Yeah, all countries of world have advanced and become rich because of Religion.
* Science and Technology has advanced in world because of Religion otherwise, we would still be living in Bull Cart days and Kerosene Lamp nights like 1800 A.D..
* All countries of world are religious country and its a lie that 3/th of countries in world are Secular.
* All Moslim Countries are Islamic States.
.
And this is why we want Shriya Law and Bangladesh become an Islamic Country, right sir?
-------------------
* Science and Technology has advanced in world because of Religion otherwise, we would still be living in Bull Cart days and Kerosene Lamp nights like 1800 A.D..
* All countries of world are religious country and its a lie that 3/th of countries in world are Secular.
* All Moslim Countries are Islamic States.
.
And this is why we want Shriya Law and Bangladesh become an Islamic Country, right sir?
-------------------
Sun Mar 17, 2013 11:39 am (PDT) . Posted by:
"Isha Khan" bd_mailer
The anomaly of a secular Bangladesh
Sunanda K Datta-Ray
Sheikh Hasina should draw a veil over the nation's blood-soaked past,
moderate her quest for justice and resolve the dilemma of the Bengali and
Muslim identities
Begum Khaleda Zia's snub to Pranab Mukherjee sadly confirmed that
Bangladeshis are still fighting yesterday' s battles. They still suffer from
the dilemma Zulfikar Ali Bhutto tried to exploit by arguing mischievously
during the liberation war that if "Muslim Bangla" was primarily Bengali, it
should merge with West Bengal. If it was Islamic, it should remain in
Pakistan.
The politics of that illogical and unnecessary conflict between religion
and language explains why Sheikh Hasina Wazed, whose ruling Awami League is
identified with secular linguistic nationalism, baulks at repealing the
constitutional amendment, making Islam the state religion. Nearly 91 per
cent of Bangladeshis being Muslim, both the Jamaat-i-Islami and Begum Zia's
Bangladesh Nationalist Party would exploit any diminution of the role of
Islam.
Though not fundamentalists, Ziaur Rahman and General H M Ershad made
inroads into Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's secular constitution for populist
reasons. Mujib himself rightly blamed the perpetrators of Operations Blitz
and Searchlight for the "biggest human disaster in the world" and passed
the Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order only 10 days after returning to
Dhaka. Over 37,000 suspected war criminals were rounded up.
They were all freed, however, when Mujib found it expedient to declare a
general amnesty in November 1973. Among those released were East Pakistan' s
last civilian governor, Abdul Motaleb Malik, and an implacable opponent of
both liberation and Mujib personally, Shah Azizur Rahman. In a twist of
fate in 1979, Rahman became prime minister of the Bangladesh whose birth he
had vehemently opposed.
I won't go into Khondakar Mustaque Ahmed's revocation of the Collaborators
Order or passage of an Indemnity Act. He is one of the baddies. He promoted
Mujib's killers to high rank and sent them abroad as diplomats. But Mujib
himself revived the Islamic Academy, achieved a rapprochement with
Pakistan, and took Bangladesh into the Organisation of the Islamic
Conference and the Islamic Development Bank. Those who knew him towards the
end say "Khuda Hafiz" had replaced "Joy Bangla" as his favourite greeting.
He was a pragmatist. He was also a politician. Politics is the art of
compromise.
No purpose is served by Indians declaiming that the Talibanisation of
Bangladesh will imperil our security, or that the Shahbag Square
demonstrators have morality on their side. Sheikh Hasina's first priority
is survival. While every Bangladeshi leader craves the imprimatur of
India's acceptance, no Bangladeshi leader can afford to be seen as India's
prot€ ¦ég€ ¦é. Strident secularism would be denounced as not just betraying
Islam, but betraying Islam to India.
For precisely that reason, Sheikh Hasina would be well-advised to moderate
her quest for justice, which has followed a zigzag path in Bangladesh. As
coups and counter-coups succeeded each other, the courts took their cue
from the political authority. Even without the complaints of human rights'
activists who fault Sheikh Hasina's International Crimes Tribunal for not
respecting world standards of due process, whatever she does is likely to
be denounced as vengeance.
That is something Mujib's daughter can never afford to forget. Five of her
parents' murderers were executed 35 years after the crime. It's time now
for her to recall the indulgence Mujib showed to war collaborators and draw
a veil over the blood-soaked past. South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation
Commission offers a precedent in reaching out to yesterday' s enemies to
save the future.
Expressions of Indian support for the Shahbag Square demonstrators will
only complicate her task. India can help best by expediting the proposed
South Asian market and promoting the measures needed to draw Bangladesh
into a growth triangle that encompasses the northeastern states and the Bay
of Bengal region.
It wasn't fashionable to admit it, but the nine million refugees who fled
to India in 1971 were mostly Hindus, victims as much of Pakistani
repression as of local Muslim brutality. They didn't want to go back after
liberation but had to when Indian army bulldozers razed their camps and
Indian soldiers forced them into trucks at bayonet point. I asked a
returning Hindu peasant if he regarded himself a Bangladeshi. "No," he
replied. "You can call me an Indian living in Bangladesh!"
