politicians from both the major parties
remain immune from prosecution and in fact are being actively
supported by this regime in trying to break up the two major parties
and form new ones. Without the two major parties, the fundamentalist
parties will inevitably be the most powerful voice in any new
coalition.
Zillur Ahmed, Elkridge, Mayland, USA
zillur.ahmed@hotmail.com
zillur.ahmed@hotmail.com
Source:
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