That may be an inescapable identification. But, otherwise, India must be
seen as the friend of all Bangladeshis, not just of a particular lobby.
Bangladeshis alone can resolve the dilemma - if one exists - of their
Bengali and Muslim identities.
As I have said before in this column, India's best friend would be a
Bangladesh that is not paying off old scores, but has come to terms with
the past and is at peace with itself.
http://www.business -standard. com/article/ opinion/the- anomaly-of- a-secular- bangladesh- 113030800582_ 1.html
Sunanda K Datta-Ray
Sheikh Hasina should draw a veil over the nation's blood-soaked past,
moderate her quest for justice and resolve the dilemma of the Bengali and
Muslim identities
Begum Khaleda Zia's snub to Pranab Mukherjee sadly confirmed that
Bangladeshis are still fighting yesterday' s battles. They still suffer from
the dilemma Zulfikar Ali Bhutto tried to exploit by arguing mischievously
during the liberation war that if "Muslim Bangla" was primarily Bengali, it
should merge with West Bengal. If it was Islamic, it should remain in
Pakistan.
The politics of that illogical and unnecessary conflict between religion
and language explains why Sheikh Hasina Wazed, whose ruling Awami League is
identified with secular linguistic nationalism, baulks at repealing the
constitutional amendment, making Islam the state religion. Nearly 91 per
cent of Bangladeshis being Muslim, both the Jamaat-i-Islami and Begum Zia's
Bangladesh Nationalist Party would exploit any diminution of the role of
Islam.
Though not fundamentalists, Ziaur Rahman and General H M Ershad made
inroads into Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's secular constitution for populist
reasons. Mujib himself rightly blamed the perpetrators of Operations Blitz
and Searchlight for the "biggest human disaster in the world" and passed
the Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order only 10 days after returning to
Dhaka. Over 37,000 suspected war criminals were rounded up.
They were all freed, however, when Mujib found it expedient to declare a
general amnesty in November 1973. Among those released were East Pakistan' s
last civilian governor, Abdul Motaleb Malik, and an implacable opponent of
both liberation and Mujib personally, Shah Azizur Rahman. In a twist of
fate in 1979, Rahman became prime minister of the Bangladesh whose birth he
had vehemently opposed.
I won't go into Khondakar Mustaque Ahmed's revocation of the Collaborators
Order or passage of an Indemnity Act. He is one of the baddies. He promoted
Mujib's killers to high rank and sent them abroad as diplomats. But Mujib
himself revived the Islamic Academy, achieved a rapprochement with
Pakistan, and took Bangladesh into the Organisation of the Islamic
Conference and the Islamic Development Bank. Those who knew him towards the
end say "Khuda Hafiz" had replaced "Joy Bangla" as his favourite greeting.
He was a pragmatist. He was also a politician. Politics is the art of
compromise.
No purpose is served by Indians declaiming that the Talibanisation of
Bangladesh will imperil our security, or that the Shahbag Square
demonstrators have morality on their side. Sheikh Hasina's first priority
is survival. While every Bangladeshi leader craves the imprimatur of
India's acceptance, no Bangladeshi leader can afford to be seen as India's
prot€ ¦ég€ ¦é. Strident secularism would be denounced as not just betraying
Islam, but betraying Islam to India.
For precisely that reason, Sheikh Hasina would be well-advised to moderate
her quest for justice, which has followed a zigzag path in Bangladesh. As
coups and counter-coups succeeded each other, the courts took their cue
from the political authority. Even without the complaints of human rights'
activists who fault Sheikh Hasina's International Crimes Tribunal for not
respecting world standards of due process, whatever she does is likely to
be denounced as vengeance.
That is something Mujib's daughter can never afford to forget. Five of her
parents' murderers were executed 35 years after the crime. It's time now
for her to recall the indulgence Mujib showed to war collaborators and draw
a veil over the blood-soaked past. South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation
Commission offers a precedent in reaching out to yesterday' s enemies to
save the future.
Expressions of Indian support for the Shahbag Square demonstrators will
only complicate her task. India can help best by expediting the proposed
South Asian market and promoting the measures needed to draw Bangladesh
into a growth triangle that encompasses the northeastern states and the Bay
of Bengal region.
It wasn't fashionable to admit it, but the nine million refugees who fled
to India in 1971 were mostly Hindus, victims as much of Pakistani
repression as of local Muslim brutality. They didn't want to go back after
liberation but had to when Indian army bulldozers razed their camps and
Indian soldiers forced them into trucks at bayonet point. I asked a
returning Hindu peasant if he regarded himself a Bangladeshi. "No," he
replied. "You can call me an Indian living in Bangladesh!"
That may be an inescapable identification. But, otherwise, India must be
seen as the friend of all Bangladeshis, not just of a particular lobby.
Bangladeshis alone can resolve the dilemma - if one exists - of their
Bengali and Muslim identities.
As I have said before in this column, India's best friend would be a
Bangladesh that is not paying off old scores, but has come to terms with
the past and is at peace with itself.
http://www.business -standard. com/article/ opinion/the- anomaly-of- a-secular- bangladesh- 113030800582_ 1.html
__._,_.___
